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XXI.  An  Abridgment  of  the  Indian  Affairs 
contained  in  four  folio  volumes,  transacted 
in  the  colony  of  New  York,  from  the  year 
1678  to  the  year  1751,  by  Peter  Wraxall. 
Edited  with  an   introduction  by  Charles 
Howard  Mcllwain,  Ph.D.,  Assistant  Pro 
fessor  of  History  in  Harvard  University. 
8vo. 

XXII.  English  Field  Systems.     By  Howard 
Levi  Gray,  Ph.D.,  Assistant  Professor  of 
History    in    Harvard    University.      8vo. 
In  press. 


HARVARD   UNIVERSITY   PRESS 

CAMBRIDGE,    MASS.,    U.S.A. 


AN  ABRIDGMENT  OF  THE 
INDIAN  AFFAIRS 

CONTAINED  IN  FOUR  FOLIO  VOLUMES,  TRANSACTED 

IN  THE  COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK,  FROM  THE 

YEAR  1678  TO  THE  YEAR  1751 

BY 

PETER  WRAXALL 

EDITED  WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION 

BY  CHARLES  HOWARD  McILWAIN 

ASSISTANT  PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  IN 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 


CAMBRIDGE 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON:    HUMPHREY  MILFORD 
OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

1915 


COPYRIGHT, 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 


IN  MEMORIAM 

MARIAE  IRWIN  McILWAIN, 

SOCIAE  CARAE,  UT  IN  OMNIBUS  ITA 
IN  HOC  OPERE  FIDISSIMAE 


328G24 


PREFACE 

THE  publication  of  this  Abridgment  is  the  result  of  some  inves 
tigation  of  the  New  York  Indian  trade  in  its  international  aspect 
made  a  number  of  years  ago  under  the  direction  of  Professor 
Edward  Channing.  In  the  course  of  that  investigation  I  became 
impressed  with  the  value  of  Wraxall's  notes  and  obtained  per 
mission  to  have  a  copy  of  them  made  with  a  view  to  their  publi 
cation.  The  publication  has  hitherto  been  delayed  by  stress  of 
other  work  and  would  probably  have  been  postponed  still  longer 
but  for  the  disastrous  fire  of  1911  which  destroyed  so  many  of 
the  New  York  archives,  including  the  original  from  which  this 
copy  was  made. 

In  the  introduction  I  have  attempted  to  set  forth  in  general 
terms  the  character  of  the  document  and  its  relation  to  the  history 
of  the  eighteenth  century  in  order  that  the  text  and  Wraxall's 
own  notes  might  not  be  complicated  by  any  added  apparatus 
further  than  was  absolutely  necessary.  I  have  also  introduced 
there  a  number  of  illustrative  extracts  from  various  New  York 
documents  the  originals  of  which  have  been  in  some  cases  wholly 
or  partially  destroyed.  Where  any  of  these  have  survived  in 
whole  or  in  part  I  have  carefully  compared  my  copies  with  them 
so  far  as  this  was  possible,  but,  of  course,  in  many  cases  the  total 
destruction  of  the  original  made  this  out  of  the  question.  The 
latter  wras  unfortunately  true  of  the  Abridgment  itself,  but  the 
copy  from  which  it  is  here  printed  was  made  under  the  personal 
direction  of  Mr.  A.  J.  F.  van  Laer  and  Mr.  Peter  Nelson  of  the 
department  of  archives  of  the  New  York  State  Library,  which  is 
a  guarantee  of  the  accuracy  and  care  with  which  the  work  was 
done. 

My  thanks  are  due  to  the  New  York  State  Library  and  to 
Dr.  Melvil  Dewey,  its  former  director,  for  permission  to  publish 
this  Abridgment;  to  Mr.  van  Laer  and  Mr.  Nelson,  not  only  for 
their  supervision  of  the  making  of  the  copy,  but  also  for  inval- 


vi  PREFACE 

uable  help  in  many  other  ways;  and  to  Dr.  Doughty  and  Mr. 
David  W.  Parker,  in  charge  of  the  Dominion  archives  at  Ottawa, 
for  permission  to  examine  the  surviving  volumes  of  the  Indian 
registers  and  for  information  in  regard  to  them. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  introduction  I  have  been  greatly 
aided  at  many  points  by  the  suggestions  and  criticism  of  Professor 
F.  J.  Turner:  also  by  the  help  of  Professor  Charles  W.  Spencer,  of 
Princeton  University,  on  whose  knowledge  of  conditions  in 
colonial  New  York  I  have  freely  drawn;  and  of  Professor  Chan- 
ning,  who  first  aroused  my  interest  in  this  subject.  Their  kind 
ness  has  placed  me  under  a  very  heavy  obligation. 

Words  or  passages  written  by  Wraxall  and  afterwards  can 
celled  by  him  are  indicated  by  placing  them  within  brackets. 
Where  parentheses  occur  in  the  text  they  are  Wraxall's  own.  His 
paging  of  the  original  manuscript  is  also  given  in  parentheses. 

The  surviving  volumes  of  the  minutes  of  the  Albany  com 
missioners  now  preserved  at  Ottawa  are  uniformly  referred  to  as 
Original  Indian  Records.  The  unprinted  minutes  of  the  New 
York  Provincial  Council  are  cited  by  the  short  title,  N.  Y.  Council 
MSS.;  the  New  York  Colonial  Manuscripts,  by  N.  Y.  MSS. 
The  two  manuscript  collections  last  named,  together  with  the 
manuscripts  of  Sir  William  Johnson  (here  referred  to  as  Johnson 
MSS.),  formed  a  part  of  the  archives  of  the  State  of  New  York 
and  were  partially  destroyed  in  the  fire  of  1911. 

The  chief  printed  sources  referred  to  are  Colonial  Laws  of 
New  York,  Albany,  1894-96,  5  volumes,  8vo.,  cited  as  N.  Y.  Col. 
Laws;  Journal  of  the  Votes  and  Proceedings  of  the  General  As 
sembly  of  the  Colony  of  New  York,  two  volumes,  folio,  New  York, 
1764-66,  printed  by  Hugh  Gaine,  cited  as  N.  Y.  Assembly  Jour 
nals;  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  Albany,  1853-87,  fifteen  volumes,  cited  as  N.  Y.  Col. 
Docs. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 


INTRODUCTION ix-cxviii 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  EARLY  FUR  TRADE ix 

NOTE  A,  THE  FUR  TRADE  IN  NEW  ENGLAND    ....  xxviii 
NOTE  B,  THE  EARLY  FUR  TRADE  IN  THE  SOUTHERN 

COLONIES xxxii 

CHAPTER  II 
THE  NEW  YORK  FUR  TRADE  AND  ITS  REGULATION     .    .    .        xxxv 

CHAPTER  III 

THE  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS,  WRAXALL'S  ABRIDGE 
MENT,  AND  ITS  AUTHOR Ixxxvi 

WRAXALL'S     ABRIDGEMENT     OF    THE     NEW     YORK 

INDIAN  RECORDS 1-251 


vii 


INTRODUCTION 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  EARLY  FUR  TRADE 

"  To  preserve  the  Ballance  between  us  &  the  French  is  the 
great  ruling  Principle  of  the  Modern  Indian  Politics."  1 

"  The  Indians  frequently  repeat  that  Trade  was  the  foundation 
of  their  Alliance  or  Connexions  with  us  &  that  it  is  the  chief 
Cement  wch  binds  us  together.  And  this  should  undoubtedly 
be  the  first  Principle  of  our  whole  System  of  Indian  Politics."  2 

The  proper  regulation  of  this  trade  Wraxall  declares  "  is  the 
only  Method  we  have  left  to  resist  &  overthrow  the  French 
influence  among  the  Indians,  in  all  other  ways  they  are  &  will 
be  our  Superiors."  3  This  is  the  theme  of  Wraxall's  Abridgment 
here  printed  —  the  Indian  trade  and  the  preservation  of  the 
balance  against  the  French  by  means  of  it.  Few  subjects  are 
more  important  in  the  history  of  colonial  North  America.  But 
in  no  phase  of  that  history  is  the  discrepancy  greater  between  the 
importance  of  the  subject  to  contemporaries  and  the  indifference 
to  it  of  modern  historians. 

In  estimating  the  significance  of  institutions  and  events  of  a 
period  separated  from  our  own  by  years  of  development  and 
change,  two  different  points  of  view  are  possible.  One  is  the 
conscious  or  unconscious  looking  backward  from  the  conditions 
and  institutions  of  today,  through  the  various  stages  through 
which  these  have  developed.  The  other  consists  in  placing  our 
selves  at  once  in  the  mental  attitude  of  the  men  of  the  past  epoch 
we  are  trying  to  elucidate.  What  we  shall  see  in  an  earlier  epoch, 
or  rather  what  we  shall  consider  worthy  of  relating,  will  depend 
very  largely  upon  which  of  these  points  of  vantage  we  select.  To 
illustrate  from  mediaeval  English  history:  The  chroniclers  make 

1  Post,  p.  219.  2  Post,  p.  153.  s  Post,  p.  in. 

ix 


X  WRAXALL'S  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

very  slight  mention  of  Simon  de  Montfort's  Parliament  of  1265, 
with  its  first  summons  of  representatives  from  the  boroughs.  To 
a  contemporary,  the  calling  up  of  a  few  such  additional  members 
to  a  factional  assembly  had  no  particular  significance.  For  a 
modern  student,  however,  who  knows  the  later  development  of 
the  House  of  Commons,  such  an  event  takes  on  a  wholly  different 
aspect  and  has  an  infinitely  greater  importance.  It  is  clear  that 
the  historian  must  not  be  blind  to  either  of  these  aspects  of  his 
materials.  If  he  ignores  the  subsequent  development  of  the 
institutions  he  treats  of,  and  simply  views  them  with  the  eyes  of  a 
contemporary,  he  becomes  just  what  that  contemporary  too 
often  was,  a  simple  annalist,  or  what  is  worse,  his  modern 
analogue,  a  mere  antiquary.  On  the  other  hand,  just  because  he 
does  know  the  subsequent  history,  the  historian  may  be  so 
vividly  conscious  of  the  vast  possibilities  of  development  con 
tained  in  some  embryonic  institution,  or  the  momentous  results 
of  some  apparently  unimportant  event,  that  he  will  read  into  the 
minds  of  the  unconscious  contemporary  all  his  own  conscious 
enthusiasm.  The  results  are  likely  to  be  only  less  disastrous  than 
in  the  other  case.  For  such  a  person  Simon  is  likely  to  appear  a 
conscious  and  calculating  Schopfer  des  Hauses  der  Gemeinen. 

In  the  case  of  institutions  or  conditions  which  have  not  per 
sisted  to  our  day,  the  problem  becomes  more  complicated.  And 
here  there  is  often  peculiar  danger  of  underestimating  the  impor 
tance  of  some  institution  or  condition  no  longer  existing  which  may 
have  bulked  very  large  in  the  eyes  of  contemporaries,  influenced 
their  actions,  and  moulded  subsequent  events;  and  of  substitut 
ing  for  these  something  more  familiar  to  ourselves.  The  forest 
laws  in  England  are  an  instance,  and  in  American  history  the 
Indian  trade.  By  a  modern  historian,  the  Albany  Congress  of 
1754,  to  take  one  instance,  is  usually  regarded,  and  regarded 
rightly,  as  significant  chiefly  because  it  was  part  of  a  long  develop 
ment  which  culminated  in  our  federal  union.  But  for  most  of  the 
men  of  1754  themselves  —  whether  Englishmen  or  colonials - 
the  primary  purpose  was  not  so  much  union  as  common  defence, 
Indian  alliance,  and  the  united  control  and  regulation  of  the  trade 
in  furs.  Union  was  necessary,  but  mainly  as  a  means  to  these 


INTRODUCTION  xi 

ends.  To  forget  the  real  importance  of  the  development  of 
colonial  union  in  which  this  was  an  important  stage  would  be 
fatal,  but  fortunately  this  has  not  been  done.  To  ignore  the  fact 
that  the  direct  aim  of  contemporaries  was  at  something  else  than 
union  is  almost  equally  serious,  and  unfortunately  it  has  fre 
quently  been  done,  and  with  disastrous  results.  The  union  has 
persisted,  and  we  are  not  likely  to  overlook  it.  The  fur  trade  has 
disappeared  with  the  beaver  and  the  Indians,  and  we  are  often  in 
danger  of  forgetting  its  immense  importance  in  that  struggle 
which  "  ruined  France  in  two  continents,  and  blighted  her  as  a 
colonial  power  ";  which  "  gave  England  the  control  of  the  seas 
and  the  mastery  of  North  America  and  India,  made  her  the  first 
of  commercial  nations,  and  prepared  that  vast  colonial  system 
that  has  planted  new  Englands  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe  "; 
which  "  supplied  to  the  United  States  the  indispensable  condition 
of  their  greatness,  if  not  of  their  national  existence."  1 

"  The  influence  of  the  Indians  on  the  English  colonies  was 
two-fold,"  declares  the  late  Dr.  John  A.  Doyle.  "  The  settler 
had  to  deal  with  them  as  neighbours,  sometimes  as  friends,  some 
times  as  possible  converts  to  the  fold  of  Christianity,  and  he  had 
to  deal  with  them  as  enemies.  But  it  was  in  the  latter  character 
that  the  influence  of  the  savage  was  mainly  felt.  Commerce  with 
the  Indians  was  unimportant;  the  efforts  of  missionaries  among 
them  were  but  passing  episodes  in  the  history  of  the  colonies."  2 
Such  a  statement  is  to  me  inexplicable.  In  some  parts  of  the 
colonies,  cut  off  by  mountains  or  by  intervening  settlements,  the 
trade  may  have  been  relatively  insignificant  at  certain  periods. 
In  no  province  was  this  the  case  for  the  whole  colonial  period. 
For  the  colonies  as  a  whole  it  was  never  true,  and  for  the  great 
central  colonies  facing  the  lakes  and  the  Ohio  valley  it  never  had 
the  semblance  of  truth.  The  contemporary  evidence  against  it 
is  overwhelming.  To  say  that  at  most  this  Indian  commerce  was 
never  more  than  a  frontier  trade  will  not  be  a  very  convincing 
argument  for  its  lack  of  importance  in  our  colonial  and  national 
development  to  any  one  who  appreciates  the  fundamental  and 

1  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  Introduction. 

2  Virginia,  Maryland  and  the  Carolinas,  13. 


Xll  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

continuing  "  Significance  of  the  Frontier  in  American  History."  1 
From  the  very  beginning  of  things  English  on  this  continent  the 
great  importance  of  Indian  trade  can  be  shown. 

The  chief  early  economic  interests  of  Englishmen  in  America 
were  in  turn  gold,  fish,  and  furs.  The  interest  in  gold  perforce 
soon  disappeared.  The  fishing  industry  reached  very  large 
proportions  at  a  very  early  date.2  The  transition  from  fishing 
to  trading,  though  its  history  is  obscure,  was  an  easy  one,  and 
it  occurred  remarkably  early.3  Before  the  Armada,  Richard 
Whitbourne,  primarily  a  fisherman,  was  sailing  along  our  eastern 
coast  "  proposing  there  to  trade  then  with  the  Savage  people 
(for  whom  we  carried  sundry  commodities)  and  to  kill  Whales." 4 

Thus  in  Mr.  Biggar's  phrase  the  "  great  fishing  industry  .  .  . 
in  turn  became  the  mother  of  the  fur-trade."  5  Evidences  of 

1  American  Historical  Association  Reports,  1893. 

2  The  early  references  to  it,  both  English  and  American,  are  very  numerous.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  Englishmen  were  making  frequent  voyages 
to  the  Grand  Banks.    Privy  Purse,  Expenses  of  King  Henry  VII,  Excerpta  Historica, 
pp.  85  et  seq.  passim.     By  1527,  when  John  Rut  made  his  voyage,  the  industry 
had  become  very  important.     Purchas  (1625),  Pt.  iii,  p.  809. 

3  Biggar,  The  Early  Trading  Companies  of  New  France,  pp.  28-29. 

4  A  Discourse  and  Disco-very,  Preface.      In  the  years  following,  it  steadily  in 
creased.      The  author  of  The  Planter's  Plea,  writing  in  1630,  declares  that  "it is 
well  known,  before  our  breach  with  Spain,  we  usually  sent  out  to  New  England 
yearly,  forty  or  fifty  sail  of  ships  of  reasonable  good  burthen,  for  fishing  only." 
American  Colonial  Tracts,  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  ii,  No.  3,  p.  13.     These  figures  are 
borne  out  by  a  letter  written  in  1578  and  included  in  Hakluyt's  Voyages  (iii,  p.  132). 
By  the  year  1605  the  number  of  English  ships  had  grown  to  250,  according  to  Sir 
Josiah  Child,  A  New  Discourse  of  Trade,  Glasgow,  1751,  p.  155.     Probably  the  most 
interesting  evidence  is  that  of  Richard  Whitbourne,  who,  writing  in  1622,  describes 
many  voyages  in  which  he  had  taken  part,  the  first  more  than  forty  years  before. 
He  reports. that  in  1615  there  were  engaged  in  fishing  no  fewer  than  250  English 
ships  employing  more  than  5000  men  and  bringing  back  -cargoes  which  totalled 
£150,000  in  value.     A  Discourse  Containing  a  Loving  Invitation,  etc.,  London,  1622, 
pp.  19,  45.     This  he  says  was  an  average  year.     In  1621  it  was  asserted  that  the 
Newfoundland  fisheries  employed  300  ships  with  10,000  British  seamen,  producing 
a  customs  revenue  of  nearly  £10,000  a  year.    'Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial, 
1574-1660,  p.  25.     See  also  Morton,  New  English  Canaan,  p.  86.    Mr.  McFarland's 
History  of  the  New  England  Fisheries  (1911)  adds  nothing  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
early  history. 

5  The  Early  Trading  Companies  of  New  France,  p.  17.     It  began  very  early. 
Verazzano,  if  his  famous  letter  is  genuine,  had 'with  him  in  1524  "  little  bells  and 
glasses,  and  many  toys,"  certainly  not  for  the  amusement  of  his  crew.     The  Voyage 


INTRODUCTION  xiii 

the  importance  of  this  early  Indian  trade  become  more  nu 
merous  as  time  goes  on,  and  indicate  a  trade  at  once  significant  in 
amount  and  important  in  the  eyes  of  contemporaries.  The 
surprising  thing  in  these  records  is  the  fact  that,  go  back  as  far  as 
we  may,  in  the  very  earliest  recorded  voyages  we  find  that  the 
Indians  had  collected  stores  of  skins  in  anticipation  of  trade  with 
the  Europeans,  and  that  the  voyagers  in  turn  had  invariably 
brought  with  them  goods  for  this  traffic  —  "  Hookes,  Knives, 
Sizzers,  Hammers,  Nailes,  Chissels,  Fish-hookes,  Bels,  Beades, 
Bugles,  Looking-glasses,  Thimbles,  Pinnes,  Needles,  Threed,  and 
such  like,"  as  Purchas  records  of  the  voyage  of  Martin  Pring  to 
the  New  England  coast  in  1603. l  More  surprising  still  is  the 

of  Verrazzano,  by  Henry  C.  Murphy.  Appendix,  p.  177.  Carrier  found  when  he  first 
met  the  Indians  of  the  mainland  in  1534  that  they  were  already  perfectly  accus 
tomed  to  trade  with  Europeans  in  furs.  Early  English  and  French  Voyages,  ed.  by 
H.  S.  Burrage,  pp.  20,  21;  cited  also  by  Biggar,  Early  Trading  Companies,  p.  30. 
In  1545  Jean  Alfonsce  found  that  the  New  England  Indians  had  accumulations  of 
furs  evidently  for  trade  with  Europeans.  Biggar,  op.  cit.,  p.  31.  Parkman  cites  a 
manuscript  containing  letters  of  Pedro  Menendez  to  Philip  II,  which  say  that  in 
1565  and  for  some  years  previous  bison  skins  were  brought  by  the  Indians  from  the 
upper  Potomac  along  the  coast  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  He  estimated  that 
6000  skins  were  thus  obtained  in  two  years.  Pioneers  of  New  France,  p.  230,  note  4. 
In  Gosnold's  voyage  to  New  England  in  1602  the  trade  in  furs  is  a  prominent  part. 
Brereton's  Brief  e  &*  True  Relation,  Early  English  and  French  Voyages,  ed.  by  H.  S. 
Burrage,  p.  337.  According  to  Rosier' s  Relation  of  the  voyage  of  Weymouth  to  the 
Kennebec  in  1605  the  Indians  are  told  that  "  the  intent  of  our  coming  to  them  to  be 
for  no  other  end"  than  the  fur  trade  (Gorges  Society),  p.  113.  Captain  John 
Smith  mentions  his  "  ranging  the  Coast  "  of  New  England  for  trade  in  1614,  with 
the  result  that  he  "  got  for  trifles  neere  eleven  thousand  Bever  skinnes,  one  hundred 
Martins,  as  many  Otters."  Works,  edited  by  E.  Arber,  p.  698.  See  also  p.  715. 
Prince  says  that  in  1621,  ten  or  twelve  ships  from  England  traded  on  the  New  Eng 
land  coast  for  beaver,  in  1622,  thirty-five  ships,  in  1623,  forty  ships,  and  in  1624,  fifty 
ships.  History  of  New  England,  i,  pp.  99,  117.  John  Smith  reported  in  1622,  that 
"  from  Cannada  and  New  England  within  these  six  yeares  hath  come  neare  20,000 
Bever  skins."  New  England's  Trials,  2d  ed.,  Works,  p.  269.  Many  additional  refer 
ences  might  be  given.  Sixteenth  century  figures  are  not  always  to  be  implicitly 
trusted,  but  even  with  all  allowances  made,  these  remain  sufficiently  remarkable. 

1  Purchas  (1625),  Pt.  iv,  p.  1654.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert's  men  in  1583  found  in 
one  hut  in  Newfoundland  "  above  two  hundred  and  fortie  hides  "  which  the  Indians 
had  collected.  Hakluyt,  iii,  p.  175.  The  Indians  on  the  Kennecbec  indicated  to 
Weymouth  that  they  "  had  great  plenty  of  Furres  "  for  trade.  Rosier' s  Relation 
(Gorges  Society),  pp.  124-125,  126-127,  H7-  The  fact  that  both  Indians  and 
Europeans  were  prepared  for  trade  comes  out  in  practically  all  the  narratives  of 
voyages  to  our  eastern  coast,  even  the  earliest. 


XIV  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

fact  that  as  early  as  1616  the  Indians,  in  order  to  collect  these 
stores  of  skins,  had  to  penetrate  the  interior  probably  as 
far  as  the  lakes.1  It  seems  remarkable  that  the  trade  had 
developed  to  such  a  degree  and  had  already  covered  so  great 
an  area  before  a  single  permanent  English  settlement  had 
been  made  within  the  present  United  States  north  of  the  James 
River. 

After  settlements  were  made  the  story  is  the  same.  The 
records  of  the  ill-starred  Sagadahoc  Colony  are  full  of  the  subject.2 
With  the  coming  of  Plymouth  settlers  we  might  expect  something 
else.  Their  motives  in  coming  to  America  were  mixed,  but 
fishing  was  no  small  ingredient.3  In  the  beginning  they  knew 
nothing  of  the  fur  trade,4  but  proved  very  apt  learners,  and  this 
trade  soon  became  one  of  the  foundations  of  their  prosperity,  one 
of  the  chief  means  of  lifting  the  financial  burdens  which  threat 
ened  the  little  colony,  and  it  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  one  of  the 
principal  factors  which  enabled  the  struggling  settlement  to 
survive.  But  the  Pilgrims  were  not  the  only  settlers  on  the 
Massachusetts  coast  before  the  great  migration  to  the  Bay.  Of 
the  others  one  has  left  a  most  interesting  account,  which  shows 
that  he  and  his  fellows  were  there  for  one  purpose,  and  that  the 
trade  in  furs.5 

The  leaders  of  the  great  Bay  colony  itself  have  left  unmistak 
able  evidence  of  the  importance  of  the  Indian  trade  to  them  and 
of  their  appreciation  of  it.  Much  of  the  jealousy  which  divided 
the  New  England  colonies  one  from  another,  as  well  as  their 
common  opposition  to  external  enemies  which  produced  the  New 

1  "  For  their  Trade  and  Merchandize,  to  each  of  their  principall  families  or  habi 
tations,  they  have  divers  Townes  and  people  belonging,  and  by  their  relations  and 
descriptions,  more  than  twentie  severall  habitations  and  rivers  that  stretch  them 
selves  farre  into  the  Countrey,  even  to  the  Borders  of  divers  great  Lakes,  where  they 
kill  and  take  most  of  their  Otters."     John  Smith,  General  Historie  of  Virginia, 
Works,  p.  707. 

2  The  Sagadahoc  Colony,  edited  by  H.  O.  Thayer  (Gorges  Society),  pp.  43,  72,  89, 
133  (1607). 

3  See  Weeden,  Economic  and  Social  History  of  New  England,  i,  pp.  14-15,  88  et 
seq.;  Prowse,  A  History  of  Newfoundland,  pp.  17-18,  89. 

4  Bradford,  History  of  Plimouth  Plantation  (ed.-  of  1898),  p.  130. 

5  Thomas  Morton,  in  his  New  English  Canaan. 


INTRODUCTION  XV 

England  Confederacy,  is  directly  traceable  to  the  fur  trade,  and 
the  early  extinction  of  the  beaver  in  New  England.1 

In  the  southern  colonies  we  might,  indeed,  expect  the  trade  to 
be  "  unimportant,"  but  the  records  do  not  bear  out  that  expecta 
tion.2 

As  the  beaver  country  near  the  coast  became  exhausted,  the 
conditions  of  the  trade  changed,  and  those  colonies  which  had 
direct  access  to  the  lakes  and  the  Mississippi  valley  acquired  a 
virtual  monopoly  of  the  English  trade.  Thus  New  Jersey,  which 
had  once  enjoyed  a  prosperous  trade,  was  deprived  of  it  by  Penn 
sylvania,  though  Pennsylvania  herself  was  for  a  half  century  or 
more  at  a  disadvantage  compared  with  New  York,  on  account  of 
the  lack  of  water  routes  to  the  West;  Virginia  was  handicapped 
in  the  same  way,  and  New  England  saw  herself,  notwithstanding 
desperate  efforts,  cut  off  by  the  new  English  colony  of  New  York 
from  her  share  of  the  receding  trade.  The  earlier  Dutch,  Swed 
ish  and  English  settlements  along  the  coasts  of  the  middle 
colonies  had  been  made  in  large  part  on  account  of  the  fur  trade, 
and  had  drawn  much  of  their  sustenance  from  it.  The  history 
of  the  fur  trade  in  these  early  settlements  is  much  the  same  as  is 
found  to  the  north  and  south  of  them.3  By  the  time  of  the  con 
solidation  of  all  these  middle  colonies  in  English  hands,  however, 
the  beaver  supply  east  of  the  Endless  Mountains  was  practically 
exhausted,  and  all  the  furs  came  from  the  tributaries  of  the  Miss 
issippi  or  the  lakes.  From  this  time  onward,  therefore,  the 
geographical  position  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York  made  these 
colonies  the  centre  of  a  trade  which  had  reached  proportions 
unheard  of  before  in  the  English  colonies,  though  the  southern 
most  English  colonies  retained  a  fair  share.  Albany  was  far  the 
best  situated  English  town  in  America  for  this  trade,  and  it 
enjoyed  the  largest  part.  But  the  tireless  efforts  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  traders  under  far  greater  handicaps  secured  to  them 
even  in  this  period  a  trade  which  was  great  and  growing.  The 

1  For  some  account  of  the  Indian  trade  in  New  England,  and  its  importance 
there,  see  Note  A  at  the  end  of  this  chapter,  page  xxviii. 

2  For  the  southern  trade,  see  Note  B  at  the  end  of  this  chapter,  page  xxxii. 

3  Many  evidences  of  the  importance  of  the  trade  in  these  colonies  are  to  be  found 
in  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  xii,  and  elsewhere. 


xvi  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

shifting  of  the  field  of  the  trade  had  consequences  of  the  greatest 
international  importance.  It  led  to  that  competition  for  the 
interior,  for  its  trade,  and  for  alliances  with  its  Indians,  which 
plays  so  great  a  part  in  the  great  struggle  of  France  and  England 
for  this  continent,  in  many  respects  the  most  momentous  struggle 
in  our  history. 

Conrad  Weiser  reported  to  the  Commissioners  at  Albany  in 
1754  that  Pennsylvania  traders  had  been  going  to  the  Allegheny 
for  over  thirty  years,  and  the  Indians  admitted  this.1  Before 
the  interruption  caused  by  the  Seven  Years'  War,  Dr.  William 
Clarke  estimated  the  number  of  these  traders  from  Pennsylvania 
at  3oo.2  In  1730  it  was  reported  from  Canada  "  that  in  the 
country  round  Lake  Erie  the  English  are  found  scattered  as  far 
as  the  sea,  trading  with  the  Chaouenons,  the  Miamis  and  the 
Onyatanous."  3  Many  of  these  traders,  no  doubt,  came  from 
Albany,  but  Pennsylvania  and  Carolina  were  also  represented. 
In  the  next  few  years  their  numbers  and  their  success  became  a 
menace  to  the  French  posts  at  Detroit  and  elsewhere  in  the 
region,  as  is  clearly  indicated  in  the  memoirs  of  the  French 
commandants.  Some  drastic  steps  were  seen  to  be  necessary 
or  the  whole  trade  would  be  drawn  away  by  the  higher  prices  of 
the  English  traders.  "  The  English  have  been  coming  For  a 
Number  Of  years  to  corrupt  the  Savages  Within  the  Sphere  of 
This  Post,"  wrote  De  Noyan  from  Detroit  in  1741,  "  and  I  Have 
resolved  to  have  them  pillaged.  I  will  Begin  by  sending  Them  a 
Summons."  4 

The  increase  of  the  English  traders  and  their  trade  soon  con 
vinced  the  French  that  the  trade  of  the  whole  interior,  and  with 
it  all  their  Indian  alliances  and  their  very  existence  there  were 
in  the  gravest  danger.  Nothing  less  than  the  complete  with- 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  pp.  872,  876. 

2  Observations  on  the  Late  and  Present  Conduct  of  the  French  (London,  1755),  p.  10. 
In  1747  M.  Vaudreuil  wrote  a  letter,  speaking  of  the  Ohio  —  "  oft  les  Anglois  ont 
d'anciens  Etablissemens  &  ou  ils  ont  de  Magazins  depuis  long  terns."     Chatham 
Papers  (MSS.  in  P.  R.  O.),  xcv,  No.  13.    A  great  number  of  references  to  the  trade 
are  to  be  found  in  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records  and  Archives. 

3  Mich.  Pioneer  Hist.  Colls.,  xxxiv,  pp.  75-76. 

4  De  Noyan  to  the  Minister,  August  24,  1741,  Wisconsin  Historical  Collections, 
xvii,  p.  358. 


INTRODUCTION  xvii 

drawal  of  all  English  traders  from  the  western  country  could 
avert  it.1  But  the  western  country  was  now  the  sole  source  of 
the  fur  supply,  and  a  withdrawal  was  impossible  and  never  con 
sidered  for  a  moment.  For  fifteen  years  or  more  before  Wash 
ington's  skirmish  on  the  Chestnut  Ridge,  it  was  evident  that  this 
competition  for  the  trade  and  alliances  of  the  interior  must  soon 
result  in  actual  war,  and  for  much  of  that  time  the  "  pillaging  " 
of  traders  was  little  better  than  war.  Again  and  again  the 
Indians  were  ordered  by  the  French  "  to  extirpate  all  English 
traders  "  west  of  the  mountains.2  In  many  cases  these  orders 
were  carried  out.  In  1751  Jonquiere  had  four  English  traders 
seized  near  the  Ohio  and  sent  prisoners  to  Canada.3  The  place 
most  hated  was  the  English  trading  post  of  Pickawillany  on  the 
Miami  River,  which  by  1751  had  become  "  one  of  the  greatest 
Indian  towns  of  the  West,  the  center  of  English  trade  and 
influence,  and  a  capital  object  of  French  jealousy,"  a  town  of 
some  two  thousand  people,  with  a  fortified  trading  house  where 
sometimes  as  many  as  fifty  English  traders  could  be  found  at  one 
time.4  No  other  place  save  Oswego  was  so  hated  by  the  French. 
It  must  be  destroyed  or  French  influence  was  gone  in  the  whole 
interior.  The  dispatches  of  Joncaire,  and  the  journal  of  Celoron, 
show  that  the  cheaper  goods  of  the  English  had  already  had  their 
effect.  It  is  no  wonder  that  the  first  open  blow  fell  on  Picka 
willany.  The  Seven  Years'  War  is  usually  said  to  have  been 
begun  in  1754,  with  the  skirmish  of  Washington  and  Jumonville 
on  the  Chestnut  Ridge.  It  had  become  inevitable  long  before. 
The  contest  for  the  interior  had  been  a  covert  war  for  years. 
There  is  much  reason  in  the  contention  of  George  Chalmers  that 

1  Raymond  to  the  Minister,  Wisconsin  Historical  Collections,  xvii,  pp.  474-477. 

8  Chatham  Papers  (MSS.  in  P.  R.  O.),  xcv,  No.  13.  In  1749  such  orders  were 
given,  and  many  were  killed.  In  1751  and  1752  orders  were  again  given  by  Vau- 
dreuil  for  the  extirpation  of  the  English  in  the  Illinois  country,  on  La  Belle  Riviere, 
the  Cherokee  River,  and  elsewhere.  See  the  journal  of  Christopher  Gist,  pp.  1750- 
1751,  edited  by  William  M.  Darlington  (Pittsburgh,  1893),  pp.  34-35,  37,  38,  40,  44, 
45- 

3  Parkman,  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  i,  p.  72.     See  Gist's  Journal  (ed.  Darlington), 
pp.  44-45. 

4  Moreau,  A  Memorial,  etc.,  p.  62;  Gist's  Journal,  edited  by  Darlington,  pp.  47- 
48;  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  i,  pp.  52-56,  82-83. 


xviii        WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

that  war  really  began  at  Pickawillany  in  I752.1  In  the  begin 
ning  it  was  a  war  of  trade,  and  when  it  became  something  more, 
the  chief  brunt  first  fell  on  traders,  not  settlers.2 

The  remarkable  answers  of  Franklin  in  1766,  to  the  questions 
of  the  Commons'  Committee  on  these  points  cannot  be  ignored, 
—  "As  to  the  Ohio,  the  contest  there  began  about  your  right  of 
trading  in  the  Indian  country,  a  right  you  had  by  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht,  which  the  French  infringed;  they  seized  the  traders  and 
their  goods,  which  were  your  manufactures;  they  took  a  fort 
which  a  company  of  your  merchants,  and  their  factors,  and 
correspondents,  had  erected  there  to  secure  that  trade.  Brad- 
dock  was  sent  with  an  army  to  retake  that  fort  (which  was 
looked  on  here  as  another  encroachment  on  the  King's  territory) , 
and  to  protect  your  trade.  It  was  not  till  after  his  defeat,  that 
the  Colonies  were  attacked.  They  were  before  in  perfect  peace 
with  both  French  and  Indians;  the  troops  were  not,  therefore, 
sent  for  their  defence.  .  .  .  The  Indian  trade  is  a  British  inter 
est;  it  is  carried  on  with  British  manufactures,  for  the  profit  of 
British  merchants  and  manufacturers,  therefore  the  war,  as  it 
commenced  for  the  defence  of  territories  of  the  Crown  the  prop 
erty  of  no  American  and  for  the  defence  of  a  trade  purely  Brit 
ish,  was  really  a  British  war."  3  Allowance  must  be  made  for 
such  statements  urged  as  an  argument  for  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act,  but  there  is  much  truth  in  them  nevertheless.  It  is  true 
that  the  struggle  for  the  interior  —  "  essentially  a  competition 
for  the  fur  trade,"  as  Parkman  truly  styles  it  —  had  developed 
into  a  mighty  armed  conflict  for  a  continent.  But  its  beginnings 
are  here  stated  truly.  Clearly  it  was  not  alone  intercolonial 
jealousy,  nor  inconsistent  claims  to  territory,  nor  Quaker  indif 
ference —  bad  as  that  was,  that  kept  the  colonies  and  their 
assemblies  from  entering  the  contest  with  more  enthusiasm. 
Some  recent  statements  on  these  points  must  be  revised.4  Justin 

1  History  of  the  Revolt  of  the  American  Colonies,  ii,  pp.  263-264. 

2  Doddridge  in  his  Notes  says  that  in  Pontiac's  Conspiracy  the  fury  of  the  In 
dians  first  fell  upon  the  traders,  of  whom  nearly  120  were  killed  (p.  217). 

3  The  Writings  of  Benjamin  Franklin  (Smyth's  ed.),  iv,  p.  439. 

4  So  far  as  this  was  a  struggle  between  England  and  France,  it  was  a  struggle 
which  began  in  the  west  to  control  the  trade.     This  explains  in  large  measure  the 


INTRODUCTION  XIX 

Winsor's  view  that  Pennsylvania's  share  in  this  trade  west  of  the 
mountains  was  considerable  and  constantly  increasing  during  the 

apathy  of  the  colonies.  But  it  does  not  wholly  account  for  the  attitude  of  the  In 
dians  on  the  Ohio.  One  great  reason  why  they  consented  to  take  up  the  hatchet 
against  the  English  undoubtedly  was  that  they  feared  the  encroachment  of  English 
settlers  who  would  drive  them  from  their  hunting  grounds.  This  the  French  never 
ceased  to  impress  upon  the  Indians.  Celoron  in  1749  urged  it  at  every  conference. 
The  argument  was  both  true  and  eventually  effective.  In  1751  Christopher  Gist 
found  the  Dela  wares  of  Ohio  all  favorable  to  the  English,  and  also  the  Shawnees  and 
the  T  wight  wees  or  Miamis,  the  most  numerous  and  powerful  tribe  in  that  country. 
Cist's  Journal,  in  Pownall's  Topographical  Description,  Appendix,  pp.  10-11;  in 
Darlington's  edition  passim.  Certainly  Celoron  in  1749  found  them  anything  but 
friendly  to  the  French.  Journal  in  Catholic  Historical  Researches,  ii  and  iii  passim. 
By  1 754  all  this  was  strikingly  changed.  The  Indians  were  impressed  by  the  energy 
of  the  French  and  the  inactivity  of  the  English.  The  destruction  of  Pickawillany 
was  undoubtedly  very  effective  also.  Such  acts  accompanied  by  the  fear  instilled 
by  the  French  that  the  English  settlers  would  drive  them  from  their  hunting 
grounds  finally  turned  the  Indians  to  the  French  side.  The  arguments  of  the  French 
were  rendered  convincing  to  Dela  wares  and  Shawnees  by  their  own  earlier  experi 
ence  of  the  English  settlers  in  the  Juniata  Valley,  and  they  were  corroborated  by  the 
very  English  traders  themselves,  rival  traders  often  asserting  to  the  Indians  with 
incredible  fatuity  that  their  competitors  were  only  land  agents  in  disguise.  "  We 
are  told,"  says  a  writer  in  1755,  "  that  the  present  French  invasion  had  its  rise  from 
the  Ohio  company's  building  the  store-house  at  Will's  Creek.  For  the  Indian 
trade,  which  before  was  carried  on  with  Pensylvania  by  the  river  Susquehanna, 
was  by  means  of  that  store-house  and  a  waggon-road,  opened  thro'  the  country, 
carried  into  Virginia  by  way  of  the  Potomak:  that  the  Pensylvania  traders  con 
sidering  this  as  an  injury  done  to  them,  in  revenge  infused  jealousies  into  the  minds 
of  the  Indians,  that  the  English  were  going  clandestinely  to  seize  their  lands:  that 
the  clamor  among  the  Indians  alarmed  the  French:  and  that  the  building  the  fort  on 
the  Ohio  confirming  the  information  which  they  had  received  of  the  grant,  they  in 
resentment  joined  with  the  French  to  defeat  the  English  designs.  This  is  the  account 
given  by  some  who  were  acquainted  with  the  whole  transaction."  State  of  the  British 
and  French  Colonies,  p.  115.  The  explanation  here  given  is  absurd,  for  we  know 
the  Indians  repeatedly  begged  the  English  to  build  forts  in  the  neighborhood,  but 
the  facts  are  no  doubt  in  large  part  truly  stated.  Withers  in  his  Chronicles  of  Border 
Warfare  says,  "  French  influence,  united  to  the  known  jealousy  of  the  Natives, 
would  have  been  unavailingly  exerted  to  array  the  Indians  against  Virginia, -'at  the 
commencement  of  Braddock's  war,  but  for  the  proceedings  of  the  Ohio  company, 
and  the  fact  that  the  Pennsylvania  traders  represented  the  object  of  that  associa 
tion  to  be  purely  territorial."  (Thwaites's  ed.,  pp.  147-148.)  To  these  causes  of 
the  Indian  defection  must  be  added  another,  however,  —  the  character  of  the  Eng 
lish  traders,  "  the  most  abandon'd  Wretches  in  the  World,"  as  Dinwiddie  called 
them.  Dinwiddie's  Records,  Va.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  N.  s.,  iv,  p.  340.  He  even  charges 
them  with  being  French  spies,  and  Christian  Frederick  Post  believed  they  were. 
The  Indians  on  the  Ohio  reported  to  Post  in  1758  that  they  had  been  informed  by 
"  one  of  our  greatest  Traders,  and  some  Justices  of  the  Peace,"  that  "  '  the  English 


XX  WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  l  seems  better  supported  by 

intend  to  destroy  us  and  take  our  Lands.'  "  Post's  Journal  in  Thomson's  Enquiry, 
pp.  153,  161.  To  such  statements  Post  replied  "  My  Brothers,  I  know  you  have 
been  wrongly  persuaded  by  many  wicked  People;  for  you  must  know,  there  are  a 
great  many  Papists  in  the  Country  in  French  Interest,  who  appear  like  Gentlemen, 
and  have  sent  many  runaway  Irish  Papists  Servants  among  you,  who  have  put  bad 
Notions  into  your  Heads,  and  strengthened  you  against  your  Brothers  the  Eng 
lish."  Ibid.,  p.  156.  See  also  p.  162  for  another  statement  to  the  same  effect. 
Thomson  in  a  note  to  this  speech  adds:  "  The  Indian  Traders  used  to  buy  the  trans 
ported  Irish  and  other  Convicts  as  Servants,  to  be  employed  in  carrying  up  the 
Goods  among  the  Indians:  Many  of  those  ran  away  from  their  Masters  and  joined 
the  Indians.  The  ill  Behaviour  of  these  People  has  always  hurt  the  Character  of 
the  English  among  the  Indians."  Enquiry,  p.  156,  note.  It  is  possible  that  the 
unscrupulous  methods  of  rival  traders  of  the  lowest  character,  many  of  whom  were 
undoubtedly  Irishmen,  when  reported  by  the  Indians,  gave  rise  to  Post's  belief  that 
these  men  were  really  in  the  French  pay.  It  seems  much  more  probable,  however, 
that  cupidity  rather  than  religion,  was  the  motive  behind  the  actions  of  such  ex- 
convicts,  and  "  abandoned  wretches."  The  annals  of  the  fur  trade  at  all  times  and 
in  all  places  are  full  of  the  unspeakable  methods  of  these  creatures,  and  all  contem 
porary  writers  ascribe  the  hatred  of  the  Indians  for  the  white  man  to  the  abuses 
practised  by  them.  The  English  had  a  little  more  than  their  share  of  such  charac 
ters  among  their  traders,  and  Pennsylvania  probably  had  her  full  proportion  of 
these.  The  opportunities  of  the  trade,  carried  on  as  it  was  with  a  semi-barbarous 
race  naturally  attracted  such  characters,  as  such  work  always  does.  The  early 
Spanish  treatment  of  the  Indians  in  the  islands  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  is  similar,  and 
unfortunately  we  have  no  lack  of  parallels  even  today  in  the  mad  hunt  for  rubber, 
which  in  some  ways  strongly  resembles  the  earlier  fur  trade,  and  like  it  sets  off  the 
white  man's  cupidity  against  the  savage's  ignorance,  with  a  resulting  cruelty  and 
fatuity  that  seem  very  familiar  to  any  one  who  has  read  the  annals  of  our  early  fur 
traders.  It  seems  probable,  however,  that  the  circulation  among  the  Indians  of 
Western  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  of  stories  that  English  traders  were  land  agents  in 
disguise  was  induced  merely  by  a  desire  on  the  part  of  individual  English  traders  to 
injure  others,  an  effective  argument,  and  heightened  always,  of  course,  by  the  con 
tinued  insistence  on  the  same  point  by  the  French.  English  traders  by  such  action 
might  easily  render  themselves  open  to  such  suspicion  as  Post's  and  Thomson's, 
that  they  were  really  French  emissaries,  but  their  motives  it  seems  to  me  are  better 
to  be  explained  by  the  unscrupulous  methods  of  the  trade.  In  1774  Lord  Dunmore 
complained:  "  The  Traders  in  General  are  composed  of  the  most  worthless  Sub 
jects,  such  as  fail  in  all  other  occupations,  and  become  in  a  manner  outcasts  of 
Society.  These  Men,  we  have  full  proof,  have  made  it  their  constant  business  to 
discredit  the  Virginians  (who  lye  much  more  convenient  for  carrying  on  a  Trade 
with  these  Indians  than  the  Pennsylvanians)  and  make  the  Indians  consider  them 
in  the  most  odious  light."  Documentary  History  ofDunmore's  War,  ed.  by  Thwaites 
and  Kellogg,  p.  391. 

For  much  information  on  the  Pennsylvania  trade,  see  The  Wilderness  Trail,  by 
Charles  A.  Hanna  (1911),  esp.  ii,  chapter  ix. 

1  The  Mississippi  Basin,  chapter  xiv.     In  1774  Lord  Dunmore  wrote  to  the 


INTRODUCTION  xxi 

the  contemporary  evidence  of  the  latter  part  of  that  period  than 
Parkman's  opinion  that  the  English  trade  practically  all  went  to 
Albany.1  Mr.  Beer's  contention  that  the  English  trade  as  a 
whole  at  this  time  was  losing  in  proportion  to  the  French  is  based 
on  alarmist  English  statements  that  the  French  were  "  engross 
ing  "  the  trade.2  Such  statements  are  to  be  found  at  all  periods, 
but  the  even  more  numerous  and  more  pessimistic  reports  of  the 
French  commandants  at  all  the  posts  show,  I  think,  that  the 
reverse  was  true.3  It  was  the  fashion  among  earlier  historians  of 
this  period  to  ascribe  all  this  rivalry  to  a  competition  for  terri 
tory,  a  hunger  for  land,  and  this  is  unfortunately  still  done. 
Contemporary  documents  show  that,  so  far  as  the  English  govern 
ment  was  concerned,  this  is  a  mistake.  It  was  trade  rather  than 
land.  Some  recent  writers,  however,  in  their  reaction  from  this 
erroneous  view,  have,  it  is  to  be  feared,  somewhat  underestimated 
the  importance  of  settlement  in  its  influence  on  French  and 
English  rivalry,  expecially  in  certain  parts  of  the  country.4  In 
New  York,  it  is  true,  Indian  relations  at  this  time  and  Indian 
trade  are  practically  convertible  terms,  and  New  York  was  far 
more  important  in  this  respect  than  any  other  colony.  It  was  a 
colony  with  only  a  small  farming  population,  in  which  the  west 
ward  movement  began  at  a  relatively  late  date.  The  Indians 
there  were  not  driven  from  their  homes  by  the  glacial  movement 
of  a  numerous  and  expanding  community.  But  compare  these 
conditions  with  those  of  Pennsylvania  at  this  time,  and  for  some 
time  after.  There  the  agricultural  land  was  smaller  in  area  and 
the  population  was  larger.  The  rich  broad  valleys  of  the  east 

Earl  of  Dartmouth,  "  The  trade  carried  on  with  the  Ohio  Indians  has  been  almost 
engrossed  by  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania."  The  Documentary  History  of  Dun- 
more' s  War,  p.  391. 

1  Half  Century  of  Conflict,  i,  p.  263. 

2  The  Commercial  Policy  of  England  toward  the  American  Colonies  (Columbia 
Studies  in  History,  Economics  and  Public  Law,  iii,  No.  2),  pp.  61-62. 

3  For  example,  a  letter  from  Raudot,  Jr.,  in  1708  "  Detroit  has  brought  the 
savages  only  too  near  the  English.      Almost  all  the  beaver  skins  produced  go  to 
Orange,  and  we  see  hardly  any  here  from  that  post."      Mich.  Pioneer  and  Hist. 
Colls.,  xxxiii,  p.  395.     If  the  English  had  not  been  cutting  into  the  French  trade  in 
the  Ohio  valley,  -the  Seven  Years'  War  would  hardly  have  broken  out  there. 

*  E.  g.,  Mr.  Alden's  New  Governments  West  of  the  Alleghanies  Before  1780,  Madison, 
Wisconsin  (1897). 


xxii          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

were  already  occupied,  while  new  masses  of  hardy  agriculturists 
were  rapidly  pouring  in  from  Ulster  and  elsewhere.  There  was 
no  place  to  go  but  the  frontier,  and  very  soon  they  began  to 
encroach  on  the  lovely  hunting  grounds  of  the  Juniata  Valley 
and  beyond.  It  is  significant  that  while  the  Tuscaroras  were 
added  to  the  Iroquois  in  New  York,  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees 
were  pushed  beyond  the  mountains  in  Pennsylvania.  It  was  no 
accident  that  the  tribes  on  the  Ohio  took  the  side  of  France  in  the 
Seven  Years'  War,  and  it  was  not  the  superiority  of  the  French 
traders  alone  that  rnade  them  do  so.  Those  Indians  after  much 
wavering  then  allied  themselves  with  the  nation  whose  settle 
ments  never  threatened  their  hunting  grounds.  In  the  Revolu 
tion,  it  was  not  mainly  the  abuses  of  trade  which  ranged  the 
Indians  against  the  Americans,  as  Lecky  says,1  important  as 
those  undoubtedly  were;  in  fact  many  of  the  traders  were  not 
Americans.  It  was  chiefly  against  the  encroaching  settler  that 
they  fought,  and  he  was  an  American,  while  the  policy  of  the 
home  government  always  aimed  at  the  trade.  The  clashing  of 
these  interests  had  much  to  do  also  with  colonial  disaffection  in 
some  places.  The  fact  has  been  noted  that  certain  religious 
bodies  were  almost  entirely  on  the  side  of  independence,  while 
others  were  much  less  so.2  It  is  not  without  significance  that  the 
Presbyterian  body  had  so  much  of  its  strength  in  a  country  where 
the  trading  policy  of  the  home  government  prevented  the  agri 
cultural  occupation  of  the  land.  The  statement  of  Professor 
Turner  is  admirable:  "  The  American  colonists  came  to  know 
that  the  land  was  worth  more  than  the  beaver  that  built  in  the 
streams,  but  the  mother  country  fought  for  the  Northwest  as  the 
field  of  Indian  trade  in  all  the  wars  from  1689  to  1812."  3  In 
some  parts  of  the  country  they  came  to  know  it,  perforce,  earlier 
than  in  others,  and  Pennsylvania  was  one  of  the  earliest.  So 
soon  as  they  did,  a  feeling  of  opposition  to  the  trading  policy  of 
the  English  government  was  inevitable.  It  certainly  existed 

1  History  of  England  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  (Am.  ed.),  iii,  p.  321. 

2  E.  g.,  by  W.  E.  Dodd,  in  American  Historical  Review,  xviii,  pp.  522  et  seq. 

3  The  Indian  Trade  of  Wisconsin,  p.  70.     (Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  gth 
Series,  vols.  11-12.) 


INTRODUCTION  xxiii 

before  the  Seven  Years'  War,  and  Franklin's  celebrated  state 
ment  in  1766  is  inexplicable  except  in  light  of  it.  After  the  war 
the  policy  was  the  same.  Bouquet  at  Fort  Pitt  refused  to  allow 
the  occupation  of  the  land.1  The  celebrated  Proclamation  of 
1763  is  an  outgrowth  of  it.2  That  can  only  be  understood  if  we 
remember  both  the  government's  policy  and  the  steady  extension 
of  the  settlements.  The  letters,  printed  and  unprinted,  of  Sir 
William  Johnson  at  this  critical  period,  the  letters  of  George 
Croghan,  the  Minutes  of  the  Indian  treaties,  the  Pennsylvania 
Colonial  Records,  are  all  full  of  this  "  irrepressible  conflict."  The 
land  cession  of  1754,  the  treaty  of  Easton  and  other  treaties  are 
due  to  it.  The  Indian  line  of  1768,  is  an  expedient  to  prevent  a 
recurrence  of  disturbances  like  Pontiac's  Conspiracy.3  Dun- 
more's  War  4  and  the  frontier  part  of  the  Revolution  5  are  all 
influenced  by  this  clash  of  policies  and  interests.  Any  one  who 
looks  carefully  at  the  location  of  the  Indian  line  of  1768  will  see 
there  graphically  represented  the  essential  difference  between 
New  York  and  the  lands  south  of  it.  The  problems  were  wholly 
different.  In  the  north  it  was  trade  and  its  abuses  and  their 
regulation;  in  the  south  it  was  trade  versus  land.  The  second 
of  these  problems  was  the  more  serious  because  it  was  ultimately 
soluble  in  one  way  only  —  by  the  complete  victory  of  the  settler. 
But  to  admit  this  to  the  Indian  was  to  lose  his  influence  every 
where.  It  was  the  most  difficult  of  all  Johnson's  problems, 
and  there  is  evidence  that  he  saw  both  sides  of  it,  and  compre 
hended  its  enormous  difficulty  and  its  great  importance.  Natu 
rally  as  Indian  superintendent,  his  inclinations  lay  on  the  side 
of  trade,  as  he  was  a  part  of  the  machinery  of  a  government 
which  looked  to  that  side  almost  exclusively.6  It  is  certainly 

1  Report  on  Canadian  Archives,  1889,  pp.  72-77. 

2  C.  W.  Alvord,  Genesis  of  the  Proclamation  of  1763;  C.  E.  Carter,  Great  Britain 
and  the  Illinois  Country,  especially  chs.  2  and  6;    G.  H.  Alden,  New  Governments 
West  of  the  Alleghanies  Before  1780,  ch.  3;  Victor  Coffin,  The  Province  of  Quebec  and 
the  Early  American  Revolution,  ch.  6. 

3  C.  W.  Alvord,  The  British  Ministry  and  the  Treaty  of  Fort  Slanivix,  Wisconsin 
Historical  Society  Proceedings,  1908,  pp.  165  et  seq. 

4  The  Documentary  History  of  Dunmore's  War,  Introduction. 

5  Thwaites  and  Kellogg,  The  Revolution  on  the  Upper  Ohio  (Madison,  1908). 

9  American  Historical  Association  Reports,  1894,  p.  427.     Shelburne  declared  in 


xxiv        WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

true,  as  Professor  Turner  has  shown,  that  the  proposals  of  Ver- 
gennes  at  the  time  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  in  1783  were  dictated 
by  his  desire  for  the  Indian  trade,  and  that  Shelburne's  con 
cession  can  be  understood  only  in  the  light  of  it,1  and  Professor 
McLaughlin's  contention  is  indisputable,  that  the  sole  aim 
of  Great  Britain  in  retaining  posts  in  the  interior  was  this 
trade.2 

1775,  "  The  peltry  or  skin  trade  is  a  matter  which  I  presume  to  affirm  is  of  the  last 
importance  to  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the  colonies  and  this  country.  The  regu 
lation  of  this  business  has  cost  His  Majesty's  ministers  more  time  and  trouble  than 
any  one  matter  I  know  of."  Parliamentary  History,  xviii,  673,  quoted  by  Coffin, 
The  Province  of  Quebec,  p.  407,  note  2. 

"  The  student  of  the  period  [about  1763]  knows  well  that  with  the  word  '  Indian  ' 
must  be  read  the  additional  term  '  Indian  trade,'  and  that  with  this  addition  the 
Indian  question  assumed  an  important  place  in  the  general  colonial  trade  system," 
Coffin,  op.  cit.,  p.  407. 

1  The  Indian  Trade  of  Wisconsin,  p.  45. 

2  American  Historical  Association  Reports,  1894,  pp.  413  et  seg.     Many  letters 
showing  the  attitude  of  Johnson  and  others  toward  the  questions  of  trade  and  settle 
ment  written  by  Croghan,  Gage,  Golden,  Hillsborough  and  others  to  Johnson,  and    / 
his  letters  to  them,  are  to  be  found  in  volume  ii,  of  O'Callaghan's  Documentary  His-  / 
lory  of  New  York,  and  in  the  New  York  Colonial  Documents,  vols.  vii  and  viii.     The 
following  extracts  from  letters  now  or  formerly  in  the  Johnson  MSS.,  illustrate  the 
same  points:    "  The  Lower  order  of  people  settled  about  the  frontiers  imagining  I 
presume  that  they  had  nothing  to  apprehend  since  the  removal  of  our  European 
Enemys,  began  by  Overreaching  and  defrauding  the  Indians,  they  proceed  to 
personal  Insults  and  Murders  in  time  of  peace,  under  pretence  of  Retaliation  for 
Injuries  sustained  during  the  heat  of  a  furious  War,  —  Many  unjust  practices  were 
made  use  of  in  different  Quarters  to  deprive  them  of  their  properties,  and  a  Number 
of  persons  in  defiance  of  Justice  &  policy,  &  contrary  to  the  Express  Orders  of 
Government  established  themselves  on  the  Ind8  Lands  within  &  about  the  Frontiers 
of  Pennsilvania  &  cet  and  altho'  many  Steps  were  taken  for  their  removal  they  have 
hitherto  proved  ineffectual.  —  In  the  Mean   time  the  Indians  irritated  at  the 
Murders  committed  on  the  frontiers,  at  the  Insults  their  parties  repeatedly  met 
with,  the  111  treatment  of  the  Tuscaroras  who  were  called  to  Joyn  them  from 
Carolina,  &  the  barbarity  Exercised  on  the  Unhappy  Conestoga  Indians,  as  well 
as  the  Unjustifiable  Settlements  formed  within  their  Country  without  the  Least 
colour  of  right,  unless  the  Seduction  of  a  few  Drunken  Delawares  whose  Nation 
have  no  pretensions  thereto  can  be  admitted  as  such,  began  to  consider  amongst 
themselves  what  was  best  to  be  done,  and  from  an  Apprehension  that  such  Conduct 
would  not  have  been  permitted  by  us  who  are  Governd  by  Laws,  unless  we  inten 
ded  to  put  in  practice  a  plan  for  Surrounding  and  Destroying  them  of  which  they 
have  been  long  Suspicious,  and  which  they  are  still  taught  to  believe  by  many 
interested  French  among  them.     They  resolved  to  commit  Acts  of  hostility  &  by 
beginning  a  War  against  us  to  Check  those  Settlements  of  which  they  became 
apprehensive."      From  a  letter  dated  January  22,  1768,  from  Sir  William  Johnson 


INTRODUCTION  XXV 

While  settlement  had  been  pushing  its  slow  but  certain  way 
across  the  mountains  to  the  Ohio,  Indian  trade  had  spread  over 

to  Joseph  Galloway,  speaker  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly.  Johnson  MSS., 
xv,  p.  240. 

"  By  my  Letter  from  the  Secy  of  State  by  the  last  pacquet  I  find  that  his  Majesty 
declines  to  the  large  Cession  of  that  part  of  Ohio  extending  to  the  Cherokee 
River,  &  would  have  it  given  up  to  the  Ind",  as  a  proof  of  his  regard,  for  my  part  I 
could  not  forsee  any  ill  consequences  or  impropriety  in  getting  from  the  Northern 
Nations  all  their  Claims  in  that  Quarter.  If  it  had  never  been  done  the  Virginians 
would  nevertheless  have  pushed  settlements  there,  at  present  I  must  manage  the 
affair  the  best  way  I  can,  by  making  the  Surrender  of  that  part  of  the  Cession  the 
effect  of  his  Majestys  regard  for  their  interests,  but  should  the  Virginians  after  it  is 
declined  by  the  Crown,  begin  Settlements  upon  it  the  Indians  will  think  Strangely 
of  the  Affair  &  it  may  create  trouble."  From  a  letter  of  Sir  William  Johnson  to 
General  Gage,  dated  March  22,  1769.  Johnson  MSS.,  xvii,  p.  101. 

"  I  am  favored  with  your  Letter  of  the  third  Instant  and  am  entirely  of  your 
opinion  as  to  the  conduct  which  may  be  expected  from  the  frontier  Inhabitants 
particularly  the  Virginians  —  I  was  sensible  that  they  were  about  to  push  Settle 
ments  &  would  do  so  in  Virtue  of  their  old  Claim  That  of  the  Cherokees  I  had  great 
reason  to  think  could  not  be  made  out,  but  in  case  one  Set  of  Indians  were  to  be  dis 
obliged,  I  judged  it  least  dangerous  that  it  Shod  be  them  than  the  Northern  Indians 
who  are  more  capable  of  showing  their  resentment,  &  more  inclined  to  do  so,  besides 
I  thought  that  whatever  pretensions  the  former  might  now  have,  it  could  easily  be 
settled  to  their  Satisfaction.  I  am  very  Sensible  that  the  Frontier  people  will  meet 
with  but  too  much  encouragement  from  persons  in  the  provinces,  and  that' whatever 
Laws  are  made  will  fail  in  the  Execution  for  reasons  that  are  obvious,  but  I  am  at 
present  most  concerned  as  to  the  additional  Cession  from  the  Orders  I  have  to  ac 
quaint  the  Indians  in  the  best  manner  I  can  that  his  Majesty  declines  it  thro'  regard 
for  their  interest,  after  which  if  Settlements  are  nevertheless  made  on  it  I  leave  you 
to  Judge  of  what  may  be  the  Consequences  with  regard  to  the  Indians.  I  should 
therefore  be  glad  to  have  your  opinion  whether  under  these  Circumstances  (with 
which  the  Government  may  not  be  acquainted)  it  is  safe,  till  we  hear  farther,  to 
Signify  to  them  his  Majesty's  declining  it  to  the  Indians."  From  a  letter  dated 
April  14,  1769,  from  Sir  William  Johnson  to  General  Gage,  Johnson  MSS.,  xvii,  p. 
122. 

"  I  thought,  &  so  did  every  body  that  the  Cession  should  be  as  Extensive  as 
possible,  &  I  believe  it  is  almost  needless  to  say  that  the  more  we  get  Voluntarily 
from  them  the  Less  danger  there  would  be  of  disputes  about  Settlements,  &  the 
farther  they  would  be  removed.  The  back  Inhabitants  particularly  of  Virginia,  I 
well  knew  were  not  to  be  prevented  from  extending  their  settlements  into  the  Indian 
Country,  had  the  Treaty  never  taken  place,  the  danger  in  which  such  a  proceedure 
must  Involve  the  frontiers,  could  only  be  prevented  by  the  purchase  of  that  Coun 
try,  but  this  was  not  all,  Virginia  Claimed  it  in  Virtue  of  an  Old  purchase  under  the 
sanction  of  the  Crown,  and  the  only  objection  his  Majesty  made  to  it  in  his  Orders 
to  me,  were  founded  on  a  Supposition  that  it  was  claimed  by,  &  would  occasion  dis 
putes  with  the  Cherokees,  as  I  knew  that  this  was  not  the  Case.  ...  I  know  my 
Conduct  therein  to  be  irreproachable,  &  not  only  for  the  best,  but  actually  was  the 


XXVI         WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

half  the  continent.  Its  most  important  characteristic  from  the 
international  point  of  view  was  the  enormous  area  necessary  for 
it.  This  was  true  from  its  very  beginning,  as  we  have  seen.1 
The  fur  trade  was  in  fact  America's  "  conservation  "  problem  in 
the  eighteenth  century.  It  is  interesting  to  note  how  many 
points  of  similarity  there  are  between  our  own  conditions  and 
this  trade,  with  the  rules  for  its  regulation  and  the  evasion  of 
them.  Questions  of  monopoly,  of  government  licenses,  geo 
graphical  allotment,  the  struggle  between  advocates  of  a  cen 
tralized  or  decentralized  control,  and  many  others,  have  a  very 

best  that  cod  have  been  done  at  that  time,  and  where  I  took  such  Extraordinary 
pains  both  Night  &  Day  for  effecting  so  difficult  &  Important  a  business  I  cannot 
but  think  it  hard  should  the  Government  omit  doing  Justice  to  my  proceedings,  of 
the  propriety  of  which  I  think  Myself  a  Competent  Judge."  From  a  letter  of  Sir 
William  Johnson  to  General  Gage,  dated  August  9,  1769.  Johnson  MSS.,  xvii, 
p.  227. 

Johnson  considered  as  equally  mistaken  the  policy  of  the  government  in  hand 
ing  back  to  the  several  provincial  governments  the  control  of  the  Indian  trade. 
On  July  20,  1768,  he  wrote  to  Sir  Henry  Moore: 

"  Before  my  return  I  received  Sundry  dispatches  from  the  Secty  of  State,  & 
amst  them  a  Report  of  the  board  of  Trade  of  which  doubtless  you  have  a  Copy,  with 
an  Arrangement  which  I  apprehend  proceeded  from  the  representation  of  the  inutil- 
ity  of  Commissers  of  Trade  (according  to  the  plan  of  the  board  when  Lord  Hillsboro' 
presided  at  it)  from  its  being  in  some  respects  impracticable  to  Establish  them  in 
such  a  manner  as  would  have  Answered  the  end  of  their  Institution.  The  Manage 
ment  of  the  Trade  is  therefore  committed  to  the  Colonies  from  an  Expectation  that 
they  have  profited  by  the  Experience  of  former  Misconduct  which  seems  to  be  well 
known  to  Government,  and  which  I  heartily  wish  may  no  longer  Exist. 

"  As  I  shall  carefully  avoid  invading  a  province  Committed  to  others  I  flatter 
myself  there  will  be  no  danger  of  any  Interfering  or  Clashing  of  Authority,  the 
Concern  of  Trade  being  entirely  Separated  from  the  Powers  &  Duties  of  the  Super 
Intendent  over  Indian  Affairs  &  Transactions  which  are  distinct  in  their  Nature, 
and  under  such  peculiar  circumstances  as  to  be  only  executed  by  an  Officer  on  the 
part  of  the  Crown  on  one  Uniform  &  General  System  according  to  the  repeated 
Sense  of  Government.  Whatever  Matters  require  the  Provinces  to  be  consulted 
it  shall  be  done,  and  as  in  these  &  all  other  particulars  I  never  did,  nor  ever  shall 
Lose  sight  of  the  General  Intention  of  my  Appointment,  so  I  shall  direct  my  Care, 
Influence  &  Experience  to  the  General  Good  at  the  same  time  that  I  shall  be  always 
happy  in  Serving  the  Interests  of  this  Province."  Johnson  MSS.,  xvi,  p.  113. 

1  Ante,  p.  xiv.  In  1684  the  Indian  orator  whom  Golden,  following  La  Hontan, 
calls  Garangula,  says  the  Five  Nations  had  made  war  on  the  western  Indians  be 
cause  "  They  have  hunted  Bevers  on  our  Lands:  They  have  acted  contrary  to  the 
Customs  of  all  Indians;  for  they  left  none  of  the  Bevers  alive,  they  killed  both  Male 
and  Female."  Golden  (1902),  i,  p.  69.  See  also  Pownall,  Administration  of  the 
Colonies  (4th  ed.),  p.  260. 


INTRODUCTION  XXV11 

familiar  look;  but  the  beaver  steadily  disappeared.  A  careful 
study  of  the  whole  fur  trade  from  this  and  other  economic  aspects 
is  a  desideratum. 

Had  there  been  real  "  conservation  "  of  the  beaver,  and  effec 
tive  regulation  of  the  trade  in  furs,  the  area  necessary  would  have 
extended  rapidly,  but  when  to  the  ordinary  economic  demand  was 
added  the  fact  that  trade  was  also  a  means  of  political  alliance 
with  the  Indian  tribes  and  almost  a  weapon  of  international  war 
fare,  the  extension  became  a  political  object  to  be  attained  at  all 
hazards.  The  object  was  to  get  the  trade;  it  made  less  difference 
whether  the  furs  were  needed  or  not.  In  the  earlier  days  they 
were  not  always  all  needed,  and  we  find  the  French  company  in 
Canada  burning  thousands  of  skins  to  prevent  a  glut  of  the 
market.1  No  wonder  the  beaver  had  to  be  pursued  to  the  ends  of 
the  earth. 

Not  merely  international  policy,  but  also  individual  rivalry 
tended  to  the  same  result.  In  the  English  provinces  it  was 
province  against  province,  leading  them  to  pass  severe  laws 
against  interlopers.  In  a  single  province  it  was  individual  com 
petition  of  the  cut- throat  variety,  as  vividly  illustrated  at  Albany ? 
and  everywhere  else.  In  Canada  a  monopoly  existed  theoreti 
cally,  but  in  practice  almost  the  whole  male  population,  including 
the  very  priests  and  the  government  officials,  drew  their  living 
from  a  continuous  and  wholesale  evasion  of  the  rules  of  the 
company  and  the  laws  of  the  colony  and  the  mother  country 
intended  to  limit  the  trade.3  Such  methods  of  competition,  such 

1  The  French  hat-makers,  in  whose  interest  Canada  was  exploited  at  the  opening 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  refused  to  accept  more  skins  than  they  needed;    the 
Canadian  company,  on  the  other  hand,  were  not  permitted  by  the  government 
either  to  refuse  skins  when  offered  by  the  Indians  or  to  pay  a  price  low  enough  to 
turn  the  supply  to  Albany.     The  Company  was  required  to  buy  at  a  fixed  price  all 
the  skins  offered,  and  then  destroy  them  in  the  presence  of  an  officer  of  the  govern 
ment.     The  Company  soon  became  bankrupt,  of  course,  and  the  effect  in  augment 
ing  the  illicit  trade  and  the  extinction  of  the  beaver  may  be  imagined.     Ferland, 
Cours  d'Histoire  du  Canada,  ii,  pp.  413-415.     Report  on  Canadian  Archives,  Supp. 
1899.  p.  141. 

2  Post,  p.  liii. 

3  "  All  that  was  most  active  and  vigorous  in  the  colony  took  to  the  woods  .  .  . 
and  more  than  once  the  colony  presented  the  extraordinary  spectacle  of  the  greater 
part  of  its  young  men  turned  into  forest  outlaws.  .  .  .     Neither  threats  nor  blan- 


XXVlll        WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

eagerness  to  "  engross  the  trade  "  have  never  been  seen  on  this 
continent  since.  The  extinction  of  the  beaver,  and  the  conse 
quent  rapid  extension  of  the  field  of  trade  inevitably  followed. 
This  naturally  led,  for  one  thing,  to  a  centralized  regulation  of 
the  trade  after  the  Seven  Years'  War.  But  so  long  as  both 
England  and  France  were  here  it  was  this  very  competition  which 
so  vastly  enlarged  the  designs  and  counter  designs  of  the  two 
contending  powers,  and  it  also  had  no  little  part  in  extending  the 
actual  field  of  military  operations  whenever  their  contention 
reached  the  stage  of  open  war. 

dishments  were  of  much  avail.  We  hear  of  seigniories  abandoned;  farms  turning 
again  into  forests;  wives  and  children  left  in  destitution."  Parkman,  Old  Regime, 
pp.  359-360.  Edict  after  edict  was  issued  without  avail  (e.  g.,  Edits  et  Ordon- 
nances,  i,  p.  75).  The  very  officers  who  were  to  execute  these  laws  often  had  an 
interest  in  the  forbidden  traffic  (cf.  Report  on  Canadian  Archives,  Supp.  1809, 
p.  122).  Besides,  legally  or  illegally,  these  outlaws  had  the  fur  trade  largely  in  their 
hands,  and  if  forced  by  too  severe  measures  to  take  their  furs  to  the  English,  Canada 
might  be  lost  to  France.  Hence  the  statutes  alternated  between  strictest  severity 
and  complete  pardon  (e.  g.,  Edits  et  Ordonnances,  i,  p.  330),  with  the  result  that  the 
offenders  usually  remained  away  in  the  woods  for  years  at  a  time,  knowing  that  the 
edicts  against  them  would  eventually  be  followed  by  an  amnesty,  Parkman,  Old 
Regime,  p.  360.  But  notwithstanding  such  measures  of  reconciliation  many  of  the 
furs  of  these  adventurers  found  their  way  to  Albany.  See  a  Memoir  of  Begon  of 
September  20,  1713  in  Wisconsin  Historical  Collection,  xvi,  pp.  295  et  scq.  There  are 
many  others  like  it. 

NOTE  A.     (To  page  xv.) 
THE  FUR  TRADE  IN  NEW  ENGLAND 

As  early  as  September,  1621,  the  Plymouth  settlers  made  an  expedition  to  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  "  and  brought  home  a  good  quanty  of  beaver."  Bradford,  History 
of  Plimouth  Plantation  (1898),  p.  126;  Mourt's  Relation,  Arber,  The  Story  of  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  483.  They  promised  the  Indians  to  come  again.  Winslow, 
Good  News  from  New  England,  Arber,  op.  cit.,  p.  521.  This  they  were  enabled  to  do 
by  buying  Indian  goods  in  1622  from  a  ship  which  had  come  to  trade  (Bradford, 
p.  153),  and  "  had  good  store  of  trade."  Winslow,  Good  News  from  New  England, 
Arber,  op.  cit.,  pp.  521,  526.  The  same  author  wrote,  "  Much  might  be  spoken  of 
the  benefit  that  may  come  to  such  as  shall  here  plant,  by  trade  with  the  Indians 
for  furs;  if  men  take  a  right  course  for  obtaining  the  same.  For  I  dare  presume, 
upon  that  small  experience  I  have  had,  to  affirm,  that  the  English,  Dutch,  and 
French  return  yearly  many  thousand  pounds  profits  by  trade  only,  from  that 
island  on  which  we  are  seated."  Ibid.,  p.  595. 

In  1623  Thomas  Weston  came  from  Wessagussett  on  Massachusetts  Bay  to 
Plymouth,  asking  for  help.  He  was  answered  that  "  they  had  not  much  bever,  & 
if  they  should  let  him  have  it,  it  were  enoughe  to  make  a  mutinie  among  y°  people, 


INTRODUCTION  xxix 

seeing  ther  was  no  other  means  to  procure  them  foode  which  they  so  much  wanted, 
&  cloaths  allso."  They  promised,  however,  to  help  him  secretly,  and  "  let  him  have 
100  beaver-skins,  which  waighed  170*'.  odd  pounds."  Bradford,  p.  161.  In  1625 
an  expedition  to  the  Kennebec  resulted  in  their  getting  "  700*'.  of  beaver,  besids 
some  other  furrs,"  and  they  sent  to  England  that  year  800  weight  of  beaver  besides 
other  furs.  Ibid.,  pp.  244,  246-247.  In  1626  the  Plymouth  people  bought 
from  European  traders  at  Monhegan  Indian  goods  amounting  to  £400,  and  had 
great  success  in  trading  with  them.  Ibid.,  pp.  251-252.  The  colony  was  poor  and 
was  heavily  mortgaged  to  the  company.  Without  the  fur  trade  it  would  hardly 
have  been  possible  for  the  settlers  to  pay  their  debt  to  the  company.  One  thing 
that  made  this  harder  was  the  difficulty  in  getting  goods  for  the  Indian  trade.  Some 
were  had  from  passing  ships,  at  high  prices,  or  from  vessels  trading  along  the  Maine 
coast,  but  the  scarcity  of  goods  alone  prevented  the  Indian  trade  from  assuming 
large  proportions.  In  1627  this  was  in  part  remedied.  The  Dutch  at  New  York 
wrote  to  Plymouth,  desiring  to  exchange  their  Indian  goods  for  New  England  furs. 
Ibid.,  p.  269.  They  came  the  next  year  and  brought  the  first  knowledge  of  wampum 
(ibid.,  pp.  281-282),  one  of  the  most  fortunate  things  possible,  for  the  wampum  alone 
secured  to  the  Plymouth  men  a  great  trade  on  the  Kennebec,  and  enabled  them 
later  to  keep  it,  to  the  disadvantage  of  Boston  and  the  great  annoyance  of  the 
French,  whose  trade  was  much  affected  by  it.  From  this  time  the  Plymouth  fur 
trade  increased  by  leaps  and  bounds,  mainly  on  account  of  wampum;  400  weight 
of  beavers,  besides  some  otter,  in  1631,  1348  in  1632,  3366  in  1633,  3738  in  1634, 
1150  in  1635  and  2528  in  1636;  the  beaver  alone  in  these  six  years  amounting  to 
"little  less  then  loooo11."  Ibid.,  pp.  412-413.  The  Pilgrim  fathers,  says  Mr. 
Biggar,  "  gradually  usurped  the  territory  where  the  French  had  formerly  traded." 
Early  Trading  Companies,  p.  130.  This  he  says,  "  limited  considerably  the  area 
open  to  the  French  traders  on  the  Atlantic  coast  "  (p.  119).  It  can  hardly  be  said 
that  such  a  trade  was  "  unimportant  "  to  a  little  colony  of  a  few  hundred  souls. 
But  the  most  marked  characteristic  of  the  Indian  trade  is  here  apparent,  the  rapid 
extinction  of  the  beaver.  At  Plymouth  the  trade  began  to  fall  away  again  as  early 
as  1635.  New  beaver  country  must  be  tapped,  and  the  men  of  Plymouth  began 
that  march  westward  deeper  and  deeper  into  the  Indian  country  which  has  been 
such  a  factor  in  our  history. 

As  the  beaver  decreased,  and  the  settlers  increased,  competition  for  trade  became 
keener,  involving  the  Plymouth  colonists,  the  newly-established  Colony  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  and  the  scattered  traders  unconnected  with  either.  One  of  these 
traders,  Thomas  Morton,  no  friend  of  the  Puritan  settlers  at  the  Bay,  has  left  in  his 
New  English  Canaan  a  most  interesting  and  lively  account  of  the  trade  and  his 
controversies  with  the  Bostonians  arising  out  of  it. 

"  The  skinnes  "  [of  the  beaver],  he  says,  "  are  the  best  merchantable  commodity 
that  can  be  found,  to  cause  ready  money  to  be  brought  into  the  land,  now  that  they 
are  raised  to  10  shillings  a  pound.  A  servant  of  mine  in  5.  yeares  was  thought  to 
have  a  1000.  p.  in  ready  gold  gotten  by  beaver  when  hee  dyed;  whatsoever  became 
of  it "  (p.  78).  "  And  I  beleeve,"  he  says  in  another  place,  "  that  Jasons  golden 
Fleece  was  either  the  same,  or  some  other  Fleece  not  of  so  much  value  "  (p.  149). 
He  intimates  that  the  opposition  to  him  at  Merrymount  was  due  to  the  fear  that 
"  hee  would  hinder  the  benefit  of  their  Beaver  trade,"  as  he  had  done  on  the 
Kennebec  before  (pp,  149,  137),  This  is  probably  in  great  part  true.  It  is  worth 


XXX          WRAXALUS  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

noting  that  the  orgies  with  the  Indians  at  Merrymount  which  so  horrified  the  Boston 
people  were  a  customary  and  successful  means  of  promoting  the  trade  everywhere 
on  the  continent.  Morton  is  another  witness  to  the  great  area  covered  by  this 
trade  at  a  very  early  period.  He  describes  the  Lake  of  the  Iroquois  out  of  which 
he,  in  common  with  the  other  New  England  settlers,  believed  the  Potomac  flowed. 
"  About  the  parts  of  this  Lake  may  be  made  a  very  greate  Commodity  by  the 
trade  of  furres,  to  inrich  those  that  shall  plant  there;  a  more  compleat  discovery 
of  those  parts  is,  (to  my  knowleadge,)  undertaken  by  Henry  Joseline,  Esquier, 
sonne  of  Sir  Thomas  loseline  of  Kent,  Knight,  by  the  approbation  and  appointment 
of  that  Heroick  a  very  good  Common  wealths  man  Captaine  John  Mason,  Esquier, 
a  true  foster  Father  and  lover  of  vertue,  (who  at  his  owne  chardge,)  hath  fitted 
Master  Joseline  and  imployed  him  to  that  purpose;  who  no  doubt  will  performe 
as  much  as  is  expected,  if  the  Dutch,  (by  gettinge  into  those  parts  before  him,) 
doe  not  frustrate  his  so  hopefuJl  and  laudable  designes.  It  is  well  knowne  they 
aime  at  this  place,  and  have  a  possibility  to  attaine  unto  the  end  of  their  desires 
therein,  by  meanes  of  the  River  of  Mohegan,  which  of  the  English  is  named  Hud- 
sons  River,  where  the  Dutch  have  setled  two  well  fortified  plantations  already. 
If  that  River  be  derived  from  the  Lake,  as  our  Country  man  in  his  prospect  affirmes 
it  to  be,  and  if  they  get  and  fortifie  this  place  also,  they  will  gleane  away  the  best  of 
the  Beaver  both  from  the  French  and  the  English,  who  have  hitherto  lived  wholely 
by  it;  and  very  many  old  planters  have  gained  good  estates  out  of  small  beginnings 
by  meanes  thereof.  And  it  is  well  knowne  to  some  of  our  Nation  that  have  lived  in 
the  Dutch  plantation  that  the  Dutch  have  gained  by  Beaver  20000.  pound  a  yeare  " 
(pp.  98-99).  Farther  to  the  north,  the  grants  and  attempted  settlements  were 
purely  commercial  and  largely  actuated  by  hope  of  gain  by  the  Indian  trade.  See 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  his  Province  of  Maine,  edited  by  J.  P.  Baxter  (Prince 
Society),  i,  pp.  207,  211,  217,  218,  232-233;  ii,  p.  42. 

By  1633  the  receding  of  the  beaver  country  made  it  necessary  for  the  Plymouth 
settlers  to  seek  new  supplies.  They  had  heard  from  Dutch  and  Indians  and  the 
Rhode  Island  people  of  great  trade  to  be  had  on  the  Fresh  or  Connecticut  River 
(Bradford,  pp.  370-372),  "  and  having  now  good  store  of  comodities,  and  allso 
need  to  looke  out  wher  they  could  advantage  them  selves  to  help  them  out  of  their 
great  ingagments,  they  now  begane  to  send  that  way  to  discover  y6  same,  and  trade 
with  y6  natives."  Ibid.  But  this  was  a  rather  hazardous  undertaking  for  so  small 
a  settlement,  so  they  sent  Winslow  and  Bradford  to  Boston  to  propose  a  joint  expe 
dition.  This  was  refused  ostensibly  on  account  of  the  danger  of  navigating  the 
Connecticut  (Winthrop,  History  of  New  England  (1908),  i,  p.  103),  and  the  Ply 
mouth  men  were  forced  to  act  alone,  sending  "  a  bark  to  Connecticut,  at  this  time,  to 
erect  a  trading  house  there.  When  they  came,  they  found  the  Dutch  had  built 
there,  and  did  forbid  the  Plymouth  men  to  proceed;  but  they  set  up  their  house  not 
withstanding,  about  a  mile  above  the  Dutch."  Ibid.,  pp.  109-110.  Bradford 
reports  the  results  to  have  been  disappointing,  but  they  saw  "  y6  most  certainty 
would  be  by  keeping  a  house  ther,  to  receive  y6  trad  when  it  came  down  out  of  y° 
inland  "  p.  371.  It  could  not  have  been  a  total  failure,  as  "It  pleased  y6  Lord 
to  inable  them  this  year  to  send  home  a  great  quantity  of  beaver,"  3,366  pounds  in 
all  (ibid.,  p.  375).  The  clear  statements  of  Bradford  and  Winthrop  show  beyond 
doubt  that  the  prime  purpose  of  all  this  Connecticut  enterprise  was  to  intercept  the 
Indians  coming  from  the  interior  with  their  furs  by  way  of  the  Connecticut,  and  the 


INTRODUCTION  XXxI 

Dutch  were  unlikely  to  be  much  mollified  by  Bradford's  pious  protestations  that 
"  They  did  ye  Dutch  no  wrong,  for  they  took  not  a  foote  of  any  land  they  bought, 
but  went  to  y6  place  above  them!  "  Ibid.,  p.  374.  The  previous  refusal  of  the 
Boston  people  to  join  this  expedition  was  equally  ingenuous.  In  July  they  rejected 
that  proposal  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  navigating  the  Connecticut.  In  October 
Winthrop  makes  this  entry  in  describing  the  Connecticut:  "  This  river  runs 
so  far  northward,  that  it  comes  within  a  days  journey  of  a  part  of  Merrimack 
called  .  .  .  and  so  runs  thence  N.  W.  so  near  the  Great  Lake,  as  [allows]  the  Indians 
to  pass  their  canoes  into  it  over  land.  From  this  lake,  and  the  hideous  swamps 
about  it,  come  most  of  the  beaver  which  is  traded  between  Virginia  and  Canada, 
which  runs  forth  of  this  lake;  and  Patomack  River  in  Virginia  comes  likewise  out 
of  it,  or  very  near,  so  as  from  this  lake  there  comes  yearly  to  the  Dutch  about  ten 
thousand  skins,  which  might  easily  be  diverted  by  Merrimack,  if  a  course  of  trade  were 
settled  above  in  that  river."  History  of  New  England,  i,  p.  no.  Comment  is  un 
necessary.  There  is  abundant  evidence  of  the  importance  of  the  fur  trade  in  Mas 
sachusetts  Bay.  See,  for  example,  Massachusetts  Colonial  Records,  i,  pp.  48,  96, 
196,  322;  iii,  pp.  53-54,  208;  iv,  pt.  i,  pp.  291-292;  pt.  ii,  pp.  397-400,  etc.  For 
many  of  these  references  I  am  indebted  to  a  MS.  thesis  on  the  Indian  Policy  in 
New  England,  submitted  for  the  degree  of  Master  of  Letters  in  the  University  of 
Wisconsin,  by  A.  C.  Shong. 

Just  as  the  Plymouth  people  cut  off  the  Dutch  on  the  Connecticut,  so  in  time 
they  themselves  were  affected  by  settlements  higher  up  the  stream.  Edward  John 
son's  statement,  written  about  1654,  in  his  W onder-W orking  Providence,  explains 
itself.  "  About  this  time  [1645]  one  Mr.  Pinchin,  sometime  a  Magistrate,  having 
out  of  desire  to  better  his  estate,  by  trading  with  the  Indians,  setled  himself  very 
remote  (from  all  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  the  Mattachusets  Government)  upon  the 
river  of  Canectico,  yet  under  their  Government,  he  having  some  godly  persons  re 
sorting  unto  them,  they  there  erected  a  Town  and  Church  of  Christ,  calling  it 
Springfield,  it  lying  upon  this  large  navigable  river,  hath  the  benefit  of  transporting 
their  goods  by  water,  and  also  fitly  seated  for  a  Bever  trade  with  the  Indians,  till 
the  Merchants  encreased  so  many,  that  it  became  little  worth,  by  reason  of  their 
outbuying  one  another,  which  hath  caused  them  to  live  upon  husbandry  "  (p.  199). 

One  of  the  main  factors  in  the  forming  of  the  New  England  Confederacy  is  the 
Indian  trade,  the  necessity  of  pushing  it  by  united  effort  against  the  Dutch  and  the 
danger  of  war  resulting  therefrom.  Pynchon's  trading  house  at  Springfield  was 
peculiarly  annoying  to  the  Dutch.  In  1647  the  directors  wrote,  urging  Stuyvesant 
to  prevent  the  English  locating  there  "  by  all  means,  which  your  Honor  does  not 
consider  too  dangerous,  to  involve  us  in  a  war  with  the  English."  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs., 
xiv,  p.  77.  In  1650  Stuyvesant  complained  bitterly  to  the  New  England  Confeder 
acy  that  through  the  high  price  paid  by  Pynchon  for  beaver,  the  trade  was  "  much 
damnified  and  under vallued."  Hazard's  Historical  Collections,  ii,  p.  155.  The 
Confederation  refused  to  interfere.  Ibid.,  p.  159.  The  governor  of  Canada  tried 
to  make  capital  of  this  trade  jealousy  of  the  English  and  Dutch,  proposing  that  the 
New  Englanders  should  allow  a  French  force  to  attack  the  Iroquois  by  way  of  New 
England,  and  promising  in  return  a  free  trade  between  the  French  and  English. 
The  New  Englanders  shrewdly  answered  that  they  were  not  anxious  to  be  ad 
mitted  to  any  "trade  which  is  so  hampered  as  the  French.  Ibid.,  pp.  182-184. 
The  records  of  the  meetings  of  the  New  England  Confederacy  in  Hazard's  second 


XXXli        WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

volume  will  dispel  any  idea  of  the  unimportance  of  the  fur  trade  to  New  Englanders. 
In  1649  they  forbade  all  foreigners  from  trading  with  the  Indians  in  New  England, 
and  the  Dutch  records  are  full  of  similar  provisions.  O'Callaghan,  History  of  New 
Netherland,  ii,  p.  108;  O'Callaghan,  Laws  of  New  Netherland,  pp.  13-15,  507,  etc. 
Notwithstanding  these  prohibitions  there  was  much  smuggling  of  furs  to  New 
England.  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  xiv,  pp.  159,  471.  This  clandestine  trade  was  by  no 
means  small.  Mr.  Weeden  estimates  it  at  from  ten  to  fifteen  thousand  beaver 
skins  a  year.  Economic  and  Industrial  History  of  New  England,  i,  p.  131,  citing 
O'Callaghan's  History  of  New  Netherland,  i,  pp.  131,  149,  and  Hazard's  Historical 
Collections,  i,  p.  397.  It  was  mainly  due  to  "  the  great  importation  [into  New 
Netherland]  of  Wampum  from  New  England,  which  barters  therewith,  and 
carries  out  of  the  Country  not  only  the  best  cargoes  sent  hence,  but  also  a  large 
quantity  of  Beaver  and  other  peltries."  Letter  of  the  directors  to  Stuyvesant, 
O'Callaghan's  Laws  of  New  Netherland,  p.  434,  note.  It  can  hardly  be  said  with 
truth  that  the  commerce  with  the  Indians  was  "  unimportant  "  in  New  England. 

NOTE  B.     (To  page  xv.) 
THE  EARLY  FUR  TRADE  IN  THE  SOUTHERN  COLONIES 

As  early  as  1610  the  Virginia  settlers  record  having  seen  as  many  as  4000  deer 
skins  "  pyled  up  in  one  wardroabe  of  Powhaton  "  (A  True  Declaration  of  Virginia, 
Force's  Tracts,  iii,  no.  i,  p.  13),  which  could  be  for  nothing  but  trade;  and  the  state 
ment  corroborates  the  account  of  the  coast  trade  in  these  skins  to  Canada.  Captain 
Henry  Fleet,  a  Maryland  trader,  writing  in  1631,  says  a  rival  trader  obtained  at  one 
time,  1500  weight  of  beaver  near  Piscataway  (E.  D.  Neill,  The  English  Colonization 
in  America,  p.  225),  while  he  himself  obtained  800  weight  near  the  site  of  Washing 
ton  City  (ibid.,  p.  226),  and  4000  Ibs.  farther  back  in  the  interior  (p.  229),  while  the 
Indians  on  the  Potomac  promised  him  6000  Ibs.  the  next  season,  worth  £200 
(pp.  235-236).  And  Father  Andrew  White  said  that  a  thirty-fold  profit  could  be 
made  on  the  Potomac,  one  merchant  alone  having  shipped  beaver  skins  in  one  year 
of  the  value  of  40,000  pieces  of  gold.  Force's  Tracts,  iv,  no.  12,  p.  6.  See  also 
Virginia  Richly  and  Truly  Valued,  Force's  Tracts,  iii,  no.  n,  p.  52.  Hariot  also 
reported  that  deer  skins  were  "  to  be  had  of  the  naturall  inhabitants  thousands 
yeerely  by  way  of  trafiicke  for  trifles,"  Narrative  of  the  First  English  Plantation  of 
Virginia  (reprint,  London,  1893),  p.  17.  On  the  eastern  shore  of  Virginia  beaver 
was  used  as  currency  in  1637.  Bruce's  Economic  History  of  Virginia,  ii,  p.  521. 
The  account  of  John  Lederer's  travels  into  the  interior  show  the  importance  of  the 
trade  at  a  later  date  (1670).  The  First  Explorations  of  the  Trans-Allegheny  Region, 
edited  by  Alvord  and  Bidgood  (esp.  pp.  162, 169-171).  Much  of  the  dissatisfaction 
in  Virginia,  which  culminated  in  Bacon's  Rebellion,  was  due  to  Governor  Berkeley's 
actions  and  private  interests  in  the  Indian  trade.  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  America 
and  West  Indies,  1661-68,  p.  484.  The  remarkable  manifesto  of  Bacon  himself 
makes  this  clear.  He  says  in  part:  "  Another  main  article  of  our  guilt  is  our  design 
not  only  to  ruin  and  extirpate  all  Indians  in  general,  but  all  manner  of  trade  with 
them,  since  the  Governor  by  commission  warrants  this  trade,  who  dare  oppose  it, 
although  plantations  be  deserted,  and  the  blood  of  our  brethren  spilt  on  all  sides, 
our  complaints  continually  murder  upon  murder.  Who  dare  say  that  these  traders 
at  the  heads  of  the  rivers  buy  and  sell  our  blood,  and  do  still,  notwithstanding  the 


INTRODUCTION  xxxiii 

late  Act  to  the  contrary.  .  .  .  The  very  foundation  of  all  these  disasters  is  the 
grant  of  the  beaver  trade  to  the  Governor,  but  to  say  the  grant  is  illegal,  were  not 
this  to  deserve  the  name  of  rebel  and  traitor."  Ibid.,  1675-76,  pp.  448-449.  The 
outrageous  frauds  practised  by  the  traders  upon  the  Indians,  which  indirectly  caused 
these  massacres  complained  of  by  Bacon,  are  vividly  described  in  a  pamphlet  pub 
lished  in  London  in  1731,  and  the  Indian  war  of  1714  is  traced  to  them.  The 
Importance  of  the  British  Plantations  in  America,  London,  1731,  pp.  85-86.  It  is  too 
evident  from  Governor  Spotswood's  letters,  written  early  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
that  he  too  was  interested  in  this  trade.  But  the  inevitable  exhaustion  of  the  beaver 
supply  was  already  carrying  the  trade  west  of  the  mountains,  where  the  competition 
of  the  French  was  keen.  Spotswood  shows  a  remarkable  knowledge  of  their  opera 
tions  in  the  interior  and  a  statesmanlike  appreciation  of  the  necessity  of  controlling 
the  Indians  of  the  interior  through  their  trade  by  the  building  of  English  posts. 
The  Official  Letters  of  Alexander  Spotswood,  Va.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  N.  s.,  i,  p.  40;  ii,  pp. 
89,  94,  138,  144-150,  209,  230-238,  296-298,  301-303,  331.  William  Byrd's  delight 
ful  History  of  the  Dividing  Line,  written  about  the  same  time,  is  full  of  references  to 
the  Indian  trade  and  its  importance.  He  makes  the  interesting  statement  that 
Virginia  traders  were  trading  among  the  Cherokees  far  beyond  the  mountains  as 
early  as  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  eighty  years  before  the  colony  of 
Georgia  "  was  thought  of."  i,  p.  142.  See  also  i,  pp.  179-180,  183-184,  where  he 
attributes  the  Indian  war  of  1713  to  the  actions  of  the  traders.  This  is  borne 
out  by  other  evidence.  A  State  of  Georgia,  Force's  Tracts,  i,  no.  3,  p.  3.  The 
College  of  William  and  Mary  was  partly  supported  by  export  duties  on  furs. 
Hening,  Virginia  Statutes,  iii,  p.  123  (1693);  Preston  Papers,  MSS.  in  the  Wisconsin 
Historical  Society  Library,  i,  no.  9.  The  Virginia  traders,  however,  were  barred 
from  the  western  beaver  country  by  the  "  Endless  Mountains,"  and  were  forced 
to  go  to  the  Cherokees  by  way  of  Georgia,  where  they  were  required  to  take  out 
licenses  after  the  founding  of  that  colony.  Byrd,  op.  cit.,  pp.  141-142.  But  the 
trade  was  important  there  long  before  the  founding  of  Georgia.  Winsor,  Missis 
sippi  Basin,  p.  20.  This  trade  was  carried  on  mainly  by  English  capital,  most  of 
the  profits  returning  to  England  (The  Importance  of  the  British  Plantations  in  Amer 
ica,  p.  66),  and  it  was  no  small  trade.  From  March,  1730  to  March,  1731  there 
were  shipped  300  casks,  each  containing  eight  or  nine  hundred  deer  skins  (A 
Description  of  the  Province  of  South  Carolina  (1731);  Force's  Tracts,  ii,  no.  n,  p.  6), 
and  the  yearly  average  was  "  above  200,000  deer-skins  undrest."  Ibid.,  p.  7. 
When  Georgia  was  founded,  Augusta  absorbed  most  of  this  trade,  which  was 
astonishingly  great.  In  1740,  five  years  after  the  post  was  established,  there  were 
several  warehouses  full  of  Indian  goods.  The  people  of  the  town  owned  five 
large  boats,  which  made  four  or  five  trips  a  year  to  Charleston,  each  with  a  cargo 
of  nine  or  ten  thousand  pounds,  worth  from  twelve  to  fifteen  hundred  pounds 
sterling.  Between  Augusta  and  the  interior,  2000  pack  horses  were  needed  in  1740, 
"  and  the  Traders,  Packhorse-men,  Servants,  Townsmen  and  others,  dependent 
upon  that  Business,  are  moderately  computed  to  be  six  hundred  white  Men  .  .  . 
carrying  .  .  .  English  Goods;  for  which  the  Indians  pay  in  Deer-Skins,  Beaver, 
and  other  Furs."  A  State  of  Georgia,  Force's  Tracts,  i,  no.  3,  p.  6.  This  was  the 
"  unimportant  "  Indian  commerce  of  the  little  colony  of  Georgia.  The  French 
memoirs  furnish'  evidence  of  the  enormous  territory  covered  by  these  southern 
traders.  Their  influence  in  the  early  years  of  the  eighteenth  century  extended 


XXXIV      WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

probably  further  west  than  even  that  of  the  English  and  Dutch  in  New  York. 
As  early  as  1701  the  French  report  the  designs  of  the  Carolina  people  to  trade 
with  the  Indians  on  the  upper  Mississippi.  Wisconsin  Historical  Collections,  xvi, 
pp.  208-210.  In  1714  apparently  the  Carolina  traders  were  trying  to  trade  with 
the  Illinois,  through  the  aid  of  certain  French  residents  there.  Ibid.,  p.  303. 
See  also  ibid.,  p.  317.  In  the  next  year  they  are  reported  to  have  begun  to  build  a 
fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio.  Ibid.,  pp.  318-319,  335,  345.  Celoron  in  1749 
found  many  Carolina  traders  on  the  upper  Ohio,  and  warned  them  to  leave.  Catholic 
Historical  Researches,  ii,  p.  135;  in,  p.  24.  Much  more  evidence  might  be  cited 
from  the  official  records  published  by  the  various  southern  states  and  elsewhere. 
See  also  Winsor,  The  Mississippi  Basin,  p,  171  et  seq. 


CHAPTER   II 

THE  NEW  YORK  FUR  TRADE  AND   ITS  REGULATION 

THE  part  played  by  the  Province  of  New  York  in  this  struggle 
for  the  mastery  of  the  continent  was  greater  in  the  eighteenth 
century  than  that  of  any  other  English  colony.  In  Pennsyl 
vania,  as  we  have  seen,  Indian  affairs  were  a  compound  of  land 
titles  and  trade.  In  New  York  in  this  period  they  consisted 
almost  exclusively  of  trade.  At  an  earlier  time,  when  Indian 
affairs  were  local,  lands  had  played  their  part  there  as  elsewhere, 
in  the  early  relations  with  the  River  Indians,  for  example;  and 
to  a  minor  extent  this  continued  to  be  true,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
great  and  scandalous  Kayaderosseras  Patent  on  the  Mohawk,1 
but  it  may  be  said  truly  that  in  New  York,  Indian  relations  in  the 
eighteenth  century  practically  meant  Indian  trade.  The  great 
contest  in  America  was  mainly  a  struggle  for  the  control  of  the 
vast  country  west  of  the  Alleghanies,  through  the  aid  of  Indian 
alliances  induced  by  trade.  The  supremacy  of  New  York  among 
the  English  colonies  in  this  trade  was  due  to  several  interrelated 
causes.  One  of  these  was  the  unique  geographical  position  of  the 
province. 

It  was  the  constant  aim  of  the  French  in  colonial  times,  as  it 
was  England's  in  the  War  of  Independence,  to  draw  a  line  through 
the  English  colonies  from  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Manhattan  Island. 
It  was  a  comparatively  short  line  —  only  about  three  hundred 
miles  —  and  it  would  effectually  cut  apart  New  England  and  all 
the  rest  of  British  America.  France  was  fully  aware  of  its  impor 
tance,  and  tried  to  buy  and  then  to  take  New  York.  It  was  her 
failure  in  both  these  that  made  necessary  that  line  of  forts  behind 
the  English  colonies  —  some  two  thousand  miles  in  length  instead 
of  three  hundred  —  a  line  too  long  for  the  small  population  of 
Canada  to  man.  If  there  is  one  military  reason  for  the  failure 

1  For  a  judicious  account  of  certain  phases  of  the  history  of  Indian  lands  in  New 
York,  see  Alice  Mapelsden  Keys's  Cadwallader  Colden  (1906),  especially  ch.  ii. 


XXXvi      WRAXAWS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

of  New  France  it  is  this.  But  why  was  it  necessary  to  proceed 
by  sea  at  all  against  so  weak  a  colony  as  New  York  ?  Why  was 
not  France  able  by  a  land  attack  to  sweep  away  the  slight  trad 
ing  posts  of  Dutch  and  English  merchants,  and  take  possession 
of  a  small  and  poorly  defended  colony  ?  For  it  was  miserably 
weak  and  this  could  easily  have  been  done  before  the  other 
members  of  the  loosely  joined  empire  would  or  could  have  come 
to  the  rescue.  The  reason  does  not  lie  in  the  lack  of  desire,  or  in 
any  want  of  appreciation  of  the  supreme  importance  of  the  con 
quest  on  the  part  of  the  French,  nor  is  it  to  be  found  in  the 
strength  of  New  Netherland  or  New  York.  Neither  is  it  due  to 
the  natural  defenses  of  the  country.  New  York  has  been  called 
the  "  Citadel  of  America."  The  term  is  rather  misleading. 
Its  central  position  and  splendid  river  and  lake  system  make  it 
truly  the  key  of  the  continent,  but  this  very  fact  made  it  also  the 
most  open  to  attack  by  the  French.  The  valley  of  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  the  lakes,  as  Professor  Shaler  says,  has  not  its  like 
in  the  world.1  Nowhere  else  is  there  such  a  mighty  water  system 
with  no  mountain  wall  to  flank  it.  So  low  is  the  watershed 
between  the  St.  Lawrence  system  and  the  Mississippi  that  a 
common  suction  pump  will  raise  the  water  high  enough  to  sur 
mount  it,  and  the  City  of  Chicago  has  dug  through  it,  and  in  part 
diverted  the  waters  of  Lake  Michigan  from  the  Gulf  of  St.  Law 
rence  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  It  was  this  low  water-shed,  with 
its  interlacing  rivers,  that  invited  the  French  into  the  interior 
and  made  possible  their  marvellous  explorations  there.  Access 
to  New  York  from  the  north  was  equally  easy.  The  English 
colonies  were  protected  elsewhere  by  the  impenetrable  thickets 
of  the  Endless  Mountains.  Only  in  New  York  was  there  no 
protecting  wall.  This  made  New  York  the  natural  gateway  to 
the  interior,  with  enormous  possibilities  for  trade  and  commerce, 
which  have  been  of  decisive  importance  from  then  to  now,  but 
it  also  exposed  her  as  no  other  colony  was  exposed  to  attack  from 

1  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  iv,  Introduction,  p.  xxi. 
See  also  PownalTs  Memorial  stating  the  Nature  of  the  Service  in  North  America, 
and  proposing  a  General  Plan  of  Operations.  Administration  of  the  Colonies,  4th  ed., 
Appendix  i. 


INTRODUCTION  XXXVli 

Canada.1  Why  then  was  she  not  swept  away  ?  There  is  but 
one  answer:  the  continuous  alliance  of  the  government  at 
Orange  and  New  Amsterdam,  Albany  and  New  York,  with  the 
League  of  the  Iroquois.  Evidences  of  the  appreciation  of  this 
Tact  could  be  given  almost  without  number,  both  French  and 
English,  contemporary  and  modern.  "  To  this  Indian  League, 
France  must  chiefly  ascribe  the  final  overthrow  of  her  magnif 
icent  schemes  of  colonization  in  the  northern  part  of  America," 
declares  Lewis  H.  Morgan.2  "  The  pivotal  fact  in  early  Ameri 
can  history,"  says  Fiske,  "was  the  alliance  between  the  Five 
Nations  and  the  white  men  on  the  Hudson  River,  first  Dutch, 
afterwards  English."3  And  Parkman:  "The  cause  of  the 
failure  of  the  Jesuits  is  obvious.  The  guns  and  tomahawks  of 
the  Iroquois  were  the  ruin  of  their  hopes.  Could  they  have 
curbed  or  converted  those  ferocious  bands,  it  is  little  less  than 
certain  that  their  dream  would  have  become  a  reality."  4  George 
Chalmers  calls  the  Five  Nations  the  "  impenetrable  fence  around 
the  northern  colonies,"  5  and  to  Governor  Dongan  they  are  the 
"  bulwark  between  us  &  the  French  &  all  other  Indians.6  "  If  we 
lose  the  Iroquois,  we  are  gone,"  wrote  James  Logan,  Secretary 
of  Pennsylvania,  to  William  Penn  in  i702.7  In  1681,  Du  Chesnau 

1  In  1650  the  directors  of  the  Dutch  West  Indian  Company  were  fearful  of  an 
attack  by  the  English  on  the  Wappinger  Indians.      "  If  these  Indians  should  be 
driven  away,"  they  wrote  to  Stuyvesant,  "  then  the  English  would  thus  by  occupy 
ing  their  lands  have  a  chance  to  cut  Renssclacrswyck  off  from  us;  they  might  further 
become  masters  of  the  whole  North  river  and  with  it  of  the  fur  trade."     N.  Y.  Col. 
Docs.,  xiv,  p.  124. 

"  If  ever  the  French  can  take  us  at  an  unguarded  Hour,  and  could  make  them 
selves  Masters  of  New-York,  they  would  be  enabled  thereby  to  cut  off  the  Communi 
cation  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  Colonies,  and  by  the  Aid  of  the  Indians, 
they  might  have  it  in  their  Power  totally  to  destroy  the  English  Settlements."  The 
Wisdom  and  Policy  of  the  French  (London,  1755),  pp.  98-99. 

"  Whoever  possesses  the  dominion  of  lake  Ontario  and  the  pass  at  Niagara,  must 
engross  the  whole  furr  trade."  The  Importance  of  Canada  Considered  in  Two  Letters 
to  a  Noble  Lord  (London,  1761),  p.  3. 

2  League  of  the  Iroquois  (Rochester,  1851),  p.  n. 

3  Dutch  and  Quaker  Colonies,  ii,  p.  172. 

4  The  Jesuits  in  North  America,  p.  447. 

6  History  of  the  Revolt  of  the  American  Colonies,  i,  p.  248. 

6  N.  Y.  Coi:Docs.,  iii,  p.  393. 

7  Penn-Logan  Correspondence,  i,  p,  88. 


xxxviii      WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

wrote  home,  "  There  is  no  doubt,  and  it  is  the  universal  opinion, 
that  if  the  Irbquois  are  allowed  to  proceed  they  will  subdue  the 
Illinois,  and  in  a  short  time  render  themselves  masters  of  all  the 
Outawa  tribes,  and  divert  the  trade  to  the  English,  so  that  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  to  make  them  our  friends  or  to  destroy 
them."  l  Five  years  later,  Denonville,  Governor  of  Canada, 
exclaimed  in  despair,  "  Whilst  we  have  the  Iroquois  on  our  hands 
can  we  be  certain  of  anything  ?  "  2  Charlevoix  gives  it  as  his 
opinion  that  if  they  united  with  the  English  and  the  Indians  of  the 
interior  "  one  single  campaign  would  suffice  to  expel  the  French 
from  New  France."  3  They  are  "  the  balance  of  the  Continent 
of  America,"  declared  the  people  of  Albany  in  1720.* 

If  these  opinions  are  correct,  few  subjects  could  be  more 
important  for  American  history  than  a  determination  of  the 
causes  of  this  continuous  alliance  of  the  League  with  the  whites 
on  the  Hudson.  In  this  particular  instance,  great  importance  is 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  ix,  p.  165. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  301.     Archibald  Kennedy,  a  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Province 
of  New  York,  in  his  Observations  on  the  Importance  of  the  Northern  Colonies  under 
Proper  Regulations,  published  in  1750,  says  that  if  D'Anville  had  been  able  to 
refresh  his  troops  they  could  easily  have  taken  New  York  and  Albany,  "  by  which 
Means  they  would  have  been  possessed  of  Hudson's  River,  the  whole  Furr  Trade, 
and  at  the  same  Time  the  Command  of  many  thousand  fighting  Indians,  who  would 
very  soon  have  drove  us  all  into  the  Sea.  .  .  .     And  if  ever  the  French  become 
absolute  masters  of  the  Indians,  adieu  to  our  English  Settlements:  and  should  they 
even  attempt  this  and  succeed,  of  which  I  make  little  doubt,  if  even  at  the  Expence 
of  a  Million,  they  will  be  Gainers  "  (p.  6).     In  his  important  Serious  Considerations 
on  the  Present  State  of  the  Affairs  of  the  Northern  Colonies  (New  York,  1754)  he  ex 
presses  the  opinion  that  if  the  French  can  but  succeed  in  getting  the  Indians  over 
to  their  side  —  an  outcome  apparently  not  improbable  when  he  wrote  —  "  they 
will  have  little  else  to  do."     A  stop  can  be  put  to  them  "  by  Means  of  the  Indians, 
and  by  them  only  "  (pp.  5-6). 

"  If  we  look  back  into  the  history  of  our  colonies,  and  those  of  the  French,  we 
shall  find,  that  our  colonies  have  not  derived  the  peace  and  quiet,  safety  and  secur 
ity,  they  have  hitherto  enjoyed,  from  the  number  of  their  men,  and  far  less  from 
their  caution  and  vigilance,  or  the  care  that  has  been  taken  of  them  by  Britain,  but 
from  the  Indians  in  alliance  with  them,  and  particularly  the  Six  Nations;  who  are 
situated  between  the  French  and  us,  upon  the  borders  of  both  nations,  and  have 
been  in  a  manner  the  safeguard  and  only  barrier  of  our  colonies  ever  since  they  were 
settled,  particularly  against  the  French."  Mitchell,  The  Contest  in  America  (Lon 
don,  1757),  P-  212. 

3  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France.     English  translation  by  J.  G.  Shea,  iv,  p.  276. 

4  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  v,  p.  571. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxix 

usually  given  to  the  ill-advised  assistance  given  by  Champlain 
in  1609  to  the  Indians  of  Canada  against  the  Iroquois.  The 
memory  of  it  is  usually  represented  as  the  cause  of  the  alliance 
between  the  Iroquois  and  the  European  enemies  of  France  in 
America  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  years.  I  confess  that  this 
seems  to  me  entirely  too  insignificant  and  transient  a  cause  of  so 
important  and  enduring  a  thing  as  the  alliance  in  question.  The 
explanation  is  inadequate.  Revenge  has  always  been  prominent 
in  the  Indian  character,  but  such  an  explanation  as  this,  while  it 
might  explain  the  actions  of  the  Indians  of  Gertrude  of  Wyoming 
or  The  Last  of  the  Mohicans,  does  not  suffice  to  make  clear  the 
policy  of  the  Iroquois  as  we  see  it  in  the  eighteenth  century. 

Another  and  a  better  reason  for  the  alliance  must  be  sought, 
and  it  is  to  be  found  in  the  trade  in  furs.  Mr.  Andrew  McFar- 
land  Davis  expresses  what  seems  to  me  the  truer  view  when  he 
says:  "  The  interests  of  the  Confederacy  rested  with  the  English, 
and  not  with  the  French.  If  the  Iroquois  permitted  the  Indians  of 
the  Northwest  to  negotiate  with  the  French,  and  interposed  no 
obstacle  to  the  transportation  of  peltries  from  the  upper  lakes  to 
Montreal  and  Quebec,  they  would  forfeit  all  the  commercial 
benefits  which  belonged  to  their  geographical  position.  Thus 
their  natural  tendency  was  to  join  with  the  English."  l 

1  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  v,  p.  2. 

"  I  have  nevertheless  observed,  and  this  must  not  be  lost  sight  of,  to  understand 
the  whole  thread  of  the  Iroquois  manoeuvres,  so  apparently  variant  with  each  other, 
that  these  Indians  would  not  calmly  have  beheld  the  English  sole  masters  of  all 
Canada.  They  were  not  ignorant  how  much  they  should  have  to  fear  at  the  hands 
of  the  English,  had  the  latter  no  rivals,  and  at  bottom  they  aspired  only  to  hold  the 
scale  evenly  balanced  between  the  two  nations,  whose  mutual  jealousy  made  the 
Iroquois  sought  by  both  and  ensured  their  safety. 

"  The  English  themselves  were  fortunate  to  have  such  a  barrier  to  present  to 
us;  for  they  could  not  ensure  the  very  tranquillity  of  their  colonies,  powerful  as 
they  were,  except  by  keeping  us  employed  on  that  side,  while  the  Indians  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Acadia,  closely  allied  to  us  by  the  bond  of  religion,  incessantly 
disturbed  the  repose  of  New  England,  and  the  domestic  dissensions  of  New  York 
exposed  that  province  to  the  danger  of  passing  under  the  French  domination." 
Charlevoix,  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  Eng.  trans.,  iv,  p.  248. 

"  It  was  at  this  time  [about  1609]  that  the  mutual  dread  and  enmity  between  the 
Five  nations  and  the  French  commenced,  which  brought  so  many  calamities  on 
both.  It  was  at  the  same  time  that  a  peace  ensued  between  the  former  and  the 
Dutch,  which  continued  without  interruption,  because  it  was  advantageous  to  both;  the 


xl  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Really  to  understand  what  Winsor  means  when  he  says  that 
"  trade  was  on  the  whole  the  most  important  influence  now  at 
work  in  the  struggle  for  a  continent,"  l  we  must  appreciate  two 
things :  first,  what  was  the  real  aim  of  the  French  and  English  in 
all  their  relations  with  the  interior,  by  what  means  and  under 
what  relative  conditions  were  they  striving  to  accomplish  it;  and 
second,  what  influence  upon  such  aims,  means  and  conditions  was 
given  to  the  Iroquois  by  their  unique  geographical  position.  In 
the  eighteenth  century  trade  with  an  Indian  nation  meant  an 
alliance  with  it,  and  an  alliance  meant  trade.  The  nations  that 
traded  with  New  France  would  fight  against  the  English  colonies, 
and  the  ones  who  brought  their  furs  to  Albany  instead  of  Mon 
treal  could  be  counted  on  to  fight  the  French.  "  The  ultimate 
question  for  the  rival  whites,"  as  Winsor  says,  "  as  well  as  for  the 
intermediary  natives  was:  Who  should  supply  the  rum  to  the 
distant  Ottawas  and  Miamis."  2  Trade  and  policy  were  insepar 
able,  but  trade  was  the  ultimate  end  of  all  policy;  it  was  also 
practically  the  sole  means  in  all  Indian  relations.  The  endeavors 
of  the  contending  whites  were  thus  directed  to  the  control  of 
the  interior  and  its  trade,  and  the  interruption  so  far  as  possible 
of  all  communication  between  the  interior  tribes  and  their  own 
enemies,  white  and  red.  The  matter  was  never  put  better  than 
by  the  representative  of  the  Six  Nations  at  Albany  in  1735,  when 
he  said,  "  Trade  and  Peace  we  take  to  be  one  thing."  3  The 
converse  was  usually  equally  true. 

The  English  entered  this  competition  for  trade  and  for  peace 
under  great  handicaps.  The  French  were  far  in  advance  of 
them  in  the  trade  with  the  interior.  To  this  must  be  added  the 
abuses  of  the  English  traders  themselves.  During  the  whole 
history  of  the  English  fur  trade,  the  evidence  indicates  that  most 
of  these  traders  were  the  very  scum  of  the  earth,  and  their  treat- 
one  was  constantly  engaged  in  war,  the  other  was  occupied  with  the  arts  of  peace. 
When  the  English  acquired  possession  of  New  York  they  were  adopted,  by  the  tribes, 
in  the  place  of  their  ancient  allies,  and  a  similar  good  correspondence  continued, 
because  the  same  causes  existed"  Chalmers,  Political  Annals,  i,  p.  586.  The 
Italics  are  not  in  the  original. 

1  The  Mississippi  Basin,  p.  163. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  176.  3  Post,  p.  195. 


INTRODUCTION  xli 

ment  of  the  Indians  was  such  as  hardly  to  be  suitable  for  descrip 
tion.1  The  lack  of  adequate  regulation  of  these  lawless  and 
unprincipled  men  was  no  doubt  a  serious  disadvantage  of  the 
English  colonies,  and  it  was  one  hardly  likely  to  be  amended 
while  there  was  such  rivalry  for  the  trade  between  the  different 
colonies  themselves.  Against  these  handicaps,  serious  as  they 
were,  and  sometimes  threatening  the  very  continuance  of  the 
English  trade,  were  two  important  and  closely  related  influences. 
One  was  the  fact  that  with  the  exception  of  powder  alone,  the 
English  goods  were  so  much  cheaper  than  the  French,  that  at 

1  References  to  the  abuses  of  the  Indian  traders  abound  in  many  of  the  numerous 
accounts  of  travel  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  in  memoirs,  political 
pamphlets  and  official  papers.  They  are  in  substantial  agreement  in  describing  the 
trickery,  violence  and  immorality  of  the  practices.  A  few  of  the  admissions  of  one 
of  these  men  who  considered  himself  above  the  average  will  indicate  what  the  un 
recorded  customs  of  these  "  banditti  "  must  have  been. 

Long,  in  his  account  of  his  travels  (Early  Western  Travels,  edited  by  Thwaites), 
says  that  the  vice  and  immorality  charged  upon  the  English  are  "  to  be  attributed 
in  a  great  measure  to  the  traders,  who  used  to  purchase  convicts,  and  hire  men  of 
infamous  character  to  carry  up  their  goods  among  the  Indians,  many  of  whom  ran 
away  from  their  masters  to  join  the  Savages;  the  iniquitous  conduct  of  those  people 
essentially  injured  the  English  in  the  opinion  of  the  Indians  and  fixed  an  odium 
which  will  not  be  soon  or  easily  removed,"  p.  33  (original  paging).  But  he  admitted 
that  rum  "  is  now  become  an  essential  requisite  in  every  transaction  with  the  Sav 
ages,"  and  "  a  drunken  frolic  is  looked  upon  as  an  indispensable  requisite  in  a 
barter,"  pp.  13-14.  He  describes  some  of  these  "  frolics  "  resulting  from  his  own 
rum.  One  of  them  lasted  four  days  and  nights,  with  the  result  that  two  boys  were 
killed  and  six  men  wounded  by  three  Indian  women,  and  one  of  the  chiefs  was  mur 
dered.  These  frolics  he  piously  declares  "  are  very  prejudicial  to  all  parties,  and  put 
the  trader  to  a  considerable  expence!  "  p.  56.  In  another  frolic,  lasting  three  days 
and  nights,  "  five  men  were  killed,  and  one  woman  dreadfully  burnt,"  p.  104.  In 
still  another,  "  the  only  accident  which  happened  was  to  a  little  child,  whose  back 
was  broke  by  the  mother,"  p.  m.  The  worthy  Long  also  admits  that  it  is  his  prac 
tice  to  dilute  his  rum  so  as  to  make  it  "  about  one-fifth  part  weaker  than  usual," 
p.  133.  During  the  "  frolics,"  in  order  to  prevent  injury  to  himself  it  was  his  cus 
tom  to  put  laudanum  in  the  rum,  p.  105,  and  on  one  occasion,  he  confesses,  he  gave 
rum  with  eighty  drops  of  tincture  of  cantharides  and  eighty  drops  of  laudanum  to 
an  Indian  woman,  who  drank  it  "  and  then  fell  on  the  floor,"  pp.  111-112.  "  I 
have  always  found  laudanum  extremely  useful,"  he  says,  "  in  general  it  may  be 
considered  an  essential  article  in  the  commerce  with  the  Indians,  as  it  proves  the 
only  method  of  overcoming  their  intoxicated  senses,  and  making  the  life  of  a 
trader  more  tolerable,  by  putting  a  stop  to  their  impertinence,"  p.  112.  Wraxall 
gives  an  instance  of  the  practices  of  traders  in  their  dealing  with  the  Indians,  on 
page  1 66. 


xlii  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Albany  and  Oswego  twice  as  much  could  be  given  for  beaver 
as  the  Indian  could  get  at  any  of  the  French  posts.  This  is 
the  reason  always  given  by  English,  French  and  Indians  for  the 
English  share  in  the  trade.1  There  is  no  doubt  that  it  is  the 
correct  one,  practically  the  sole  one.  The  second  fact  derives  its 
importance  entirely  from  it:  the  only  route  from  the  interior  to 
Albany,  the  centre  of  distribution  of  these  cheap  goods,  lay 
directly  through  the  country  of  the  Iroquois.  These  two  inter 
related  facts  furnish  the  secret  of  the  Iroquois  alliance,  the 
enduring  and  sufficient  cause  of  their  practically  unbroken 
friendship  with  the  nation  that  held  Albany.  The  reasons  for 
this  are  plain.  The  great  role  of  the  Iroquois  was  that  of  middle 
men  between  the  "  Far  Indians  "  and  the  English,  a  role  which 
enabled  them  not  only  to  obtain  material  benefits,  but  to  retain 
that  position  of  superiority  over  the  Indians  of  the  eastern  half 
of  the  United  States  which  they  had  probably  first  secured 
through  their  knowledge  of  the  white  man's  firearms,  but  could 
now  no  longer  hope  to  hold  by  mere  force  alone,  since  their 
fighting  men  had  so  diminished  in  numbers  and  their  enemies  had 
obtained  weapons  as  good  as  their  own.  They  hoped  to  retain 

1  "  It  is  absolutely  impossible  to  prevent  the  savages  from  taking  their  beaver- 
skins  to  Orange;  we  shall  never  succeed  in  doing  so  as  long  as  goods  are  dear  and 
beaver-skins  cheap."  Report  of  Vaudreuil  and  Raudot  on  the  colonies,  November 
14,  1708.  Michigan  Pioneer  and  Historical  Collections,  xxxiii,  p.  420.  On  this  point 
all  contemporary  observers,  both  French  and  English,  are  unanimous.  There  is  no 
subject  to  which  they  referred  oftener,  and  there  was  no  factor  more  important  or 
more  continuously  operative  upon  the  respective  fortunes  of  the  rival  claimants  for 
North  America.  The  reasons  for  the  greater  cheapness  of  English  goods  are  vari 
ous;  the  monopolistic  policy  of  the  French  government,  the  fact  that  rum,  strouds 
and  duffels,  the  staples  of  Indian  trade,  came  mainly  from  England  or  English 
dependencies,  the  difficulties  of  navigation  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  in  the  route  to 
the  interior  as  compared  with  the  easier  route  to  Oswego  and  Schenectady,  and 
other  factors.  Colden's  important  memoir  on  the  fur  trade  gives  the  best  summary 
of  the  matter.  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  v,  pp.  726-733.  Strouds,  probably  the  most  im 
portant  article  in  a  trader's  outfit,  were  a  kind  of  coarse  woolen  cloth,  so  called  from 
Stroud  in  England,  where  it  was  manufactured.  Wynne,  British  Empire  in  America, 
i,  p.  198.  Duffels,  for  the  same  reason,  were  named  from  a  town  near  Antwerp. 
New  Oxford  Dictionary.  "  Brandy,"  says  Kalm,  "  the  Indians  value  above  all  other 
goods  that  can  be  brought  them;  nor  have  they  any  thing,  though  ever  so  dear  to 
them,  which  they  would  not  give  away  for  this  liquor."  Travels,  English  Transla 
tion,  2d  ed.,  ii,  p.  395. 


INTRODUCTION  xliii 

by  peaceable  means  what  they  could  not  expect  any  longer  to 
keep  by  force  of  arms.  This  could  be  done  by  alliance  and  by 
trade  alone,  and  by  English  trade  alone.  They  could  not  possibly 
hope  to  enjoy  the  same  importance  as  intermediaries  between  the 
French  and  the  western  Indians,  because  the  French  themselves 
already  had  their  own  trading  posts  as  far  west  as  the  lakes 
extended  with  hundreds  of  coureurs  de  bois  who  collected  the  furs 
in  the  interior  and  brought  them  directly  to  Canada.  Besides, 
the  Canadian  Indians  were  strong  enough  to  prevent  any  inter 
ference,  notwithstanding  their  defeats  by  the  Iroquois.  It  was 
clearly  good  policy  on  the  part  of  the  Iroquois  to  stick  to  the  Eng 
lish,  particularly  as  their  friends  had  no  posts  farther  west  than 
Oswego. 

The  Iroquois  were  fully  alive  to  the  great  advantages  their 
situation  gave  them.  It  became,  therefore,  a  consistent  part  of 
their  policy  to  do  their  utmost  to  induce  the  nations  of  the 
interior  to  desert  the  French  and  accept  the  English  goods.  This 
is  the  reason  for  the  repeated  rumors  reported  in  the  French 
memoirs  that  the  Iroquois  have  been  "  sending  belts  under 
ground  "  to  western  Indians  accustomed  to  trade  with  France  — 
rumors  which  never  failed  to  arouse  French  fears  on  account  of 
the  cheapness  of  English  goods. 

The  very  existence  of  the  Five  Nations  depended  on  this. 
There  were  no  beaver  left  in  their  own  country.  As  early  as 
1671,  we  have  a  French  memoir  to  the  effect  that  hardly  a  single 
beaver  could  be  found  south  of  Lake  Ontario.1  The  Iroquois 
had  to  get  their  beaver  from  the  Indians  farther  west  or  get  none, 
and  beaver  they  must  have  or  lose  the  rum,  the  clothing,  guns  and 
ammunition  which  had  become  necessary  to  their  happiness  and 
even  to  their  existence.  To  induce  these  other  Indian  tribes  to 
take  English  goods  often  meant  to  induce  them  to  take  up  the 
hatchet  against  the  French.  It  was  at  times  a  part  of  Iroquois 
policy  to  bring  this  about,  and  the  alternatives  offered  were 
usually  trade  or  war.  Particularly  important  to  them  at  one 
period  were  the  Hurons  and  the  Tobacco  Nation,  who  were  in  such 

1  In  that  year  Courcelles  wrote  that  the  beaver  were  "  absolutely  exhausted  " 
there.  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  ix,  p.  80. 


xliv          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

a  position  geographically  that  they  could  intercept  all  furs  coming 
from  the  west  to  Canada.  To  intercept  trade  there  was  to  turn  it 
southward,  where  it  must  pass  through  the  Iroquois  country  to 
Albany.  It  is  easy  to  see  the  bearing  of  conditions  such  as  these 
on  the  history  of  the  Indians  at  this  time,  —  the  Fox  Wars,  the 
desperate  struggle  with  the  Hurons,  the  war  between  the  Iroquois 
and  the  Illinois,  the  alliance  between  Iroquois  and  Miamis,  the  gen 
eral  influence  of  the  Iroquois  over  the  tribes  as  far  as  the  Missis 
sippi.  It  is  little  wonder  the  Iroquois  valued  a  connection  with 
the  English  which  lay  at  the  bottom  of  such  influence  and  power, 
or  that  the  English  tried  to  continue  an  alliance  which  brought  so 
many  furs  to  Albany. x  The  policy  had  other  results.  Obviously 
it  would  be  unwise  for  the  Iroquois  to  allow  the  English  to  send 
their  own  men  directly  to  the  western  Indians,  or  to  establish 
posts  in  the  Indian  country  which  would  lessen  their  own  impor 
tance  as  middlemen.  The  Indian  records  contain  many  entries 
which  show  that  the  Iroquois  fully  realized  this.  It  is  un 
doubtedly  the  reason  for  the  otherwise  surprising  fact  that  New 
York  had  neither  post  nor  fort  west  of  Oswego.  Again  and 
again  the  Indians  protested  against  the  practice  of  English 
traders  in  carrying  rum  to  the  Far  Indians.  Their  real  reason 
was  that  it  endangered  their  trade.  They  resisted  all  projects  of 
New  York  to  build  a  fort  at  Niagara  and  elsewhere  west  of 

1  "  The  English  .  .  .  from  that  time  [about  1689]  shared  with  the  French  in  the 
fur  trade;  and  this  was  the  chief  motive  of  their  fomenting  war  between  us  and  the 
Iroquois,  inasmuch  as  they  could  get  no  good  furs,  which  come  from  the  northern 
districts,  except  by  means  of  these  Indians,  who  could  scarcely  effect  a  reconciliation 
with  us,  without  precluding  them  from  this  precious  mine. 

"  Not  that  the  Iroquois  were  great  hunters;  but,  besides  their  often  robbing  our 
allies  and  voyageurs  of  the  furs  they  were  bearing  to  Montreal,  they  induced  several 
tribes,  and  often  even  our  bushlopers,  to  trade  with  the  English  of  New  York,  and 
the  profit  which  they  derived  from  this  trade,  of  which  their  country  became  of 
course  the  centre,  retained  them  in  the  English  interest.  To  these  reasons  was 
added  the  allurement  of  a  better  market,  which  made  a  great  impression  on  all  the 
Indians,  so  that  the  best  part  of  the  furs  of  Canada  went  to  the  English,  without 
there  being  any  possibility  of  bringing  to  reason  those  interested  in  this  trade,  the 
head  men  of  which  being  in  France,  did  not  see  matters  so  clearly  as  those  who  were 
in  America."  Charlevoix,  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  English  translation,  iv, 
pp.  16-17. 


INTRODUCTION  xlv 

Oswego,  and  succeeded  in  preventing  it.1  This  is  in  strong 
contrast  with  the  attitude  of  the  Indians  on  the  Ohio,  who  begged 
the  English  to  erect  forts  to  protect  them.2  As  a  result,  when  the 

1  When  a  war  was  impending  between  England  and  France,  the  policy  changed. 
Then  the  Indians  were  glad  enough  to  have  forts  as  a  protection  from  actual  attack. 
But  with  the  restoration  of  peace  the  opposition  to  any  extension  of  posts  or  forts 
always  revived.     The  results  of  the  policy  of  the  League  of  the  Iroquois  are  also  to 
be  seen  in  the  small  number  of  New  York  traders  among  the  western  Indians. 
Compared  with  the  numbers  from  Pennsylvania  or  the  Carolinas,  they  were  insignif 
icant,  and  yet  the  New  York  trade  probably  exceeded  that  of  Pennsylvania  and 
the  Carolinas  combined.     In  this  respect  New  York  presents  a  striking  contrast 
both  to  the  French  on  the  north  and  to  the  English  colonies  to  the  south  of  her. 
Through  the  causes  mentioned  above,  the  New  York  fur  trade  could  be  conducted 
largely  at  home,  a  fact  which  greatly  complicated  some  of  the  problems  of  New 
York  politics. 

2  The  French  perfectly  understood  the  reason  for  this  opposition  on  the  part  of 
the  Iroquois  to  the  building  of  English  posts  and  forts  in  the  west.     Officers  in 
terested  in  the  retention  of  Michillimackinac  and  the  abandonment  of  Detroit  used 
it  effectively  as  an  argument.     In  1708  d'Aigremont,  in  answer  to  Cadillac's  con 
tention  that  Detroit  must  be  strengthened  or  it  would  fall  into  English  hands,  wrote, 
"  Even  if  it  were  true  that  the  English  would  wish  to  take  possession  of  this  post  if 
we  abandoned  it,  I  do  not  think  the  Iroquois  would  permit  it,  for  if  they  were  mas 
ters  there,  they  would  do  the  whole  trade  independently  of  the  Iroquois,  which 
would  certainly  not  suit  them.     They  are  quite  willing  for  the  English  to  do  this 
trade,  but  want  it  to  be  done  through  them,  so  that  they  may  share  the  profit  on  it 
with  them."     Michigan  Pioneer  Historical  Collections,  xxxiii,  p.  445. 

The  same  argument  was  used  against  the  establishment  of  a  French  post  at  Niag 
ara.  In  1708  Vaudreuil  and  Raudot  wrote,  "  There  need  be  no  fear,  My  Lord,  of 
the  English  seizing  this  post;  the  Iroquois  is  too  skillful,  and  understands  his  inter 
ests  too  well,  to  permit  it.  If  the  Englishman  were  settled  there,  the  Iroquois 
would  find  himself  deprived  of  the  profit  he  makes  out  of  the  people  of  the  lakes  who 
pass  through  their  territory  to  go  to  the  English,  or  from  the  beaver-skins  they  trade 
in  with  them  on  which  they  make  a  profit  out  of  the  Englishman. 

"  There  is  yet  another  reason  which  would  cause  the  Iroquois  to  oppose  it, 
namely,  that  if  the  English  were  settled  there,  the  people  of  the  lakes  would  no 
longer  have  need  of  the  Iroquois  for  trading  with  the  English,  who  would  attract  to 
them  all  the  tribes  of  the  lakes."  Ibid.,  p.  415.  In  1 7 1 2  carpenters  who  had  been 
sent  into  the  Mohawk  country  to  build  forts  reported  that  they  had  met  with  opposi 
tion  from  the  Indians,  who  declared  that  they  would  pull  the  forts  down.  N.  Y. 
Council  MSS.,  xi,  p.  113.  For  example  on  September  15,  1725,  in  a  conference  with 
the  Five  Nations,  when  Governor  Burnet  proposed  the  building  of  a  block  house  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Onondaga  River,  the  Indians  objected  and  suggested  the  end  of 
Oneida  Lake  as  a  preferable  site.  Burnet  refused  to  assent,  urging  that  this  pro 
posal  was  "  a  thing  the  handlers  put  into  your  heads,  on  purpose  that  the  Beavers 
may  all  go  to  Canada,  where  they  would  rather  trade  wh  the  ffrench  then  with  you 
by  which  you  may  see  they  are  not  your  friends."  Original  Indian  Records,  ii.  New 


xlvi          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Seven  Years'  War  broke  out,  there  was  that  lack  of  forts  on  the 
western  frontier  upon  which  Pownall  and  others  dwelt  at  such 
length,  —  a  factor  of  great  influence  on  the  campaigns  and  their 
outcome  during  the  early  years  of  the  struggle.  Such,  then,  was 
the  influence  which  kept  the  Iroquois  at  peace  with  Albany,  and 
not  the  memory  of  Champlain's  action  generations  before.  It 
was  an  influence  that  gave  to  Albany  practical  immunity  from 
attack  in  all  the  wars  between  France  and  England,  while  all 
northern  New  England  and  even  the  neighboring  Connecticut 
valley  were  harried  by  war  parties.  This  continued  security 
gave  rise  to  rumors  —  only  too  well  founded  —  of  the  existence 
of  neutrality  between  Albany  and  Montreal,  based  upon  a 
mutual  advantage  arising  from  trade  which  would  be  interrupted 
by  hostilities.1  The  intermediaries  in  this  illicit  traffic  were 

York  records  and  documents  show  a  great  number  of  instances  of  this  feeling  on  the 
part  of  the  Iroquois,  For  example,  in  1 755  William  Alexander  wrote  to  Sir  William 
Johnson  that  the  building  of  a  store-house  at  the  carrying-place  between  the 
Mohawk  and  Wood  Creek  was  offensive  to  the  Indians  and  had  been  discontinued. 
Johnson  MSS.,  i,  p.  211. 

Mr.  Biggar  cites  Sagard  as  authority  for  the  statement  that  the  Hurons  in  the 
early  period  occupied  much  the  same  position  with  regard  to  Canada  that  the  Iro 
quois  did  toward  New  York,  and  opposed  the  passage  of  trade  by  way  of  Lake 
Ontario  because  it  meant  the  loss  of  their  annual  toll  on  goods  going  by  the  Ottawa 
and  Lake  Nipissing.  Early  Trading  Companies,  p.  128.  It  is  clear  that  this  fur 
nished  an  argument  to  the  Hurons  against  allowing  the  Canadians  to  make  peace 
with  the  Iroquois  which  would  at  the  least  make  the  route  by  lakes  Ontario  and  Erie 
more  available.  Sagard  also  declared  that  such  a  peace  was  opposed  by  the  share 
holders  of  the  Company  in  Canada  lest  the  furs  of  the  Hurons  might  then  go  to  the 
Dutch  on  the  Hudson.  Ibid.  It  may  be  suspected  that  there  were  persons  in 
Albany  whose  attitude  was  much  the  same,  because  they  preferred  the  Canada 
trade  even  to  the  direct  dealings  with  the  western  Indians. 

1  Complaints  of  this  neutrality  began  soon  after  the  English  conquest  of  New 
York.  The  people  of  Albany  were  charged,  much  to  the  anger  of  Governor  Andros, 
with  aiding  King  Philip  against  the  English  colonists  in  New  England.  Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  4th  Series,  ii,  pp.  287-288.  "...  the  New  Yorkers,  or  rather  the 
Albanians,  suffered  the  Canada-Indians  to  go  through  their  province  and  fall  upon 
any  of  our  frontiers,  without  looking  upon  it  to  be  a  breach  of  neutrality,  and  carried 
on  great  trade  both  with  French  and  Indians,  at  the  same  time;  and  sometimes  the 
plunder,  made  in  the  county  of  Hampshire,  became  merchandize  in  Albany." 
Hutchinson,  History  of  Massachusetts  Bay  (2d  ed.),  ii,  pp.  141-142.  In  a  memoir 
of  Beauharnois  and  Hocquart  on  the  trade  in  Canada,  written  in  1732,  they  say 
that  three  Englishmen  have  come  to  Montreal  with  passports  from  the  Com 
mandant  at  Orange,  pretending  to  be  collecting  debts,  hunting  a  slave,  etc.,  but 


INTRODUCTION  xlvii 

the  Caughnawaga  or  Praying  Indians,  originally  members  of  the 
Iroquois  confederacy,  who  had  been  induced  by  the  French  to 
move  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  where  they  were  under  French  in- 

really  to  trade,  it  is  suspected.  They  are  watched  carefully  to  prevent  it.  Mich. 
Pioneer  and  Hist.  Colls.,  xxxiv,  p.  101. 

In  1734  M.  de  Beauharnois  wrote  to  de  Maurepas,  "  As  respects  Orange,  you 
will  be  informed  that  the  Patroon  or  Lord  of  that  City,  [Colonel  Jeremiah  van  Rens- 
selaer]  visited  Montreal  this  summer,  in  company  with  another  influential  gentle 
man  of  that  country,  on  pretence  of  traveling  and  making  a  tour,  and  nevertheless 
provided  with  a  passport  from  the  English  Governor,  from  whom  they  handed  me 
a  letter  on  the  subject  of  the  fort,  which  that  Governor  had  imagined  I  was  having 
built  among  the  Senecas.  These  two  Englishmen,  who  are  Dutch  (flamands),  have 
privately  informed  me,  and  I  was  aware  of  it,  that  the  late  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  in  the 
last  war  had  always  spared  their  country  and  had  recommended  the  Indians  not  to 
make  any  incursions  into  it;  that  the  Father  of  one  of  these  two  Englishmen  had 
kept  up  a  secret  correspondence  with  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  and  that  they  would  do  the 
same  with  me;  that  as  for  themselves,  being  in  more  intimate  relation  with  the 
Indians  than  the  English  are,  they  would  make  no  movement  against  us;  adding, 
that  they  had  thus  acted  with  fidelity  during  twenty  years!  "  .V.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  ix, 
pp.  1039-1040.  Maurepas,  in  reply,  said  he  was  aware  such  a  course  had  been 
adopted  in  the  last  war,  but  advised  caution.  Ibid.,  p.  1048.  See  also  ibid.,  p. 
1045. 

"  Le  sieur  Livingston,  qui  avait  demeure  a  Montreal,  etait  celui  qui  recevait 
ordinairement  les  pelleteries  des  francais  du  Canada."  Ferland,  Canada,  ii,  p.  415. 
See  Kingsford,  History  of  Canada,  ii,  p.  508.  The  French  at  various  times  forbade 
foreign  merchants  or  factors  to  live  in  Canada  (e.  g.,  in  1727,  Edits  et  Ordonnances,  i, 
p.  475)  but  such  regulations  were  probably  obeyed  about  as  much  as  the  New  York 
laws  against  this  trade. 

In  the  heat  of  the  conflict  between  governor  and  assembly,  Governor  Clinton, 
in  1747,  charged  the  people  of  Albany  with  a  "  shameful  Neutrality,  which  it  is  gen 
erally  believed,  some  in  this  Province,  have  endeavoured  to  establish  between  this 
Province  and  Canada,  at  this  Time,  such  as  was  established  in  the  War  in  Queen 
Anne's  Reign,  by  wrhich  the  French  in  Canada,  gained  great  Advantages  over  the 
neighbouring  Colonies,  to  the  Prejudice  of  the  common  Interest  of  the  Nation." 
N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  ii,  p.  186.  The  assembly  disavowed  all  knowledge  of  the 
offences  charged  in  these  "  groundless  Insinuations,"  which  they  attributed  to  "  the 
next  Person  in  the  Administration  "  [Cadwallader  Golden]  ibid.,  ii,  pp.  206  et  seq.,  but 
they  are  confirmed  by  other  evidence.  Comptroller  Weare,  after  a  visit  to  Albany 
in  1745,  wrote  that  neutrality  was  sought  by  the  people  of  Albany  at  that  time  in 
order  to  protect  their  trade  with  Canada.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  ist  series,  i,  p.  75. 
A  letter  from  an  officer  stationed  at  Albany  during  the  Seven  Years'  War  complains 
that  the  people  there  "  instead  of  assisting  the  officers  in  forwarding  the  service, 
...  do  every  thing  in  their  power  to  hinder  and  obstruct  it."  Ibid.,  4th  series,  ix, 
p.  457.  It  was  reported  in  the  New  York  Assembly  in  1755  that  the  French  at 
Louisbourg  were  supplied  from  New  York.  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journal,  ii,  p.  436. 

John  Mitchell,  in  his  Contest  in  America,  accounts  as  follows  for  the  opposition 
in  New  York  to  Governor  Burnet's  scheme  for  a  post  at  Oswego.  "  The  private 


xlviii       WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

fluence.  The  relations  of  these  Indians  with  their  brethren  who 
remained  the  allies  of  the  English  were  never  entirely  broken  off 
in  peace  or  war,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the  English,1  and 

reasons  of  their  conduct,  for  they  could  certainly  have  no  public  reasons  for  it,  were, 
a  company  of  them  had  engrossed  the  whole  trade  of  supplying  the  colony,  as  was 
pretended,  with  goods  for  the  Indian  trade;  which  they  sold  in  wholesale  to  the 
French,  instead  of  retailing  them  to  our  people,  or  the  Indians.  And  for  that 
reason  they  and  the  rest  who  were  concerned  in  this  clandestine  trade  with  the 
French,  chose  rather  that  the  French  should  be  convenient  to  them  at  Crown- 
Point,  than  that  the  English  should  settle  at  Oswego!  Hence  the  French  got  so 
peaceable  and  quiet  possession  of  that  place  (that  now  costs  so  much  blood  and 
treasure  to  recover)  rather  by  our  connivance,  than  our  opposition:  and  the  six 
nations  of  Indians  told  us  flatly,  that  the  French  built  their  Forts  with  English  Strouds, 
the  goods  we  supplied  them  with;  and  remonstrated  against  it,  as  prejudicial  to  our 
interest  and  their  welfare,"  pp.  29-30.  Mitchell  was  a  partisan,  but  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  accuracy  of  this  statement.  This  trade  was  the  same  whether 
the  English  and  French  were  at  peace  or  war,  a  circumstance  which  made  little  dif 
ference  to  the  Canadian  Indians  and  to  some  persons  in  Montreal  and  Albany. 

1  Negotiations  with  the  Praying  Indians  are  found  in  the  New  York  records  in 
all  periods.  In  1691  it  was  reported  in  the  Council  of  the  province  that  they  wished 
to  come  back  to  their  old  homes,  and  the  Council  ordered  the  Albany  commissioners 
to  send  letters  and  belts  to  invite  them  to  come  and  to  promise  that  they  would  be 
"  protected  as  brethren  "  and  instructed  in  the  Christian  Religion.  N.  Y.  Council 
MSS.,  vi,  p.  17.  Nothing  came  of  it,  however,  and  in  1694  the  commissioners 
report  that  emissaries  from  the  Five  Nations  had  returned  with  the  Caughnawaga's 
reply  that  they  would  make  war  or  peace  just  as  the  French  commanded.  ^V.  Y. 
MSS.,  xxxix,  p.  156.  Complaints  of  the  neutrality  came  in  from  New  England, 
however,  whenever  there  was  war  between  the  French  and  English,  and  the  New 
York  government  was  rather  sensitive  on  the  point.  To  a  complaint  made  by  New 
England  governors  in  1711  the  Council  of  the  province  replied:  "  Whatsoever  Neu 
trality  there  is  between  the  Five  Nations  &  y6  French  of  Canada  and  their  Indians 
had  been  Entred  into  without  y6  Consent  or  direction  of  this  Government. 

"  Wee  are  not  Conscious  that  there  has  beene  dureing  this  Warr  any  Neutrality 
between  ye  people  of  Albany  or  any  other  people  of  this  province  and  y6  ffrench  and 
their  Indians.  .  .  .  Wee  are  very  well  assured  that  if  any  of  her  Majesties  subjects 
have  or  shall  hereafter  be  Detected  of  Trading  with  the  ffrench  in  Canada,  they 
would  be  soe  fair  from  Receiving  any  Countenance  or  f avoure  from  y6  Government 
here  that  they  should  be  in  due  manner  prosecuted  as  Traitors  as  by  Law  they  ought 
and  brought  to  Condign  punishment  for  y°  same."  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ivii,  p.  2. 

In  the  very  next  year,  however,  we  find  a  "  proposition  "  to  the  Indian  commis 
sioners  from  Praying  Indians  who  had  come  from  Canada  to  "  take  the  hatchet  out 
of  the  heads  of  those  that  were  kild,  and  to  Burry  the  Same  that  it  maybe  forgotten 
&  forgiven  ...  to  the  end  that  the  path  may  be  open  for  Sachims  to  come  and  go 
to  this  place  in  peace  that  we  may  Live  in  unity  &  Sessation  as  formerly."  N.  Y. 
MSS.,  Ivii,  p.  152.  Upon  this,  the  commissioners,  headed  by  Peter  Schuyler,  wrote 
to  Governor  Hunter  on  May  19,  1712,  "  .  .  .we  are  of  opinion  with  submission 
to  your  Excellency  that  it  would  be  proper  to  Grant  them  Liberty  to  come  as  for- 


INTRODUCTION  xlix 

they  constituted  a  difficulty  all  the  more  serious  because  it  was 
connected  with  the  illicit  trade  in  Indian  goods  between  Albany 
and  Montreal,  in  which  the  Albanians  were  deeply  involved, 

merly;  if  not,  then  we  can  Expect  nothing  Else  but  an  open  war  with  those  Indians 
and  we  can't  See  that  we  are  in  a  Capacity  to  wage  war  Considering  the  poor  Cir 
cumstances  these  fronteers  are  in  at  present."  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ivii,  p.  153.  On  May 
23d  the  matter  was  discussed  in  the  provincial  council,  and  "  Left  to  the  discretion 
of  the  commissioners."  N.  Y.  Council  MSS.,  xi,  p.  87.  This  series  of  letters  and 
minutes  is  very  enlightening.  It  shows  the  fact  of  neutrality  in  time  of  war,  and 
the  tortuous  policy  of  the  New  York  government;  but  it  also  discloses  the  real 
difficulty  with  which  the  government  was  confronted,  —  a  difficulty  which  the  Eng 
lish  merchants  and  the  French  were  by  no  means  disposed  to  lessen.  This  difficulty 
is  further  illustrated  by  a  letter  of  Governor  Hunter's  at  this  time.  The  governor 
had  apparently  communicated  in  the  mean  time  with  representatives  of  the  Five 
Nations,  and  on  August  13,  1712,  he  wrote  to  the  Albany  commissioners  inform 
ing  them  that  the  answer  to  the  Caughnawagas  was  left  to  their  discretion,  —  an 
arrangement  to  which  the  Five  Nations  had  agreed.  But  he  says  the  Indians  had 
also  expressed  the  hope  that  "  you  would  put  a  stop  to  all  Commerce  between  her 
Majesty's  Subjects  &  those  Indians,  Resolving  if  you  did  so  that  they  likewise 
would  break  off  all  correspondence  of  what  nature  soever  with  the  French  and  their 
Indians;  but  the  five  nations  finding  contrary  to  their  Expectations  that  those 
Cachnawaga  Indians  were  Encouraged  to  trade  with  Our  People,  they  Thought  it  a 
very  odd  Procedure  that  the  Allys  of  our  Enemies  should  be  Countenanced  in  such 
an  affair,  when  They  were  ready  on  their  Part  to  put  a  Stop  to  that  Scandalous 
Neutrality;  whereupon  Some  of  the  Five  Nations  Enquiring  into  this  misterious 
Conduct,  were  answered  by  some  (I  shall  enquire  hereafter  by  whom)  that  it  was 
the  Governour's  Order;  you  may  Imagine  it  was  not  a  little  Surprising  to  me  to  be 
Branded  with  a  Procedure  so  very  Remote  from  my  Thoughts."  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Iviii, 

P-  5- 

In  1723  the  Indian  commissioners  were  much  agitated  over  the  report  that 
Colonel  John  Schuyler  was  making  war  in  company  with  the  New  Englanders  upon 
the  eastern  Indians,  an  action  which  they  deplored  on  the  ground  that  it  might 
draw  New  York  into  the  war  —  "  Nothing  can  Ensue  these  Strained  Actions  of 
Coll0  John  Schuyler  but  an  Indian  War  in  the  Bowels  of  your  Excelly3  Govern1  " 
Original  Indian  Records,  ii,  dated  October  19,  1723.  Throughout  this  year,  these 
records  are  full  of  accounts  of  attacks  upon  New  England  by  the  French  Indians, 
at  which  the  commissioners  express  their  horror,  but  take  no  action. 

Again  in  1745  Governor  Clinton  reported  the  Caughnawagas  as  spies.  N.  Y. 
Assembly  Journals,  ii,  p.  74.  He  so  distrusted  the  commissioners  at  this  time  that 
he  preferred  to  carry  on  his  negotiations  with  the  Indians  through  Colonel  Johnson, 
which  led  to  a  lively  correspondence  between  the  commissioners  and  himself.  N.  Y. 
MSS.,  Ixxiv,  p.  222;  Ixxv,  pp.  25,  27,  31,  32.  The  commissioners  reported  in  April, 
1746,  that  the  Senecas,  under  French  influence,  had  promised  the  Caughnawagas 
to  be  neutral  in  the  war.  Ibid.,  Ixxv,  p.  32. 

On  August  14,  1754,  the  Albany  commissioners  had  a  conference  with  the 
Caughnawagas,  in  which  the  covenant  chain  was  renewed.  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ixxix,  p. 
46.  On  September  27th  the  commissioners  asked  instructions  from  the  governor 


1  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

even  the  members  of  the  Albany  Council  who  were  entrusted  for 
a  long  period  with  the  enforcement  of  Indian  regulations  for 
New  York,  and  for  the  other  colonies  as  well.  The  actions  of 

how  to  deal  with  the  Caughnawagas  if  they  came  to  Albany,  and  expressed  the 
opinion  "  that  it  is  very  Necessary  to  Keep  friendship  With  them."  Ibid.,  p.  44. 
In  January  of  the  next  year  the  governor  submitted  to  the  Council  a  letter  from 
Lieutenant  Holland  at  Oswego,  saying  that  certain  chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations  who 
had  gone  to  Canada  the  year  before  had  returned  and  reported  that  they  had  "  set 
tled  the  Point  with  the  French  that  Oswego  and  Albany  should  remain  in  peace  with 
out  Molestation."  N.  Y.  Council  MSS.,  xxiii,  p.  262.  The  Council  advised  the 
sending  of  the  information  to  the  governors  of  Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  Mary 
land  and  Virginia.  Governor  Dinwiddie,  in  reply,  strenuously  objected  to  any  such 
treaty  of  neutrality  "  as  a  measure  the  Commissioners  had  taken  from  Lucrative 
Views."  Ibid.,  xxv,  p.  4. 

A  letter  to  Sir  William  Johnson  in  September,  1755,  contains  the  report  that  all 
the  tribes  of  the  Six  Nations  except  the  Mohawks  had  sent  a  belt  to  the  latter  and 
said  that  they  would  not  intermeddle  in  French  and  English  affairs  as  both  French 
and  English  had  a  design  to  kill  them  all.  They  said  the  Mohawks  might  join  the 
English  if  they  liked,  but  in  that  case  "  they  would  kick  them  from  them."  The 
author  of  the  letter  expresses  the  suspicion  "  that  the  Caughnawagas  were  not  only 
backward  themselves  but  persuaded  others  to  be  so  that  our  Indians  and  they  have 
some  Understanding  together."  Johnson  MSS.,  iii,  p.  7. 

Golden  reports  the  fact  that  the  Indian  guides  of  the  English  troops  in  pursuit  of 
French  Indians,  when  they  came  near  the  enemy,  always  fired  their  guns  or  made 
some  noise  so  that  the  French  Indians  might  avoid  them.  Five  Nations,  ii,  p.  216. 

The  evidences  seem  overwhelming  that  there  existed  at  ah1  times,  both  in  war 
and  peace,  an  understanding  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Caughnawagas,  if  not  the 
French  themselves,  that  Albany  was  not  to  be  attacked  nor  the  trade  between  it  and 
Montreal  interrupted.  The  problem  of  the  government  was  made  doubly  hard  by 
the  fact  that  the  Albanians  were  at  once  the  chief  offenders  in  this  contraband  trade, 
and  also  constituted  the  official  board  entrusted  with  the  prevention  and  punish 
ment  of  it.  "Most  of  them, "as  Archibald  Kennedy  says,  "if  not  altogether, 
traders,  or  handlers,  and  whose  interest  it  is,  to  take  all  advantage  of  those  poor 
people,  and  that  with  impunity,  as  they  have  no  body  to  complain  to,  the  prin 
cipal  directors  being  all  traders,  and  of  course  Socii  Criminis  .  .  .  mostly  Anglo- 
Dutch  traders  in  Indian  goods;  who,  together  with  a  tribe  of  harpies  or  handlers, 
their  relations  and  understrappers,  have  so  abused,  defrauded,  and  deceived  these 
poor,  innocent,  well  meaning  people,  that  this  treaty  has  well-nigh  executed  itself; 
so  that  at  present  we  have  very  few  Indians  left  that  are  sincerely  in  our  interest, 
or  that  can  be  depended  upon."  The  Importance  of  the  Friendship  of  the  Indians, 
pp.  14,  2.  Wraxall  reports  that  the  officer  stationed  at  Saratoga  to  prevent  this 
trade  with  Canada  was  regularly  engaged  in  it  himself.  Post,  p.  141.  Golden 
says  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  English  occupation  of  New  York  the  Dutch 
circulated  the  report  among  the  Indians  that  the  English  intended  to  destroy 
them.  Five  Nations,  i,  pp.  25-26. 

From  all  this  it  is  easy  to  see  why  the  local  commissioners  were  eventually  super 
seded  by  a  superintendent  appointed  by  the  Crown.  In  attempting  to  understand 


INTRODUCTION  H 

some  of  these  in  violation  of  the  laws  they  were  supposed  to 
enforce  is  parallel  with  that  of  some  of  the  Canadian  officials 
responsible  for  preserving  the  monopoly  in  furs,  who  grew  rich 
by  sending  furs  to  Albany  in  return  for  these  forbidden  Indian 
goods.  This  is  a  subject  of  fundamental  importance. 

Not  New  England  alone,  but  sometimes  the  southern  colonies 
as  well,  had  reason  to  complain  of  this  discrimination  against 
them.  Every  now  and  then  a  war  party  would  go  from  New 
York  to  Virginia  or  the  Carolinas  and  attack  the  Indians  or 
whites  there.  This  was  due  to  the  intrigues  of  the  French,  who, 
as  Golden  says,  were  "  in  Hopes,  that,  by  the  Indian  Parties 
doing  frequent  Mischief  in  Virginia,  the  Government  of  New- 
York  would  be  forced  to  join,  in  resenting  the  Injury,  and  thereby 
that  Union,  between  the  Government  of  New-York  and  the 
Five  Nations,  would  be  broke."  l  The  French  could  not  induce 

this  involved  and  important  question,  however,  the  race  hostility  and  conflict  of 
policy  and  pecuniary  interests  must  not  be  overlooked.  While  admitting  the  facts, 
we  must,  in  estimating  the  justice  of  English  writers,  such  as  Golden,  Wraxall, 
Kennedy,  and  others,  constantly  keep  one  or  two  facts  in  mind.  In  the  first  place, 
that  these  "  poor,  innocent,  well-meaning  "  Indians,  shamefully  defrauded  as  they 
undoubtedly  were,  at  the  same  time  well  knew  how  to  protect  their  own  interests. 
As  Charlevoix  says  (ante,  p.  xxxix)  their  constant  policy  was  to  preserve  a  balance 
between  the  French  and  English,  and  while  in  the  main  they  kept  the  side  of  the 
English,  they  saw  to  it  carefully  that  their  allies  were  not  too  successful  against  the 
French.  They  "  constantly  received  the  bounty  of  both  parties  without  much 
regarding  the  professions  of  either."  Chalmers,  History  of  the  Revolt,  ii,  p.  225. 
French,  Dutch,  English  and  the  Indians  themselves  all  knew  perfectly  well  how 
indispensable  the  alliance  of  the  Iroquois  was  to  Albany  and  all  the  English  colonies 
as  well.  They  all  knew  equally  well  that  the  Caughnawagas,  though  in  the  French 
interest,  were  in  constant  communication  with  their  kinsmen,  the  Iroquois  of  New 
York;  that  the  Indian  league  would  never  consent  to  allow  the  English  to  go  to 
extremes  against  them,  and  that  without  that  consent  the  English  would  never  dare 
to  proceed  themselves.  At  the  same  time  all  were  aware  that  these  same  "  Praying 
Indians  "  at  the  instigation  of  the  French  were  engaged  in  every  war  in  harrying 
the  New  England  provinces.  It  was  a  practical  problem  of  infinite  delicacy,  and 
is  an  historical  question  of  considerable  difficulty,  but  of  great  importance.  In 
attempting  to  solve  it,  possibly  too  much  loyalty  to  English  laws  or  fidelity  to  inter 
ests  believed  to  be  at  variance  with  their  own  should  not  be  looked  for  among  a 
population  only  recently  brought  under  a  hostile  flag.  The  Swedish  traveller  Kalm 
reported  as  late  as  1749  that  the  Albanians  were  "  almost  all  Dutchmen."  Travels, 
English  Translation,  ii,  pp.  100-101. 

1  History  of  the  Five  Nations  (1902),  i,  pp.  24,  33.  Parkman  says  there  is  no 
evidence  of  these  intrigues,  but  the  Indian  Records,  from  which  Golden  got  his  in- 


Hi  WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

the  Indians  to  attack  New  York  directly,  hard  as  they  tried,  on 
account  of  the  trade,  but  it  was  easier  to  get  them  to  attack  any 
other  English  colony. 

How  important  this  trade  through  the  country  of  the  Five 
Nations  was  may  be  seen  in  the  opinions  expressed  by  both 
French  and  English  of  the  importance  of  Oswego.  Oswego 
existed  for  trade  alone.  It  was  a  fortified  trading  post  and  noth 
ing  more,  but  in  the  whole  of  North  America  there  was  no  place 
so  hated  or  so  feared  by  the  French.  In  the  Seven  Years'  War, 
it  was  the  place  above  all  others  against  which  the  French  cam 
paign  was  aimed.  "  The  founding  of  Oswego,"  says  Fiske,  "  was 
an  event  of  prime  importance  in  the  history  of  the  United 
States."  * 

formation,  seem  to  leave  little  doubt  of  it.  E.g.,  post,  p.  214.  In  1717  the  Indian 
Commissioners  wrote  to  Governor  Hunter  that  the  French  were  "  deludeing  our 
Indians  "  and  setting  them  against  "  our  friends  "  in  Carolina.  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Lx, 
p.  156. 

In  1723  an  English  prisoner  was  taken  in  Virginia  by  the  Caughnawagas  and 
Governor  Burnet  urged  the  Indian  commissioners  to  have  the  Five  Nations  secure 
his  release.  In  answer,  the  commissioners  wrote,  on  April  23d,  "  We  are  perfectly 
well  assured  your  Excellency  would  not  oblige  ye  five  Nations  in  any  thing  unrea 
sonable,  but  any  act  of  your  Excel8  weighs  much  more  w1  them  then  any  thing  we 
can  Do  the  Ind"8  who  live  at  Canada  at  least  those  of  Cachnawage  are  part  of  the 
five  Nations  and  what  ever  Rough  Treatment  they  receive  will  be  resented  by  the 
five  Nations  perhaps  not  in  so  publick  a  Manner  as  to  oblige  them  to  leave  their 
bread  &  Cloathing  which  we  are  Satisfied  they  receive  at  Albany  but  underhand  to 
the  great  detriment  of  many  Subjects  living  in  the  remotest  part  of  the  Govern 
ment."  Original  Indian  Records,  ii. 

In  1 743  the  Indian  Commissioners  wrote  to  the  Governor  of  New  York  concern 
ing  the  attacks  of  the  Northern  Indians  upon  Virginia,  that  the  French  were  using 
"  all  their  arts  &  means  to  foment  a  wider  difference  of  this  sort."  N.  Y.  Council 
MSS.,  xix,  p.  177. 

1  "  The  Preservation  of  Oswego,  and  of  the  Fidelity  of  the  six  Nations,  is  of  more 
Consequence  to  the  Province,  than  any  other  Thing  whatsoever;  and  if  we  lose 
them,  no  Part  of  the  Country  will  be  safe."  Governor  Clarke's  address  to  the  New 
York  Assembly,  April  27,  1741,  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  i,  p.  800.  In  1756  Gover 
nor  Sir  Charles  Hardy  called  Oswego  "  The  Source  of  the  British  influence  "  among 
the  Indian  allies.  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  500.  George  Chalmers  referred  to  it  as  "  the  store 
house  of  the  Indian  trade,  the  bulwark  of  the  Six  Nations."  History  of  the  Revolt 
of  the  American  Colonies,  ii,  p.  284. 

"  Nothing  at  the  north  was  shaping  this  traffic  [in  furs]  in  the  colonial  interests 
more  than  the  English  post  at  Oswego  and  nothing  angered  the  French  more  than 
the  maintenance  of  that  station."  Winsor,  The  Mississippi  Basin,  p.  174. 

"  When  the  English  were  in  possession  of  the  Colonies,  Albany  commanded  the 


INTRODUCTION  liii 

For  New  York  the  importance  of  the  Indian  trade  in  its  larger 
aspects  centres  about  the  fort  and  settlement  made  by  the  Dutch 
on  the  Hudson  called  Fort  Orange,  Beverwyck  or  Willemstadt, 
and  later  Albany.  It  was  this  post  and  settlement,  along  with 
the  "  Colony  "  of  Rensselaerswyck  about  it  which  first  brought 
the  Dutch  into  contact  with  the  Mohawks,  and  later  with  the 
other  members  of  the  League  of  the  Iroquois.  It  is  unnecessary 
here  to  recount  the  conflict  between  the  patroon  in  his  colony  and 
the  director  of  the  company  in  -New  Amsterdam  or  his  deputy  in 
Fort  Orange.  These  disputes  largely  concerned  the  Indian 
trade,  but  their  regulations  show  that  the  authority  of  both  was 
systematically  ignored  by  interlopers  who  carried  their  wares, 
of  which  rum  was  a  principal  part,  into  the  Indian  country  and 
there  intercepted  the  Indians,  and  by  making  them  drunk  or  by 
offering  them  higher  prices  prevented  their  furs  from  reaching  the 
fort  or  the  colony.  The  repeated  enactment  of  rules  against 
selling  liquor  to  the  Indians  or  going  beyond  the  settlement  to 
intercept  them  shows  how  ineffectual  all  such  regulations  were.1 
The  first  relations  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Indians  were 
simple  matters  concerning  neighboring  land  or  local  trade  with 
the  nearest  tribes  along  the  Hudson  River  and  the  Mohawks. 
The  first  formal  treaty  between  the  Europeans  and  any  part  of  the 
Five  Nations  occurred  probably  about  1643^  and  may  be  con 
sidered  the  beginning  of  the  long  series  of  compacts  which  kept 
these  Indians  on  the  side  of  the  Dutch  and  the  English  for  over 
one  hundred  years.  All  details  concerning  the  Indian  trade,  the 

trade  with  the  Indians;  and  it  is  well  known  that  no  place  in  America  furnished 
such  a  quantity  of  furs  and  skins,  not  even  the  Hudson's  Bay  settlements,  whose 
utmost  extent  of  trade  is  far  inferior  to  the  produce  collected  here.  These  furs  and 
skins  were  procured  from  Canada,  and  brought  to  Fort  Oswego  by  the  Indians,  who 
disposed  of  them  to  the  agents  sent  there  by  the  merchants  of  Albany."  J.  Long, 
Travels,  p.  14.  Oswego,  he  says,  "  is  the  key  to  the  United  States."  Ibid. 

1  See,  for  example,  O'Callaghan's  Laws  and  Ordinances  of  New  Netherland,  pp. 
34,  63,  64-65,  93,  100,  137,  182-184,  200-201,  258-263,  310-314,  366,  378,  381,  382, 
383-384,  425-42 7,  446-447?  463-464- 

2  In  1659,  at  an  Indian  conference,  one  of  the  Dutch  commissioners  said  to  the 
Mohawks:  "  Brothers!  sixteen  years  have  now  elapsed  since  friendship  and  frater 
nity  were  first  established  between  you  and  the  Dutch;   since  we  were  bound  unto 
each  other  by  an  iron  chain!     Up  to  this  time,  that  chain  has  not  been  broken, 
neither  by  us  nor  by  you."     O'Callaghan,  History  of  New  Netherland,  ii,  p.  391. 


liv  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

regulation  or  prevention  of  its  abuses,  and  the  consequent 
negotiations  with  the  Indians  were  naturally  left  to  the  local 
authorities  in  the  separate  posts  or  towns,  and  in  New  Nether- 
land  such  local  authorities  were  organized  on  the  model  of  the 
institutions  of  the  mother  country  with  which  the  colonists  were 
familiar. 

In  Amsterdam  and  elsewhere  in  the  Netherlands,  the  cities  had 
long  had  an  aristocratic  government,  in  which  the  Senate  was  a 
self  perpetuating  body  by  whom  the  burgomasters  and  echevins 
were  chosen.1  In  New  Amsterdam  the  company's  hold  was  too 
great  for  such  a  form  of  local  government  at  once,  but  in  other 
parts  of  New  Netherland  select  bodies  modelled  upon  that  of 
the  cities  at  home,  in  which  the  principle  of  cooptation 
prevailed,  gradually  arose  to  control  the  local  administration, 
while  the  central  authority  of  the  Company  was  preserved  by  the 
expedient,  also  long  in  use  in  the  mother  country,  of  having  a 
double  number  of  names  chosen  by  the  local  board  from  whom  the 
director  or  his  deputy  selected  the  required  number. 

For  some  years  after  the  founding  of  Fort  Orange,  its  govern 
ment  was  naturally  in  the  hands  of  the  commandant,  but  as  the 
population  about  the  fort  grew  larger,  the  Company  determined 
to  give  them  a  civil .  government  independent  of  the  colony  of 
Rensselaerswyck.  The  civil  government  of  Beverwyck  probably 
dates  from  1652,  when  Stuyvesant  by  proclamation  set  up  a  court 
of  justice  there; 2  before  that  time,  dwellers  outside  the  jurisdic 
tion  of  the  fort  had  been  subject  to  the  government  of  Rens- 
selaer's  colony,  which  was  administered  according  to  the  usual 
model  under  the  general  control  of  the  patroon.3 

At  the  end  of  the  Dutch  regime  the  government  of  Albany  was 
in  the  hands  of  a  sheriff  or  "  schout,"  and  a  small  council  of 
burgomasters  and  "  schepens,"  who  acted  in  both  a  legislative 
and  a  judicial  capacity  for  the  city,  appointing  all  subordinate 
officials  except  the  secretary,  and  empowered  also  to  name 

1  Sir  William  Temple's  Observations  upon  the  United  Provinces  of  the  Netherlands, 
Works  (Edinburgh,  1754),  i,  pp.  53-56. 

2  O'Callaghan,  History  of  New  Netherland,  ii,  p.  183. 
s  Ibid.,  i,  pp.  320-322. 


INTRODUCTION  lv 

double  the  number  of  men  necessary  to  fill  vacancies  in  their  own 
body,  from  whom  the  Governor  could  choose  their  successors.1 

This  general  system  of  local  government  continued  in  New 
Netherland  after  the  English  occupation,  and  in  some  parts  of  the 
country  the  business  thus  administered  of  necessity  included 
regulations  of  trade  and  other  relations  with  the  Indians.  Where 
these  relations  were  exceptionally  important,  special  commis 
sioners  might  at  times  be  employed,  but  apparently  the  regular 
officials  ordinarily  managed  these  along  with  other  local  matters.2 
After  the  English  occupation,  these  local  councillors  continued 
to  nominate  the  men  from  whom  the  governor  chose  their  succes 
sors,  and  the  board,  now  commonly  spoken  of  as  "  commissaries," 
continued  as  before  to  govern  and  regulate  local  matters  in  which 
the  Indians  were  concerned,  though  the  more  important  matters 
might  at  times  be  concluded  by  the  governor  and  his  council,  or 
by  the  commissaries  under  their  direction.3  So  far  as  the  northern 

1  O'Callaghan,  Laws  and  Ordinances  of  New  Netherland,  pp.  465,  485,  512. 

2  For  example,  in  the  East  Riding  of  Yorkshire  on  Long  Island,  the  employment 
of  Indians  in  the  whale  fishery  necessitated  the  appointment  of  "  Commission"  for 
ye  Indian  affaires  "  there,  who  are  referred  to  in  1670.     N.  Y.  MSS.,  Court  of  Assize, 
pp.  622-623;  X-  !"•  Col.  Docs.,  xiv,  pp.  645  et  scq.     This  was  not  a  temporary  but  a 
permanent  commission.      It  was  not  the  same  as  the  justices  of  the  peace  of  the 
district,  though  some  justices  were  probably  included.     In  a  commission  of   1671 
in  the  same  district  two  justices  and  four  others  are  named,  any  four  of  whom  may 
act.     A7.  F.  MSS.,  General  Entries,  iv,  pp.  14-15;  also  ibid.,  pp.  119-120.     See  also 
N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  xiv,  pp.  650-652,  665-666.     In  Albany  there  was  never  any  dif 
ference  between  "  Justices,"  "  Commissaries,"  or  "  Commissioners,"  but  a  proper 
control  was  obtained  by  associating  with  them  the  commandant  of  the  fort. 

3  By  the  articles  of  capitulation  in  1664  it  was  provided  that  all  existing  inferior 
civil  officers  and  magistrates  should  be  undisturbed,  and  that  new  ones  were  to  be 
chosen  in  the  accustomed  manner.     A'.  F.  Col.  Docs.,  ii,  p.  252.     The  protection  of 
these  Articles  was  expressly  extended  to  Albany  after  a  conference  between  Nicolls 
and  deputies  from  the  city,  the  magistrates  were  empowered  to  elect  a  "  Scout," 
and  it  was  ordered  "  That  the  officer  in  cheife  at  the  Fort  and  the  Magistrates  of  the 
Towne,  shall  upon  all  occasions  for  the  perservinge  of  the  peace  and  good  Governmfc 
mutually  ayde  and  assist  each  other."      General  Entries,  i  (N.  Y.  State  Library 
Bulletin,  History  No.  2),  pp.  112-114.     In  1668  directions  were  given  to  the  com 
mander  at  Albany  as  follows:  "  In  matters  Capitall  or  treatyes  with  ye  Indians  you 
are  to  Sitt  in  y6  Fort  with  y6  Schout  and  Comissaryes  as  y6  upper  Cort  whereof  you 
are  to  bee  president  and  upon  Equall  division  of  voices  to  have  the  Costigne  &  de 
cisive  voyce:  But  in  the  ordinary  Cota  for  Civill  affaires  you  have  nothing  to  doe." 

"  Lett   not  yor  eares  bee  abused  with  private   Storyes   of   y°  Dutch,  being 
disaffected  to  y6  English,  for  generally  wee  cannot  expect  they  love  us;   but  in 


Ivi  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

part  of  the  colony  was  concerned,  practically  the  whole  control 
of  the  details  of  Indian  administration  thus  naturally  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  magistrates  or  commissaries  of  Albany,  and 
continued  under  their  control  after  the  colony  came  under 

well  attested  cases,  bring  it  before  the  comissaries  who  are  expected  to  do  justice 
therein." 

It  was  also  provided  that  if  the  Indians  caused  any  disturbance  in  or  near  Albany, 
the  commander  should  join  with  the  commissaries  in  considering  the  same  till  fur 
ther  directions  from  the  governor  could  be  known.  The  commander  was  further 
directed  to  meet  with  the  commissaries  to  give  advice  to  Indian  sachems,  and  in 
structed  to  answer  the  Indians  after  advice  with  the  commissaries.  He  was  also  to 
receive  presents  from  the  Indians  and  make  them  presents  in  return  at  his  "  own 
Charge."  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Orders,  Letters  and  Warrants,  1665-1660,  p.  229. 

There  are  also  in  existence  several  less  formal  letters  from  the  governor  to  the 
commander  or  to  the  commissaries  about  this  time.  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  iii,  pp.  144, 
146.  For  example,  in  1666  the  governor  wrote  to  the  commander,  "  I  have  sent  the 
best  advice  and  direction  w°h  my  knowledge  of  the  present  affaires  could  collect  out 
of  the  seuerall  letters;  but  I  must  referr  the  management  thereof  for  the  best  to  the 
discretion  of  yr  selfe  &  Comissaries."  Ibid.,  p.  148. 

In  1670  Governor  Lovelace  appointed  the  Albany  commissioners  in  the  usual 
way  from  a  list  of  double  the  number.  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Court  of  Assize,  p.  591. 

An  entry  in  1671  makes  clearer  the  nature  of  this  board.  It  recites  the  fact  that 
heretofore  for  the  courts  of  Albany,  the  Colony  of  Rensselaerswyck,  Schenectady 
and  the  parts  adjoining,  including  strangers,  two  commissaries  have  been  elected 
annually  for  Albany  and  Schenectady  and  two  for  Rensselaerswyck  —  four  in  all  — 
to  take  the  place  of  the  outgoing  members,  these  four  new  members  being  added  to 
the  two  whose  terms  have  not  expired  —  one  from  each  of  the  two  general  districts 
referred  to;  thus  making  the  whole  board  consist  of  six  commissaries  in  addition  to 
the  "  Schout."  Hereafter  there  is  to  be  one  additional  commissary  from  Albany, 
bringing  the  number  up  to  seven,  exclusive  of  the  Schout.  N.  Y.  MSS.,  General 
Entries,  iv,  p.  282. 

In  1676  Governor  Andros  had  instructions  drawn  up  defining  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  commissaries,  and  regulating  appeals  from  them  and  also  appeals  to  them  from 
a  similar  board  constituted  for  Schenectady.  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Warrants,  Orders, 
Passes,  &c.,  1674-1679,  pp.  223-225,  205-206.  There  is  a  reference  to  a  nomination 
by  the  commissaries  in  1681,  N.  Y.  MSS.,  xxx,  p.  34,  and  a  commission  to  the  seven 
"  Commissarys  and  Justices  of  the  Peace  for  the  County  of  Albany  "  from  Governor 
Dongan  in  1684,  N.  Y.  MSS.,  xxxiii,  p.  53. 

The  more  important  Indian  matters  seem  at  this  time  to  have  been  settled  by  the 
governor  and  council,  and  their  decisions  were  generally  followed  by  orders  to  the 
commissaries  to  carry  them  out,  which  sometimes  became  the  basis  for  further  ordi 
nances  of  the  commissaries.  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Warrants,  Orders,  Passes,  fire.,  1674-1679, 
pp.  223-225;  TV.  Y.  MSS.,  Orders,  Letters  Warrants,  1665-1669,  p.  431;  N.  Y.  Council 
MSS.,  iii,  pt.  n,  pp.  146,  178;  N.  Y.  MSS.,  xxvii,  p.  144,  188;  xxviii,  p.  i. 

In  1682  regular  "  propositions  "  were  made  at  Albany  by  representatives  of  the 
Seneca  tribe  to  the  commander  and  four  commissaries,  N.  Y.  MSS.,  xxx,  p.  72. 


INTRODUCTION  Ivii 

English  sovereignty,  though  the  matters  dealt  with  by  this  local 
self  nominating  body  were  rapidly  taking  on  an  importance 
which  extended  far  beyond  Albany,  or  the  province  of  New  York, 
or  even  the  English  dependencies.  A  general  system  of  local 
control  including  Indian  relations  which  had  thus  gradually 
grown  up  was  recognized,  rendered  more  systematic  and  made 
permanent  by  Governor  Dongan's  charter  to  the  city  of  Albany, 
granted  in  1686,  the  great  charter  of  the  "  liberties  "  of  the  Al 
bany  traders,  the  legal  basis  of  the  power  of  the  Albany  commis 
saries  or  commissioners  for  over  half  a  century,  and  one  of  the 
fundamental  documents  in  the  history  of  the  American  Indian 
trade.1  This  charter  confirms  the  franchises  and  immunities 
before  enjoyed  by  the  Albanians,  "  Sometimes  by  the  Name  of  the 
Commissaryes  of  the  Towne  of  Albany  Sometimes  by  the  Name 
of  Schepenon  of  Willem  Stadt  and  Sometimes  by  the  Name  of 
Justices  of  the  Peace  for  the  Towne  of  Albany  and  by  Divers 
other  Names,"  2  and  provides  for  their  continuance  "  for  ever  " 
under  the  titles  of  "  Mayor  Recorder  Towne  Clerke  and  six 
Aldermen  and  six  assistants  "  to  be  known  collectively  as  "  the 
Mayor  Aldermen  &  Comonalty  of  the  Citty  of  Albany," 
together  with  "  one  Chamberlaine  or  Treasurer  one  Sherriffe  one 
Coroner  one  Clerke  of  the  Markett  one  high  Constable  three 
sub.  Constables  and  one  Marshall  or  Serjant  att  Mace."  3 

The  mayor,  recorder,  alderman  and  assistants  or  the  mayor 
and  any  three  or  more  of  the  aldermen  and  any  three  or  more  of 
the  assistants  were  authorized  to  act  as  a  "  Common  Council  " 
empowered  to  make  all  necessary  ordinances  for  the  government 
of  the  city  provided  they  were  not  repugnant  to  the  King's  pre 
rogative,  the  laws  of  England  or  the  enactments  of  the  province. 
Such  ordinances  expressly  including  provisions  "  for  Preservacon 
of  Governmt  the  Indian  trade  "  etc. 4 

The  incumbents  of  all  these  offices  for  the  time  being  were 
appointed  by  Colonel  Dongan,5  and  the  mayor  and  sheriff  were 
in  future  to  be  appointed  once  a  year  by  the  Governor  "  by  & 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Laws,  i,  pp.  195  et  seq.  *  Ibid.,  p.  203. 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  196-197.  6  Ibid.,  pp.  202-203. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  20 1. 


Iviii          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

with  the  Advice  of  his  Council/'  but  an  important  change  was 
made  in  the  manner  of  choosing  the  six  aldermen  and  six  assist 
ants.  Instead  of  the  old  practice  of  qualified  cooptation,  these 
councillors  were,  hereafter,  to  be  elected  yearly,  two  aldermen  and 
two  assistants  "  by  the  Majority  of  voyces  of  the  Inhabitants  of 
each  ward."  l  The  chamberlain  or  treasurer  was  to  be  appointed 
yearly  by  the  mayor  and  council.2  The  mayor,  recorder  and 
aldermen  were  given  a  limited  jurisdiction  as  judges  of  common 
pleas  and  also  created  justices  of  the  peace,3  a  provision  whose 
legality  was  brought  in  question  almost  a  hundred  years  later.4 
In  like  manner  the  mayor  was  made  ex  officio  coroner;  5  and  the 
town  clerk,  "  Clerke  of  the  Peace  and  clerke  of  the  Courts  of 
Sessions  or  County  Courts."  6  This  office  of  town  clerk  was 
really  in  the  gift  of  the  Crown,  but  in  defect  of  a  crown  appoint 
ment  the  charter  empowered  the  governor  to  fill  the  office,7  a 
power  which  later  led  to  troublesome  complications  in  the  case 
of  the  author  of  this  Abridgment.8  Dongan  appointed  to  the 
clerkship  Robert  Livingston.9 

For  us  the  most  important  phase  of  the  powers  of  the  Albany 
council  under  the  charter  was  its  control  of  Indian  relations  and 
trade.  With  this  must  be  coupled  the  provision  of  the  charter 
which  made  all  participation  in  that  trade  a  monopoly  open  only 
to  Albanians  —  a  provision  which  the  council  in  their  capacity 
as  magistrates  were  expressly  authorized  to  enforce  —  "  whereas 
amongst  other  ye  Rights  Privilidges  Preheminences  &  Advantages 
which  the  Cittizens  and  firemen  of  the  sd  Citty  of  Albany  & 
their  Predecessors  have  for  many  Yeares  last  past  held  used  & 
enjoyed  the  Privilidge  Preheminence  &  Advantage  of  haveing 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Laws,  i,  p.  205.  2  Ibid. 

3  Ibid.,  pp.  214-215. 

4  In  1771  the  chief  justice  and  other  justices  informed  the  Governor  that  the 
Albany  magistrates  who  acted  as  justices  of  the  peace  could  not  legally  sit  as  a 
court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  or  General  Gaol  Delivery.     N.  Y.  Council  MSS.,  xxvi, 
pp.  222,  293;  N.  Y.  MSS.,  xcvii,  p.  53;  xcviii,  p.  108. 

5  N.  Y.  Col.  Laws,  i,  p.  207. 

6  Ibid.,  p.  215. 

7  Ibid.,  i,  pp.  204-205. 

8  Post,  p.  6. 

9  N.  Y.  Col.  Laws,  i,  p.  202. 


INTRODUCTION  lix 

within  their  owne  Walls  the  Sole  Managmt  of  the  Trade  with  all 
the  Indians  Liveing  within  &  to  the  Eastward  Northward  and 
Westward  of  the  said  County  of  Albany  within  the  Compasse  of 
his  said  Majestyes  Dominion  here  wch  hath  been  from  time  to 
time  Confirmed  to  them  &  their  said  Predecessors  as  well  by 
Prescription  as  by  Divers  and  Sundry  Grants  Orders  Confirma- 
cons  &  Proclamations  Granted  Ordered  Confirmed  and  issued 
forth  not  only  by  &  from  Divers  Governo's  and  Commanders  in 
Cheife  in  the  said  Province  since  the  same  hath  been  under  his 
said  Majestyes  Dominion  but  also  of  Severall  Governours  Gen- 
erall  &  Commanders  in  Cheife  of  the  Neither  Dutch  Nacon  whilst 
the  same  was  or  has  been  under  their  Power  and  Subjeccon  which 
has  Alwayes  been  found  by  Experience  to  be  of  Greate  Advantage 
not  only  to  the  said  Citty  in  Particular  butt  to  the  whole  Province 
in  Generall  and  that  by  the  Care  Caution  and  Inspection  of  the 
Magistrates  of  the  said  Citty  to  the  well  and  Orderly  management 
&  Keeping  the  Trade  with  the  Indians  within  their  walls  it  has 
turned  Vastly  to  the  Advancement  of  Trade  and  the  increase  of 
his  Majestyes  Revenue  and  been  the  Sole  meanes  not  only  of 
Preserving  this  Province  in  Peace  &  Quiett  whilst  the  Neigh 
bouring  Colony es  were  imbrued  in  Blood  &  Warr  but  also  of 
Putting  an  end  to  the  Miseryes  those  Colonyes  Laboured  under 
from  the  Insulting  Cruilty  of  the  Northern  Indians  whereas  on 
the  other  hand  it  has  been  no  lesse  evident  that  whenever  there 
has  been  any  Slacknesse  or  Remissenesse  in  the  Regulacon  & 
keeping  the  Indian  Trade  within  the  Walls  of  the  sd  Citty  Oc 
casioned  by  the  encroachmt  of  Some  Persons  trading  with  the 
Indians  in  Places  remote  some  Clandestinly  others  upon  p'tence 
of  Hunting  Passes  and  the  Like  ye  trade  not  only  of  the  said  Citty 
but  of  the  whole  Province  has  Apparently  Decreased  the  Kings 
Revenue  has  been  much  impaired  &  not  only  Soe  but  this  Gov- 
ernmt  has  lost  much  of  the  Reputacon  and  Management  amongst 
the  Indians  which  it  otherwise  had  and  enjoyed  WHEREFORE  for 
and  on  behalfe  of  his  Majesty  his  Heires  and  Successors  I  have 
Given  Granted  Ratified  and  Confirmed  and  by  these  Presents 
Doe  Give  Grant  Ratifie  and  Confirme  unto  the  Mayor  Aldermen 
&  Comonalty  of  the  said  Citty  of  Albany  and  their  Successors 


Ix  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

forever  the  Right  Privilidge  Preheminence  and  Advantage  of  the 
Sole  &  only  Managmt  of  the  Trade  with  the  Indians  as  well 
within  this  whole  County  as  without  the  same  to  the  Eastward 
Northward  and  Westward  thereof  so  farr  as  his  Maties  Dominion 
here  does  or  may  extend  to  be  Managed  &  Transacted  only  by 
the  ffreemen  being  Actuall  Inhabitants  within  the  sd  Citty  & 
within  the  Now  Walls  or  Stockados  thereof  and  not  else  where 
And  I  Do  hereby  for  his  said  Majesty  his  Heires  and  Successors 
Absolutely  forbid  and  Prohibite  all  and  every  the  Inhabitants  of 
the  said  Province  of  New  Yorke  (the  Inhabitants  of  the  said  Citty 
of  Albany  only  Excepted)  to  Trade  or  traffique  with  any  of  the 
five  Nations  of  Indians  Called  the  Sinicas  Cayugaes  Onondagues 
Oneides  &  Maquas  who  live  to  the  Westward  or  with  any  other 
Indian  or  Indians  whatsoever  within  the  County  of  Albany  or  to 
the  Eastward  Northward  or  Westward  thereof  so  ffarr  as  his  sd 
Majestyes  Dominions  here  do  or  may  extend  or  to  have  or  keepe 
in  their  Houses  or  else  where  any  Indian  Goods  or  Marchandizes 
upon  the  Payne  &  Penalty  of  the  fforfeiture  and  Confiscacon  of 
such  Indian  Comodityes.  .  .  .  "  1 

The  charter  also  empowers  the  mayor  and  council,  and  these 
alone  to  admit  outsiders  as  "  free  Cittizens  "  entitled  to  share  in 
this  trade  monopoly  and  other  privileges  in  Albany.2 

These  provisions  simply  authorize  the  continuance  of  regula 
tions  which  had  been  in  force  under  the  Dutch  regime  and  had  not 
been  disturbed  in  the  interval  between  the  English  conquest  and 
1686,  but  they  are  of  importance  as  a  proof,  not  merely  that  the 
English  received  the  Indian  administration  of  their  predecessors, 
but  also  that  New  York,  though  an  English  province,  at  this  time 
either  approved  or  at  least  felt  obliged  to  continue  an  Indian 
policy  which  very  properly  subjected  her  to  the  suspicion  of 
other  English  colonies,  and  at  a  later  period  to  the  criticism  even 
of  her  own  citizens.  The  blame  for  the  continuance  of  this  policy 
cannot  be  laid  upon  the  Dutch  alone,  as  is  done  by  the  English 
in  the  eighteenth  century,  though  they  were  doubtless  the 
greatest  gainers  by  it;  it  is  something  in  which  the  English 
provincial  government  must  share.  Hard  as  this  policy  was  on 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Laws,  i,  pp.  210-212.  *  Ibid.,  p.  209. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixi 

New  England,  it  was  a  very  natural  one  for  New  York  to  adopt, 
if  we  consider  the  weakness  of  the  bonds  that  united  the  English 
colonies  in  that  day,  and  remember  the  immense  difficulty  of  the 
Indian  problem  itself  with  the  hostile  French  and  their  Indians 
without,  the  more  or  less  disaffected  Dutch  within  in  actual  con 
trol  of  the  trade,  and  the  wily  Iroquois  between  fully  able  to  take 
advantage  of  the  situation. 

The  citizens  of  Albany  were  not  slow  to  put  into  effect  the 
powers  conferred  on  them  by  the  new  charter.  In  the  long 
ordinance  of  1686,  they  make  specific  rules  for  the  effective  con 
trol  of  their  trade  monopoly  with  severe  penalties  for  its  infringe 
ment  and  a  clause  empowering  the  magistrates  to  administer  an 
ex  officio  oath  to  persons  suspected.1  This  is  the  beginning  of  a 
long  series  of  regulations  of  this  kind  in  Albany.2 

Governor  Dongan's  administration  may  be  considered  the  first 
important  international  phase  of  the  New  York  fur  trade.  Don- 
gan  was  one  of  the  first,  if  not  the  very  first,  Englishman  to  see 
the  vital  connection  of  trade  and  policy,  and  to  understand  the 
immensity  of  the  issues  involved  in  Indian  relations  on  the 
North  American  continent.  "  as  for  ye  Ottowawaes,"  he  wrote, 
"  and  ye  Indyans  that  wear  Pipes  through  there  noses,  and  all 
those  nations  who  liue  west  and  S:  west  from  hence,  they  haue 
traded  at  this  toune,  ever  since  it  has  been  setled,  which  is  above 
three  score  and  ten  yeares.  .  .  .  They  are  now  fast  to  us,  and 
are  very  considerable,  and  we  must  keep  them  soe,  for  if  they  were 
otherwise,  they  are  able  to  ruine  all  ye  Kings  Collonyes  in  those 
Parts  of  America.  ...  we  must  build  forts  in  ye  countrey  upon 
ye  great  Lake,  as  ye  french  doe,  otherwise  we  loose  ye  Countrey, 
the  Bever  trade  and  our  Indians."  !_ 

He  was  fully  aware  of  the  activities  of  the  French  in  the 
interior,  who,  he  wrote  home,  are  "  making  a  pretence  as  far  as 
the  Bay  of  Mexico."  4 

1  A7.  Y.  MSS.,  xxxiv,  pt.  2,  p.  10. 

2  They  are  to  be  found  in  the  minutes  of  the  Albany  Council,  printed  in  Munsell's 
Annals  of  Albany,  i-ix,  passim. 

3  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  iii,  pp.  510-511.     See  also  ibid.,  p.  430. 

4  Ibid.,  pp.  394-395- 


Ixii  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Once  alive  to  its  real  importance,  Dongan  was  the  last  man 
through  inaction  to  allow  this  trade  to  slip  away  to  the  French. 
He  planned  forts  at  strategic  points,  such  as  Lake  Champlain, 
Niagara,  and  elsewhere.1  During  his  administration  New 
York  traders  for  the  first  time  passed  beyond  the  Senecas' 
country  in  search  of  furs; 2  and  he  himself  was  largely  responsible 
for  the  sending  out  of  a  party  to  trade  with  the  Indians  near 
Michillimakinac.3  Not  much  came  of  any  of  these  schemes,  it  is 
true.  Macgregorie,  the  leader  of  his  trading  party,  was  captured 
and  carried  off  to  Canada,  the  apathy  of  the  provincials,  the 
indifference  of  James  II,4  and  the  opposition  of  the  Five  Nations 
themselves  prevented  the  building  of  any  forts,  and  Dongan's 
active  efforts  had  to  be  confined  to  humbler  things;  but  his  eye 
was  the  first  to  penetrate  the  vast  designs  of  the  French,  and  the 
importance  of  trade  as  a  means  of  furthering  and  also  of  defeating 
them.  He  noted  the  success  of  their  missionary  efforts  among  the 
Caughnawagas,  with  its  consequent  dangers  for  New  York;  and 
there  was  no  important  means  afterward  employed  by  English 
administrators  to  block  these  French  schemes  that  Dongan  had 
not  directly  or  indirectly  proposed  or  attempted  to  carry  out. 
His  successors  had  not  his  clearness  of  sight.  The  next  New  York 
governor  who  showed  signs  of  appreciating  the  significance  of 
Indian  relations  was  Governor  Bellomont.  "  Without  doubt/' 
he  wrote  in  1699,  "  the  French  King  sets  a  great  value  on  Canada, 
and  takes  such  measures  as  will  quickly  extend  his  dominions  in 
this  part  of  the  world,  further  than  is  consistent  with  the  interest 
of  England.  .  .  .  this  Province  by  its  scituation  (being  much 
in  the  center  of  the  other  Colonies)  challenges  a  preference  to  all 
the  rest  and  ought  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  capital  Province  or 
the  Cittadel  to  all  the  others ;  for  secure  but  this,  and  you  secure 
all  the  English  Colonies,  not  only  against  the  French,  but  also 
against  any  insurrections  or  rebellions  against  the  Crown  of  Eng 
land,  if  any  such  should  happen,  which  God  forbid."  5  Bello- 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  iii,  p.  477.  2  Ibid.,  p.  395. 

3  Ibid.     For  some  notices  of  this  expedition  led  by  Colonel  Patrick  Macgregorie, 
see  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  iii,  pp.  476,  516,  520,  523,  525,  526-527;  ix,  pp.  318,  363. 

4  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  504. 
6  Ibid.,  iv,  p.  505. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixiii 

mont  saw  also  the  need  of  enlisting  the  other  English  governors 
in  a  common  effort  to  secure  the  trade  with  the  "  far  Indians,"  1 
and  fully  realized  the  importance  of  the  Five  Nations  as  "  the 
only  Barriere  at  present  between  the  French  of  Canada  and  Vir 
ginia  &  Maryland,  as  well  as  between  the  French  and  New 
York."  2  "I  pretend  to  be  able  to  demonstrate,"  he  wrote  to 
the  Lords  of  Trade,  "  that  if  the  Five  Nations  should  at  any  time 
in  conjunction  with  the  Eastern  Indians  and  those  that  live 
within  these  plantations,  revolt  from  the  English  to  the  French, 
they  would  in  a  short  time  drive  us  quite  out  of  this  Continent."  3 
His  plan  to  avert  this  danger  was  much  the  same  as  Dongan's,  by 
building  forts  on  the  line  of  trade  and  thus  diverting  their  furs  to 
the  English.  By  it  he  thought  to  gain  over  the  Indians,  "  set  the 
French  at  defiance  and  laugh  at  all  their  projects  to  circumvent  us, 
their  new  settlement  at  Mechisipi  and  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia 
put  together."  4  But  like  Dongan  he  failed  to  take  account  of 
colonial  indifference  and  Indian  opposition.  Five  hundred 
pounds  were  granted  by  the  government  in  England  to  build  a 
sod  fort  in  the  Onondaga  country,5  but  the  governor's  advocacy 
was  enough  to  rouse  the  opposition  of  the  Anti-Leislerian  party 
in  New  York,  who  were  sufficiently  strong  to  prevent  the  raising 
in  the  province  of  the  additional  sum  necessary,6  though  legisla 
tion  had  been  enacted  for  the  purpose.7  The  governor  in  his 
calculations  had  also  overlooked  the  possibility  of  hostility 
among  the  Indians  themselves.  Acting  on  their  settled  prin 
ciple  of  opposition  to  all  direct  relations  between  the  whites  and 
the  far  Indians  they  now  requested  the  governor  to  "  forbidd 
peoples  coming  to  trade  in  our  country."  8  This  Bellomont 
believed  to  be  the  result  of  a  "  trick  "  of  Colonel  Schuyler  and  his 
party  to  put  the  Indians  "  out  of  conceit  with  our  building  a  fort 
in  the  Onondages  Country,  as  'tis  not  doubted  but  they  have."  9 
Thus  the  petty  quarrels  of  the  colony,  and  the  policy  of  the 
Indians  worked  together  to  defeat  the  governor's  schemes,  while 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  iv,  p.  590.  6  Ibid.,  iv,  pp.  704,  832. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  609.  6  Ibid.,  p.  716;  v,  p.  500. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  638.    Cf.  also  p.  677.  7  N.  Y.  Col.  Laws,  i,  pp.  432,  444. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  834.  8  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  iv,  p.  741. 

9  Ibid.,  p.  783.     For  an  account  of  the  factional  quarrel,  see  ibid.,  p.  791. 


IxiV          WRAXAWS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

at  home  the  Lords  of  Trade  advised  the  King  to  do  nothing  about 
the  forts  till  the  other  colonies  would  "  contribute  in  some  due 
proportion  to  so  necessary  a  Work."  l 

In  the  war  which  broke  out  in  1702,  the  trade  was  naturally 
forgotten.  It  is  only  after  the  Peace  of  Utrecht,  in  the  term  of 
Governor  Hunter,  that  it  again  assumes  any  great  importance. 
By  Article  XV  of  the  treaty  the  Canadians  were  forbidden  to 
molest  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  "  subject  to  the  Dominion 
of  Great  Britain,"  while  the  English  were  in  like  manner  not  to 
molest  the  French  Indians.  Both  sides  were  to  have  liberty  to 
come  and  go  for  purposes  of  trade,  and  the  Indians  were  to  be 
entirely  free  to  go  to  either  French  or  English  as  they  chose. 
But  exactly  who  were  subjects  of  France  and  England  respec 
tively  was  a  question  reserved  for  determination  by  a  commission 
to  be  appointed  at  some  future  time.2  The  vagueness  and 
ambiguity  of  this  article  led  to  much  controversy,  but  its  value 
to  the  English  probably  lay  more  in  its  justification  of  acts  already 
done  by  English  traders  than  in  its  encouragement  to  further 
trade.  The  cessation  of  hostilities  had  a  far  greater  effect  in 
stimulating  trade  than  any  terms  of  the  treaty,  and  there  is  a 
marked  revival  after  the  peace  in  which  New  York  took  an  in 
creasing  share,  a  share,  however,  which  might  possibly  have  been 
greater,  but  for  the  English  goods  which  after  the  treaty  con 
tinued  to  find  their  way  from  New  York  to  Montreal,  as  they 
had  all  through  the  war.3  In  1717  Governor  Hunter  complained 
to  the  Five  Nations  of  "  that  pernicious  trade  which  I  am  sure 
is  hurtfull  to  both  of  us  and  only  serves  to  put  money  in  the 
pockets  of  a  few  traders."  4  The  Indians  in  their  reply  clearly 
indicated  the  cause  and  suggested  the  remedy:  "  our  people 
are  furnished  with  other  goods  also  at  the  said  French  trading 
house  as  clothing  and  other  necessaries,  which  stops  a  great  deal 
of  peltry  coming  hither;  but  the  French  are  supply 'd  with  all 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  iv,  p.  705. 

2  A  General  Collection  of  Treaty s,  iii,  p.  433. 

3  For  a  scholarly  modern  account  of  the  factional  disputes  which  so  complicated 
the  Indian  question  in  New  York  at  this  time,  see  Phases  of  Royal  Government  in 
New  York,  1691-1719,  by  Charles  Worthen  Spencer,  Columbus,  Ohio,  1905. 

4  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  v,  p.  485. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixv 

those  goods  from  the  people  here  at  Albany  which  goes  first  to 
Canada  and  from  thence  up  Mont  Royal  river  and  so  to  Terondo- 
quat,  where  the  French  trading  house  is  built  upon  ground 
belonging  to  the  Sennekas.  If  you  will  stop  that  trade  of  goods 
being  carried  from  hence  to  Canada  the  other  trade  will  fall  of 
course."  1 

In  1720,  Brigadier  Hunter,  just  returning  from  his  governor 
ship  in  New  York,  testified  before  the  Commissioners  of  Trade 
and  Plantations  that  this  trade  in  Indian  goods  carried  from  New 
York  to  Canada  amounted  to  ten  or  twelve  thousand  pounds 
annually.2  In  the  same  year  Robert  Livingston,  Secretary  of 
Indian  affairs,  presented  to  Peter  Schuyler,  the  acting  governor, 
a  notable  memorial  on  Indian  relations,  in  which  he  deplores 
"  The  furnishing  the  French  and  their  Indians  of  Canada  with 
goods  from  hence,  whereby  they  not  only  supply  the  farr  Indians 
and  Engroce  that  trade  to  themselves,  who  otherwise  must  come 
here  to  buy  them,  and  by  that  means  secure  them  to  their  interest 
to  assist  them  upon  occasion  and  engage  them  to  be  our  Ene 
mies."  3  To  correct  this  he  proposes  "  That  a  stop  be  made  for 
3  months  for  all  Indian  goods  going  to  Canada."  This  is  the 
first  proposal  of  definite  legislative  action  to  stop  the  trade  to 
Canada.  On  September  17,  1720,  William  Burnet,  son  of  the 
celebrated  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  took  charge  of  the  government.4 
The  years  of  Governor  Burnet's  administration  are  among  the 
most  important  in  the  history  of  the  New  York  Indian  trade. 
His  term  is  mainly  important  for  two  things:  the  founding  of 
Oswego,  and  the  enactment  of  legislation  to  stop  the  trade  with 
Canada  in  Indian  goods.  Governor  Burnet  was,  like  his  father, 
a  man  of  active  mind,  generous  impulses,  rapid,  and  at  times 
hasty  judgment.  He  seems  to  have  mapped  out  his  policy  in 
regard  to  Indian  matters  —  one  of  his  most  important  problems 
-  very  soon  after  his  arrival  in  New  York.  He  was  a  friend  of 
his  predecessor,  Governor  Hunter,  and  elected  to  continue  his 
policy  and  put  confidence  in  his  friends.  The  most  important  of 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  v,  p.  486.  2  Ibid.,  p.  552. 

3  Ibid.,  pp.  559-561. 

4  Calendar  of  N.  Y.  Council  Minutes,  p.  6;  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  v,  p.  573. 


Ixvi          WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

these  were  Colonel  Lewis  Morris,  Chief  Justice  of  the  province, 
James  Alexander,  Cadwallader  Colden  and  Robert  Livingston  1  — 
none  of  them  Dutch  names.  To  make  friends  with  this  party 
inevitably  meant  to  make  enemies  of  the  opposing  faction, 
former  enemies  of  Governor  Bellomont,  among  whose  most 
active  members  were  Peter  Schuyler,  Adolf  Philipse,  and  Stephen 
Delancey,  the  latter  the  richest  man  in  the  colony,  if  not  in  North 
America,  and  the  principal  factor  in  the  trade  with  Canada.  The 
Indian  policy  of  the  administration  was  thus  foreshadowed,  and 
also  the  factional  disputes  of  the  next  ten  years. 

On  November  third,  less  than  two  months  after  the  Governor's 
arrival,  Colonel  Morris  presented  a  bill  in  the  Assembly  "  for  the 
Encouragement  of  the  Indian  Trade,"  2  which  became  a  law  on 
November  igth,3  —  "  the  source  of  an  unreasonable  opposition 
against  him  [Burnet],  which  continued  through  his  whole  admin 
istration."  4  By  this  act  it  was  made  unlawful  for  any  one, 
directly  or  indirectly,  to  barter  or  sell  to  any  subject  of  the  French 
King  or  on  behalf  of  such  person,  "  any  of  the  Cloaths  knowne  by 
the  Name  of  Stroud  waters,  Duffales  or  Trucking  Cloth,  Indian 
blankets,  Indian  Coates,  halfthicks,  Gunns,  Kettles,  Stokins, 
Shirts,  flints  Steeles,  all  blades,  Swords,  pistoles,  Powder,  Lead 
or  any  other  Goods  or  Commodities  Commonly  Called  or  knowne 
by  the  Name  of  Indian  Goods  or  Commodities,  or  taken  deemed 
Esteemed  or  Understood  to  be  Indian  Goods  or  Commodities." 
All  such  goods  if  employed  in  this  trade  were  to  be  forfeited,  and 
in  addition  a  penalty  of  £100  current  money  of  the  province  was 
imposed  for  each  offence,  to  be  recovered  before  any  two  justices 
of  the  peace,  the  mayor  of  Albany,  or  the  commanding  officer 
at  Albany,  Schenectady,  or  Fort  Hunter.  One  half  the  fine  was 
to  be  applied  to  the  fortifications  in  the  colony,  the  other  half, 
with  all  the  forfeited  goods,  was  to  go  to  the  informer.  Any 
such  goods  found  in  the  province  north  of  a  line  drawn  through 
Albany  were  to  be  confiscated,  and  their  owner  deemed  a  violator 
of  the  act.  The  high  sheriff  of  Albany  was  empowered  to  search, 

1  Smith's  History  of  New  York  (1814),  pp.  240-241. 

2  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  i,  p.  445. 

3  N.  Y.  Col.  Laws,  ii,  p.  8. 

*  Smith's  History  of  New  York  (1814),  p.  242. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixvii 

by  breaking  and  entering  if  necessary,  any  building  or  convey 
ance  where  it  was  suspected  such  goods  might  be  hidden.  Goods 
might  be  seized  by  the  informer,  and  upon  oath  of  one  or  more 
credible  witnesses  that  they  were  found  in  the  forbidden  territory, 
the  mayor  or  commanding  officer  before  whom  the  goods  were 
brought  might  issue  his  warrant  for  the  arrest  and  commitment 
of  the  owner  until  the  value  of  the  goods  and  the  fine  were  paid. 
When  the  owner  could  not  be  found,  his  goods  and  chattels 
might  be  distrained  and  sold.  One  of  the  provisions  that  turned 
out  to  be  most  necessary  was  one  imposing  a  penalty  of  £500 
upon  any  official  empowered  by  the  act  to  try  offences  under  it 
who  failed  to  condemn  discovered  goods,  refused  to  issue  a  war 
rant,  or  agreed  to  compound  with  an  offender  for  a  sum  less  than 
the  amount  provided  by  the  act. 

As  a  result  of  this  act  Burnet  prophesied  that  "  Monreal  will 
sink  to  nothing  which  now  flourishes  by  its  Trade  with  Albany. 
...  I  expect  no  less  than  restoring  our  influence  over  the  Five 
Nations  and  drawing  new  nations  of  Indians  through  their  means 
to  trade  with  and  depend  on  us."  l 

The  need  of  some  such  remedy  seems  obvious,  if  we  may 
believe  the  testimony  of  the  party  advocating  the  stopping  of  the 
Canada  trade.  In  a  single  year  Golden  says  900  pieces  of  strouds 
had  been  carried  to  Canada,  besides  other  Indian  goods,2  and 
Governor  Bellomont  in  1700,  reported  that  English  woolens  were 
much  cheaper  at  Quebec  and  Montreal  than  at  Albany,  as  a  result 
of  this  direct  trade  from  New  York.3  Any  interference  with  it 
would  naturally  be  opposed  by  certain  powerful  merchants, 
because,  as  Golden  says,  "  they  sold  large  quantitys  of  Goods 
without  any  trouble  the  French  taking  them  from  their  Doors 
whereas  the  trade  with  the  Indians  is  carried  on  with  a  great  deal 
of  Toil  and  Trouble  and  as  to  the  Interest  of  the  Country  they 
either  never  thought  any  thing  about  it  or  if  they  did,  had  no 
regard  to  it."  4 

1  A'.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  v,  p.  577.  2  Ibid.,  p.  729.  3  Ibid.,  iv,  p.  792. 

4  Memorial  on  the  Fur  Trade,  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  v,  p.  732.  In  a  letter  printed  in 
the  London  Edition  of  Colden's  Five  Nations,  the  Author,  J.  A.  Esq.  [James  Alex 
ander]  says,  "  the  French  were  chiefly  supplied  by  one  Gentleman  at  New- York, 
who  almost  entirely  engrossed  the  Indian  Trade  of  this  Province,  and  thereby  ac- 


Ixviii       WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

It  is  hard  to  estimate  whether  this  plan  of  starving  out  the 
Canadians  by  shutting  off  the  source  of  their  supply  of  Indian 
goods  at  New  York  would  have  succeeded  under  favorable  condi 
tions.  Our  chief  source  of  information  in  regard  to  it  is  the 
records  of  the  Indian  commissioners,  which,  it  must  be  remem 
bered,  were  kept  by  the  Indian  secretary,  Robert  Livingston,  the 
chief  advocate  of  the  plan,  a  partisan  of  Burnet,  a  bitter  enemy 
for  both  public  and  private  reasons  of  Delancey,  Philipse,  and 
Schuyler,  and  a  man  who  had  many  private  interests  of  his  own 
at  stake.  Notwithstanding  this,  no  charges  of  falsification  of 
these  records,  so  far  as  I  know,  were  ever  brought  against  Living 
ston,  though  accusations  of  almost  everything  else  were  at  one 
time  or  another  made  against  him.1  We  are  warranted  in  assum 
ing  that  these  records,  drafted  by  Livingston,  with  the  knowledge 
of  all  the  Albany  commissioners,  some  of  whom  were  hostile  to 
Burnet's  policy,  contain  a  substantially  accurate  account  of  the 
working  of  the  new  legislation.  The  Act  of  1720  seems  to  have 
produced  substantial  results,  even  though  the  forbidden  trade 
with  Canada  was  never  entirely  stopped.  "  I  find,"  says 
Wraxall,  "  that  the  Trade  at  Albany  with  the  far  Indians  began 
again  to  revive  &  that  they  had  hopes  of  its  increasing.  There 
is  no  doubt  this  was  owing  to  Govr  Burnets  prohibition  of  the 
Trade  from  Albany  to  Canada  wch  was  a  wise  exsalent  measure."  2 
He  reports  that  in  1721,  some  Indians  came  to  Albany  from  near 
Detroit  for  the  first  time  in  twenty  years.3  In  May  and  June  of 
the  same  year,  Indians  of  six  different  nations  came  to  Albany 
to  trade  and  entered  into  treaties  of  peace  with  the  English  there 
-  "  All  this  was  the  Effect  of  the  prohibition  of  the  Trade  with 
Canada,  and  y6  Commissrs  tell  the  Indians  so."  4  In  1722,  even 
some  of  the  Ottawas  braved  the  French  displeasure  and  visited 
Albany.5  In  the  next  year  eighty  men  besides  women  and 

quired  a  very  great  Estate  and  Influence,"  ii,  p.  58  (1902).  This  gentleman  was  in 
all  probability  Stephen  Delancey,  and  it  was  no  doubt  by  his  influence  largely  that 
the  legislation  enacted  under  Governor  Burnet  was  ultimately  repealed. 

1  In  1721  he  was  succeeded  in  the  office  by  his  son  Philip  Livingston,  whose 
attitude  and  partisanship  were  the  same  as  his  father's.    Post,  pp.  Ixxvii-lxxviii. 
New  York  Civil  List  (1889),  PP-  22IJ  533- 

2  Post,  p.  135-  4  Ibid.,  p.  135- 

3  Ibid.,  p.  136.  6  Ibid.,  p.  140. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixix 

children  from  several  tribes  on  Lake  Erie  came  to  Albany  "  & 
bring  with  them  the  Calumet  or  Pipe  of  Peace."  l  A  month  or 
two  later  more  Indians  came  from  several  remote  nations  and 
reported  that  Indians  beyond  them  want  to  find  if  the  way  is 
open  to  Albany.2  In  1724,  the  French  succeeded  by  promises 
and  threats  in  turning  away  thirty  canoes  of  skins  on  their  way 
to  Albany  from  Indians  who  had  never  been  to  Albany  before,  but 
some  Indians  reached  there  notwithstanding.3  In  September, 
1725,  the  number  of  skins  coming  from  the  westward  was  three 
times  the  number  from  Canada,  and  the  commissioners  reported 
that  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  that  year  fifty- two  canoes  had 
been  brought  to  Albany  from  the  far  Indians,  that  nearly  one 
hundred  persons  were  employed  in  the  trade,  each  making  two 
trips  among  the  Indians  in  a  season,  and  that  over  788  bundles  of 
skins  had  been  thus  obtained,  besides  forty-three  canoes  brought 
by  the  far  Indians  themselves,  amounting  to  two  hundred  bundles. 
The  number  of  beaver  and  deer  skins  coming  from  Canada  in 
the  same  period  was  only  176  bundles.4  So  hard  to  obtain  were 
the  Indian  goods  in  Canada  as  a  result  of  the  legislation  in  New 
York  that  the  French  Indians  were  sent  by  the  Canadians  to 
obtain  goods  in  Albany  under  pretence  of  complaining  of  the 
hostility  of  the  New  England  colonists.5 

His  examination  of  the  Indian  records  of  this  period  satisfied 
Wraxall  of  the  wisdom  of  Governor  Burnet's  policy:  "  The  sur 
prizing  concourse  of  the  Far  Indians  to  Albany  who  formerly 
traded  with  the  French,  since  the  prohibition  of  the  Trade  to 
Canada,  is  an  irrefragable  Proof  of  the  great  advantage  of  that 
prohibition  &  as  Trading  is  the  Only  Cement  to  bind  the  Indians 
to  our  Interest,  if  proper  methods  had  been  taken  to  fix  and 
extend  this  Channel  of  Trade,  .  .  .  the  French  might  have  been 
.  .  .  rendered  incapable  of  disturbing  the  British  Settlements 
in  N.  America."  6 

"  I  now  flatter  myself  that  the  most  difficult  part  is  over," 
wrote  Governor  Burnet  in  1723,  "  since  the  very  Traders  of 

1  Post,  p.  144.  4  Ibid.,  pp.  159-160. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  147.  5  Ibid.,  p.  151. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  152.  6  Ibid.,  p.  145. 


Ixx  WRAXALUS   NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Albany  who  were  fond  of  Trading  to  Canada,  generally  confess 
their  error  and  that  since  the  remote  Indians  will  come  to  them 
they  ought  not  to  share  that  trade  with  the  French,  which  they 
may  keep  wholly  to  themselves."  l  "  It  is  the  opinion  of  many 
here/'  says  Golden,  "that  by  the  arts  of  Peace,  with  the  assistance 
of  a  less  sum  than  the  tenth  of  what  the  expedition  to  Canada 
cost  the  Nation  the  settlement  of  Canada  would  be  rendered 
useless  to  the  French,  and  that  they  would  be  obliged  to  abandon 
it.2 

Notwithstanding  the  governor's  optimism,  it  was  very  unlikely 
that  a  trade  which  had  never  been  interrupted  even  by  war  would 
be  stopped  entirely  by  any  penalties  the  government  of  New  York 
could  impose.  The  commissioners  were  forced  to  report  early  in 
1722,  that  the  forbidden  trade  to  Canada  was  being  carried  on 
"by  certain  Persons  in  Albany,"3  and  the  greatest  difficulty 
about  the  whole  matter  was  that  the  officials  who  alone  could 
make  the  new  law  effective  were  often  themselves  the  worst 
offenders  against  it,  while  the  governor  himself  unwittingly 
furthered  the  contraband  trade  by  a  too  liberal  distribution  of 
passes  to  Canada.4  To  meet  the  evasions  of  the  law,  a  supple 
mental  act  of  the  most  drastic  kind  was  passed  in  1722  "for  the 
further  and  more  Effectual  Prohibiting  of  the  Selling  Indian 
Goods  to  the  French."  5  It  allowed  any  of  the  officers  mentioned 
in  the  former  act  to  compel  persons  suspected  of  carrying  on  the 
prohibited  trade  to  declare  upon  oath  that  they  had  not  within  a 
given  time  in  any  manner  directly  or  indirectly  traded  in  the 
forbidden  articles  with  French  subjects,  and  also  that  they  had  no 
knowledge,  directly  or  indirectly,  of  any  other  person's  doing  so. 
One  who  refused  this  oath  was  ipso  facto  adjudged  guilty  of  trad 
ing  unlawfully  and  at  once  became  subject  to  all  the  penalties 
therefor  provided  in  the  former  act.  Any  official  who  failed  to 
perform  his  duty  in  administering  this  oath  became  liable  to  a 
fine  of  £200,  and  was  made  incapable  of  holding  any  office  of 
trust  or  profit  under  the  government. 

1  N.  Y.  Col  Docs.,  v,  p.  685.  2  Ibid.,  p.  687.  3  Post,  p.  139. 

4  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  i,  pp.  473-474. 

5  Ibid.,  i,  p.  475.     Text  in  N.  Y.  Col.  Laws,  ii,  pp.  98  et  seq. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxi 

The  governor,  as  the  son  of  the  great  Whig  historian,  knew  too 
much  history  not  to  be  aware  that  this  law  might  meet  with 
objection  at  home,  as  appears  from  his  apologetic  letter  to  the 
Lords  of  Trade  written  in  December,  1722.*  Technically,  the 
provision  was  probably  not  illegal,  as  the  English  act  of  1661, 
which  in  effect  abolished  the  oath  ex  officio,  even  though  it  might 
be  construed  to  be  in  affirmance  of  the  Common  Law  —  a  doubt 
ful  point  —  and,  therefore,  ordinarily  in  effect  in  after-acquired 
colonies,  applied  solely  to  oaths  administered  by  ecclesiastical 
officers.  But  legal  or  illegal,  the  New  York  act  was  contrary  to 
the  spirit  under  which  English  institutions  had  been  developing, 
at  least  since  1640.  Burnet's  excuse,  like  that  of  Elizabeth's 
High  Commission,  was  that  such  means  were  necessary  to  detect 
offences  which  must  be  stopped,  though  no  witnesses  could  be 
introduced  to  prove  them.  In  his  favor  it  must  be  admitted 
that  this  was  true,  on  account  of  the  nature  of  the  wild  and 
uninhabited  country  through  which  the  trade  passed.  Such 
provisions  as  this  had  also  existed  under  his  predecessors  in  New 
York,  Dutch  and  English,  and  are  to  be  found  in  laws  submitted 
from  other  colonies  and  allowed  by  the  Privy  Council; 2  and  if 
ever  justification  existed  for  suspecting  men  until  they  purged 
themselves,  it  might  be  assumed  to  exist  in  Albany.  Neverthe 
less,  the  provision  was  unpopular  in  New  York  and  disliked  in 
England,  and  deservedly  so.  There  are  numerous  accounts  in 
the  Indian  records  for  1723  of  the  administering  of  this  oath  and 
some  cases  of  refusal  to  take  it. 

Aided  by  these  objections  and  by  sundry  quarrels  and  mistakes 
of  the  governor,  which  cannot  be  traced  here,  the  opposition  in 
New  York  became  stronger  from  day  to  day.  In  1 7  2  5 ,  the  Indian 
trade  laws  were  reenacted,  but  only  for  a  short  period,  and  a 
systematic  campaign  was  begun  to  prevent  their  extension 
further,  leading  to  the  publication  of  a  remarkable  series  of  papers 
on  both  sides  which  give  us  invaluable  information  in  regard  to  the 
whole  trade  and  include  Colden's  important  history  of  the  Five 
Nations.3  Burnet's  opponents  asserted  that  the  Canadian  trade 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  v,  p.  682.         2  Ante,  p.  Ixi.     N.  Y.  Col.  Laws,  i,  p.  830. 
3  These  papers  are  for  the  most  part  printed  in  volume  v  of  the  New  York  Colo- 


Ixxii         WRAXALUS  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

had  "  enabled  our  Merchants  to  carry  on  a  considerable  Trade 
with  Great-Britain,  to  the  mutual  Advantage  of  that  Kingdom 
and  this  Colony  "  while  the  result  of  the  prohibitory  acts  had 
been  that  "  Strouds  did  thereupon  immediately,  .  .  .  rise  to  a 
very  high  and  extraordinary  Price  amongst  the  French  at 
Canada,  which  tended  only  to  the  Benefit  of  such,  as  clandes 
tinely,  and  in  Contempt  of  the  said  Law,  supply  them  therewith; 
but  it  did  at  the  same  Time,  put  the  French  upon  Measures 
to  procure  those  Goods  (if  not  equal  to  the  English,  yet  in 
Imitation  of,  and  somewhat  near  them)  from  France  and  other 
Parts,  if  not  directly  from  England,  wherein  they  succeeded  so 
effectually,  that  their  Storehouses  soon  filled,  and  they  abounded 
in  Strouds  and  other  Indian  Goods;  after  which  they  forbad  the 
Importation  of  them  from,  and  the  Exportation  of  Furs  to  this 
Colony,  .  .  .  whereupon  that  Trade,  which  consumed  vast 
Quantities  of  the  Manufactures  of  Great-Britain,  and  was  sup 
ported  by  return  of  Beaver,  Furs  and  Peltry,  was  diverted  from 
its  former  Channel,  and  in  Danger  of  being  engrossed  by  the 
French."  1  They  declared  that  since  the  passage  of  the  acts  the 
exports  of  furs  from  New  York  to  Great  Britain  had  declined,  as 
well  as  the  imports  of  Indian  goods,  and  that  the  vaunted  in 
crease  in  the  direct  trade  with  the  Indians  in  their  own  country 

nial  Documents,  pp.  707,  711,  725,  734,  740,  743,  745,  749,  756,  757,  760.  Among 
the  most  important  papers  on  the  governor's  side  are  Colden's  excellent  memorial 
on  the  New  York  Fur  Trade,  ibid.,  p.  726,  and  the  Minutes  of  the  New  York  Coun 
cil  on  the  Matter,  Colden's  Five  Nations  (1902),  ii,  pp.  13  et  seq.  Most  of  the 
points  made  against  the  merchants  are  drawn  from  a  report  made  by  a  committee 
of  the  Indian  Commissioners  late  in  1724.  Robert  Livingston,  Jr.,  was  head  of  this 
committee  and  no  doubt  drew  up  this  report.  These  arguments,  which  are  fre 
quently  said  to  have  originated  with  Golden,  undoubtedly  first  came  from  Living 
ston.  The  report  is  given  in  volume  ii  of  the  original  Indian  records  under  date 
of  November  12,  1724,  and  is  printed  in  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  v,  p.  740. 

A  good  summary  of  the  opposing  position  is  to  be  found  in  the  New  York  As 
sembly  Journals,  i,  pp.  620-622.  Colden's  Five  Nations  was  first  printed  in  New 
York  in  1727.  It  was  later  published  with  additions  and  some  changes  not  author 
ized  by  Golden,  in  two  volumes,  at  London.  The  second  part,  which  was  new,  con 
tained  an  appendix,  which  included  some  of  the  above  papers.  A  reprint  of  the 
original  New  York  edition,  edited  by  J.  G.  Shea,  was  published  in  New  York  in 
1866. 

1  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  i,  p.  621. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxiii 

really  amounted  to  nothing  but  a  secret  and  unlawful  interchange 
with  French  trappers  or  agents.1 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  v,  pp.  743-744,  746-748,  750-756,  760-763.  On  July  6,  1724 
the  Indian  commissioners  wrote  to  the  governor,  "  There  have  been  no  far  IndnB 
since  last  April  &  those  that  Intend  to  come  are  Stop'd  in  their  way  hither  by  our 
People  that  go  up  to  trade,  whether  any  will  come  to  this  place  [Albany]  is  much 
doubted.''  Original  Indian  Records,  ii. 

It  is  very  evident  that  Burnet  suspected  the  commissioners  of  suppressing  the 
facts  concerning  the  increase  of  trade  produced  by  the  acts.  On  July  27,  1725  the 
commissioners  wrote  to  him,  "  We  have  been  honoured  with  your  Exlya  favours 
of  y6  9th  Instant  we  hope  your  Elys  will  not  accuse  us  with  Concealing  y6  good 
success  of  the  trade  on  the  Lake,  with  the  farr  Indians  which  has  been  attended  this 
year  with  a  fair  prospect  of  answering  you  Ex1*8  Expectation,  tho  with  Submission 
to  yr  Ex'y  we  are  still  humbly  of  opinion  y  *  the  trade  will  not  be  Effectually  brought 
thither  only  with  y6  cheapness  of  goods."  Ibid. 

It  seems  probable  that  the  direct  trade  nad  increased  at  Oswego  —  whether  as  a 
result  of  the  prohibition  of  trade  with  Canada  or  of  the  establishment  of  the  post 
and  the  encouragement  of  independent  white  traders  to  enter  the  field,  it  would  be 
hard  to  say.  But  this  meant  a  decrease  of  business  at  Albany  as  well  as  among  the 
Iroquois,  and  neither  Albanians  nor  Iroquois  could  be  expected  to  be  pleased  at  it. 

Burnet's  whole  Indian  policy,  both  his  encouragement  of  individual  traders  and 
the  establishment  of  Oswego,  on  the  one  hand;  and  the  prohibition  of  the  trade  in 
Indian  goods  to  Canada,  on  the  other;  must  be  looked  at  from  two  points  of  view: 
as  imperial  and  international  policy;  and  as  purely  economic  measures.  Both  parts 
of  the  plan  were  infinitely  complicated  by  the  position  of  the  Iroquois  and  their 
relationship  to  the  Caughnawagas;  but  it  should  probably  be  said  that  from  the 
imperial  point  of  view  the  fostering  of  a  direct  trade  and  the  founding  of  Oswego 
were  advisable.  The  cutting  off  of  the  Canada  trade  might  also  be  justified  from 
this  point  of  view.  The  significance  of  the  blow  struck  by  Burnet  at  the  Iroquois 
interests  through  the  founding  of  Oswego  and  the  establishment  of  a  direct  trade 
must  not  be  overlooked.  It  greatly  alarmed  the  Indians,  and  this  alarm  was  cleverly 
used  by  Burnet's  enemies.  But  a  sufficient  justification  of  this  policy  probably 
existed  in  the  lessened  importance  of  the  Iroquois,  due  to  the  great  diminution  of 
their  numbers,  a  tendency  which  Burnet  clearly  saw  was  likely  to  continue. 

On  the  purely  economic  side,  the  question  is  much  more  debatable.  It  is  impos 
sible  to  say  whether  in  the  long  run  under  effective  regulation  the  direct  trade  would 
have  grown  greater  and  more  profitable  than  the  trade  to  Canada  which  was  incom 
patible  with  it.  The  final  withdrawal  of  the  French  from  the  continent  in  the  end 
disposed  of  the  whole  matter,  but  for  a  long  period  the  struggle  of  these  two  funda 
mentally  opposite  points  of  view  explains  much  of  New  York's  peculiar  history. 
On  the  economic  side  much  may  be  said  for  the  position  of  the  large  dealers  in  New 
York  and  their  London  correspondents  against  the  able  arguments  of  Burnet's  party. 

Essentially  the  struggle  was  between  the  small  traders  and  the  great  merchants, 
retailers  against  wholesalers.  Burnet's  policy  as  defended  by  Golden,  Alexander 
and  others  was  first  suggested  by  the  Livingstons,  whose  interests  were  and  con 
tinued  to  be  bound  up  in  this  direct  retail  trade;  while  Delancey,  Philipse  and  the 
wholesalers  were  the  centre  of  the  opposition.  The  clash  of  the  interests  of  these 


Ixxiv       WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

The  gist  of  the  whole  question  really  lay  in  the  claim  made 
by  Burnet  and  denied  by  his  enemies,  that  Indian  goods  could  not 
be  procured  in  New  France  from  any  source  but  New  York  at 
rates  which  would  enable  French  traders  to  compete  with  the 
English  in  the  Indian  country.  The  Council  pointed  to  the  fact 
that  strouds,  selling  at  Albany  for  £10  a  piece,  brought  £13  23. 
and  6d.  at  Montreal  before  the  passing  of  the  act,  and  £25  after  it. 
Golden  gave  illustrations  to  show  that  the  difficulties  and  dangers 
of  navigation,  both  of  sea  and  river,  in  Canada,  coupled  with 
governmental  restrictions  on  trade,  made  it  absolutely  impossible 
for  the  Canadians  by  any  means  whatsoever  to  obtain  elsewhere 
than  in  New  York  goods  for  their  trade  upon  terms  which  would 
enable  them  to  compete  with  the  English  goods,  brought  by  the 
easier  route  by  way  of  New  York,  the  Hudson,  Mohawk  and 
Oswego  rivers  to  the  shores  of  Lake  Ontario.  Whatever  the 
merits  of  this  question,  however,  Burnet's  party  were  steadily 
losing  ground  in  the  colony,  and  the  assaults  of  the  interested 
London  correspondents  of  the  New  York  merchants  opposed  to 
the  act  were  having  the  effect  upon  the  Ministry  in  England 
that  such  tactics  always  had  in  the  eighteenth  century,  while  the 
administration  of  the  acts  was  lax  and  the  evasions  of  it  many. 
The  majority  of  the  Albany  commissioners  at  this  time  were  on 
the  side  of  the  governor,  probably  because  they  were  small 
rather  than  large  traders,  and  their  reports  state  their  belief  that 
the  law  was  systematically  violated  by  the  most  influential  men 
of  Albany,  and  that  perjury  was  often  made  use  of  to  evade  the 
penalty.1  By  the  time  of  the  opening  of  the  session  of  the 

two  groups  goes  far  toward  explaining  the  economic  basis  of  the  controversy. 
Burnet's  adhesion  to  the  Livingston  party  may  have  been  due  to  his  belief  that  their 
measures  fitted  in  better  with  his  own  far-reaching  policy  of  extending  English 
influence  toward  the  west  through  Indian  alliances.  On  account  of  the  many  ele 
ments  in  the  problem,  it  would  be  rash  to  attempt  to  say  theoretically  —  and  it  could 
now  be  treated  in  no  other  way  —  which  plan  was  the  sounder  on  the  economic  side. 
1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  v,  pp.  740-742.  On  this  Wraxall  has  preserved  an  interesting 
letter  of  the  Albany  commissioners  to  Governor  Burnet,  October,  1724,  post,  p.  156. 
For  October  8th  the  following  entry  occurs  in  the  minutes  of  the  provincial  Coun 
cil:  "  His  Excellency  Communicated  to  this  Board  a  Letter  from  Edmund  Blood 
Commanding  Officer  at  Mount  Burnet  to  the  Commissioners  of  Indian  Affairs 
Setting  forth  that  he  had  Seized  fifty  eight  pieces  of  Strouds  waters  carrying  along 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxv 

Assembly  in  April,  1726,  even  Burnet  was  forced  to  admit  that 
it  was  practically  impossible  wholly  to  prevent  the  Canada  trade. 

towards  Canada  by  Nicholas  Schuyler  Son  of  Phillip  Schuyler  and  Jacob  Wendell 
Son  of  Harmanus  Wendell  and  another  whose  face  he  Could  not  See  —  together 
with  Twenty  or  Thirty  Indians  and  that  after  he  had  Seized  them  and  put  the 
broad  air  upon  every  piece  the  Said  Company  took  them  away  by  fforce. 

"  His  Excellency  also  communicated  to  this  Board  an  Affidavit  made  by  Charles 
Buckley  Serjeant  of  the  Garrison  at  Mount  Burnet  before  Peter  Vanbrugh  Esqr 
Mayor  of  the  City  of  Albany  Setting  forth  the  particular  Circumstances  of  the  Said 
Seizure  and  that  at  his  first  meeting  with  the  Said  Company  he  told  Jacob  Wendell 
that  he  was  Sorry  to  See  him  there  who  Replyed  if  it  had  not  been  for  his  father  he 
had  not  been  there. 

"  His  Excellency  also  Communicated  to  this  Board  the  Minutes  of  the  Said  Com 
missioners  of  Indian  Affairs  by  which  it  appears  that  they  had  called  the  said  Har 
manus  Wendell  before  them  and  in  his  being  Examined  concerning  the  Said  Strouds 
did  acknowledge  that  he  knew  Something  of  Nicholas  Schuyler  and  his  own  Son 
whom  he  had  Sold  a  parcell  Strouds  and  thought  perhaps  they  were  going  towards 
Canada  or  Tuschachrondie  [Detroit]  with  them  which  being  read  and  Considered  of 
by  this  Board  together  with  the  Acts  of  Assembly  of  this  Province  concerning  the 
carrying  of  Indian  Goods  to  the  french  and  particularly  that  passed  in  the  Seventh 
year  of  his  Majesty's  Reign. 

"  This  Board  is  of  Opinion  that  the  said  Harmanus  Wendell  is  a  Seller  of  Indian 
Goods  within  the  very  words  and  meaning  of  the  Said  Acts  passed  in  the  Seventh 
year  of  his  Majestys  Reign  and  that  the  Commissioners  aforesaid  do  with  all  care 
and  Dilligence  put  the  Said  Acts  in  Execution  against  the  Said  Harmanus  Wendell, 
Jacob  Wendell  and  Nicolas  Schuyler  and  all  others  concerned  when  discovered." 
N.  Y.  Council  MSS.,  xiv,  pp.  353-354- 

This  "  opinion  "  is  certainly  curious,  in  a  non-judicial  proceeding.  The  Council 
at  this  time  was  strongly  on  the  side  of  the  administration.  On  October  28,  1 724  a 
warrant  issued  to  compel  the  tendering  of  the  oath  to  Nicholas  Schuyler  and  Jacob 
Wendell  (Original  Indian  Records,  ii),  but  on  January  7,  1724/5  the  commissioners 
informed  the  governor  that  the  oath  was  not  to  be  tendered  to  them  since  they  were 
regarded  as  already  discovered  in  the  act  of  violating  the  law.  Ibid.  In  the  course 
of  a  few  months  Schuyler  was  arrested.  He  asked  to  be  taken  to  the  sheriff's 
house  and  kept  there  until  bedding  and  other  necessaries  could  be  provided  at  the 
gaol.  But,  the  commissioners  solemnly  record,  "  as  they  went  along  together  Mr. 
Schuyler  made  his  escape."  Ibid.,  May  6,  1725.  There  seems  to  be  no  record  of 
the  arrest  of  Wendell. 

On  August  12  of  the  same  year  the  commissioners  wrote  to  Governor  Burnet, 
"  We  have  Issued  Severall  Summonces  to  the  Sherrif  to  bring  Sundry  Suspected 
psons  as  p  Inclosed  List  before  us  to  tender  the  oath  unto  them  provided  by  y* 
act,  but  none  can  be  taken  we  do  what  lyes  in  our  power  to  prevent  all  Illegal  trade 
but  find  it  to  Little  purpose  for  Strowds  is  plentifully  (it  is  said)  Conveyd  to  the 
french  as  well  by  way  of  onnondage  River  as  directly  from  hence  to  montreal " 
Ibid. 

By  the  act  of  assembly  November  25,  1727,  it  is  recited  that  Nicholas  Schuyler 
and  Jacob  Wendell  "  having  traded  with  the  French  contrary  to  the  Laws  of  this 


Ixxvi       WRAXALUS  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

"  I  wish  I  could  say/'  he  complains  in  his  opening  speech,  "  the 
Laws  for  promoting  a  Trade  with  the  far  Indians,  and  prohibiting 
it  with  Canada,  had  been  as  duly  executed  as  they  were  well 
intended ;  and  I  leave  it  to  your  Consideration,  whether  a  Method 
less  severe  may  not  be  more  Effectual."  1  As  a  result  a  tax  on 
the  trade  was  substituted  for  the  total  prohibition,  the  goods 
taken  to  the  north  paying  double  the  amount  paid  by  those  going 
westward.  The  duties  were  to  be  farmed,  and  all  traders  were 
required  twice  a  year  to  render  upon  oath  an  account  of  all  their 
transactions,  including  a  statement  that  they  had  riot  violated 
the  act.  Refusal  to  take  this  oath  subjected  the  trader  to  a  fine 
of  £300.  A  significant  clause  exempted  all  who  complied  with 
these  conditions  from  all  penalties  under  the  former  acts,  and 
provided  that  all  penalties  already  due  were  to  be  remitted  on 
payment  of  £30  if  the  illicit  trade  had  been  to  the  westward,  or 
£100  if  toward  the  north.2  In  the  acts  passed  later  to  supply 
defects  or  omissions  in  the  original  act,  no  further  important 
change  of  principle  occurs,  but  the  nature  of  the  defects  is  highly 
significant.  The  preamble  of  the  act  of  November,  1726,  for 
example,  recites  the  facts  "  that  Even  some  of  the  Farmers  them 
selves  have  Absolutely  refused  to  Enter  and  give  an  account  to 
the  other  ffarmers  of  the  dutiable  Goods  they  already  have  Trans 
ported  to  the  Northwards  and  Westward  of  Albany  or  which  they 
hereafter  Intend  to  transport  Thither  "; 3  and  that  "  even  those 
who  afterwards  became  Farmers  in  manner  as  aforesaid  did 
(As  it  is  Credibly  Alledged).  .  .  .  Send  Carry  or  Transport  Vast 
Quantitys  of  Dutiable  Goods  both  to  the  Northward  and  West 
ward  of  the  said  City  doubtless  with  a  View  and  Intent  to  elude 
the  different  duties  imposed  by  the  Act  first  mentioned."  The 
main  feature  of  this  act  was  the  oath  required  of  the  farmers 
themselves  that  they  had  not  violated  the  law.  This  points  to 

Colony  are  ready  and  willing  to  pay  Each  of  them  the  Sum  of  one  hundred  pounds 
for  Such  their  Transgression,"  and  enacted  that  upon  such  payment  within  ten 
days  they  shall  be  exonerated  and  discharged  of  all  further  penalty.  N.  Y.  Col. 
Laws,  ii,  p.  384. 

1  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  ii,  p.  281. 

2  N.  Y.  Col,  Laws,  ii,  p.  351. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  360  et  seq. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxvii 

the  chief  difficulty  in  the  way  of  the  successful  administration  of 
any  restrictive  acts  at  Albany,  the  principal  cause  for  the  failure 
of  all  Governor  Burnet's  legislation,  and  the  weakest  spot  in  New 
York's  Indian  administration  through  its  whole  history.  Evi 
dence  is  not  wanting  of  the  continued  evasion  of  the  acts  by 
traders  and  farmers  alike,  and  the  acts  themselves  are  witness 
that  even  in  cases  of  conviction  of  breaches  of  the  law,  the  penal 
ties  were  often  compounded  for  by  the  payment  of  sums  consider 
ably  smaller  than  the  original  fines,  —  conditions  which  recall  to 
mind  the  similar  succession  of  penalties  and  amnesties  in  Canada.1 

1  The  following  documents  of  the  years  1728  and  1729  serve  to  illustrate  not 
merely  these  difficulties  and  evasions,  and  the  unpopularity  of  the  law,  but  also  the 
way  in  which  all  this  was  connected  with  the  bitter  factional  struggles  in  the  prov 
ince  at  that  time. 

"  In  obedience  to  an  order  in  Councill  of  the  5th  of  April  Instant  to  make  answer 
to  a  Complaint  Exhibited  against  me  by  Rutger  Bleecker  Esq.  Mayor  John  De 
Peyster  Esq.  Recorder  Hendrick  Roseboom,  Barent  Sanders  and  Ryer  Gerritse 
Esq.  Aldermen  of  the  City  of  Albany  to  which  I  humbly  crave  Leave  to  say,  That 
I  acknowledge  that  the  said  Recorder  by  a  Resolution  of  the  said  Mayor  &  Alder 
men  on  the  5th  of  March  Last  Pressed  on  me  to  take  the  Oath  directed  to  be  taken 
by  persons  Suspected  to  have  Traded  with  the  Subjects  of  [the]  french  King  Con 
trary  to  the  Laws  of  this  Province,  Pursuant  (as  they  Alledged)  to  the  directions  of 
an  act  of  Generall  Assembly  of  the  Colony  of  New  York  Entitled  an  act  for  Defray 
ing  the  Costs  &  Contingent  Charges  of  the  trading  house  at  Oswego  &  Secondly 
That  by  ye  directions  of  the  Said  act  they  the  Complainants  were  directed  &  In- 
joyned  to  take  Said  Oath  themselves  first  in  the  Literall  words  as  they  Insisted  I 
should  take  It.  Before  they  were  qualifyed  &  Impowered  by  Vertue  of  the  said 
act  to  administer  ye  Same  to  me  or  any  other  person  wh  they  have  not  done  but  made 
an  alteration  in  the  Same  in  the  most  materiall  part  of  the  said  oath  &  after  they 
had  so  taken  the  said  oath  &  before  they  tendred  y6  same  to  me  they  did  not  Pro 
ceed  to  putt  Sd  Act  in  Execution  as  they  were  directed  by  the  same  all  which  I  am 
Ready  to  Verify.  As  I  am  not  guilty  of  haveing  traded  with  the  Subjects  of  the 
french  King  for  Indian  goods  while  y6  Laws  of  this  Province  have  [a  word  illegible] 
force  to  Prohibite  the  same  I  offer  to  take  ye  oath  before  your  Exl  in  Councill  or 
before  ye  sd  Mayor  Recorder  &  Aldermen  when  they  shall  have  quallifyed  ym  selves 
in  takeing  ye  sd  oath  first,  which  is  humbly  Submitted  to  your  Ex1  Wise  &  Serious 
Consideration  by  May  it  Please  your  Ex^  Your  Ex^'8  most  humble  &  most  obed* 
servant  Ph.  Livingston. 

N.  Y.  AfSS.,  Ixviii,  p.  72.     See  also  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  i,  p.  584. 

The  records  contain  also  a  deposition  by  Evert  Wendell  of  the  City  of  Albany 
that  on  March  5,  1727-28  he  witnessed  Ph.  Livingston's  refusal  to  take  the  oath, 
in  which  it  is  said  that  Livingston  pulled  a  piece  of  paper  from  his  pocket  containing 
a  reservation  he"  demanded  to  be  allowed  in  his  case,  saying,  "  If  you  will  allow  me 
this  reservation  I  have  wrote  Down  here  then  I  will  Take  the  oaths  aforesaid  other 
wise  I  cant  for  an  oath  is  a  thing  of  a  Great  Consequence  and  not  So  Easily  Taken 


Ixxviii        WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Early  in  1728,  Burnet  was  rewarded  for  his  services  in  New 
York  by  being  transferred  against  his  will  to  Massachusetts, 

altho  Some  that  have  already  Sworn  Could  Take  the  oath  Less  Than  I  and  I  Cant 
Take  the  Same  without  that  reservation."  He  was  answered  that  no  reservation 
could  be  allowed  to  any  one,  "  and  then  I  heard  Livingston  answered  the  recorder 
and  Smith  that  they  Could  allow  the  aforesaid  reservation  which  he  the  said  Liv 
ingstone  had  wrote  upon  The  paper  he  shewed  them  but  it  was  noting  but  Spite 
and  malice  and  Severals  more  heard  words  which  I  can  not  Justly  remember  which 
the  Said  Livingston  did  Spoke."  They  then  ordered  Livingston,  as  clerk,  to  enter 
in  the  books  his  own  refusal  to  take  the  oath,  which  he  refused  to  do.  Whereupon 
they  resolved  that  the  recorder  should  enter  it,  but  Livingston  refused  to  allow  it, 
put  the  book  in  his  bosom  and  left  the  court  house.  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ixviii,  p.  75; 
N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  i,  p.  584.  Like  depositions  were  made  by  Hendrick 
Roseboom  and  Barent  Sanders,  Alderman  of  Albany,  and  by  Johannes  Vander 
Hyden.  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ixviii,  pp.  76,  77,  78. 

In  an  act  passed  on  September  20,  1728  the  Mayor,  Recorder,  Aldermen  "  as 
likewise  the  Said  Town  Clerke  "  are  acquitted  and  discharged  of  all  fines  and  penal 
ties  for  not  performing  their  duties  under  the  acts  but  are  forbidden  in  future  "  to 
do  or  exercise  the  aforesaid  powers  and  Authorities  or  any  parte  thereof,"  while 
Rutger  Bleeker,  Evert  Wendell  and  Ryer  Gerritse  are  made  Commissioners  "  for 
Recovering  the  Same  in  the  Same  manner  and  by  the  Same  Methods  which  in  the 
Said  Act  was  prescribed  &  directed  to  be  done  and  performed  by  the  Mayor  Re 
corder  and  Aldermen  aforesaid."  N.  Y.  Col.  Laws,  ii,  p.  485.  The  next  day  Philip 
Livingston  in  great  indignation  had  inserted  in  the  minutes  of  the  provincial  Coun 
cil  a  memorandum  reciting  the  fact  that  when  the  above  act  was  in  committee  "  he 
did  object  to  that  clause  thereof  which  insinuates  that  the  Town  Clerk  of  Albany 
had  been  Guilty  of  a  Breach  of  an  Act  therein  mentioned  and  which  remits  the  pen 
alty  for  that  breach  he  being  the  said  Town  Clerk  did  yesterday  in  Council  and  now 
by  these  presents  doth  declare  that  he  was  not  guilty  of  any  breach  of  that  Act  and 
that  he  never  directly  or  indirectly  desired  any  remittance  of  the  penalty  for  any 
breach  of  the  said  Act  and  prays  that  this  declaration  may  beEntred  in  the  minutes." 
Journal  of  the  Legislative  Council  of  N.  Y.,  i,  p.  581.  The  new  arrangements  lasted 
a  little  over  a  year,  as  all  the  acts  were  disallowed  about  the  end  of  the  year  1729, 
but  the  whole  affair  is  characteristic  of  New  York  partisan  politics  at  this  tune. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  original  Indian  records  concerning  Livingston's  actions. 

In  1728  the  farmers  of  the  tax  under  the  acts  submitted  their  report  which  con 
tained  the  names  of  27  suspects.  These  persons  were  served  with  summonses  to 
make  appearance  and  the  sheriff's  returns  upon  some  of  these  have  been  preserved 
and  give  a  good  idea  of  the  dim cul ties  preventing  the  enforcement  of  the  acts: 
"  The  Sheriff  makes  return  and  Says  that  as  he  came  out  of  the  Cellar  of  ye  above 
Johannes  Schuyler  his  Wife,  Elizabeth  Schuyler  was  busie  to  Shut  her  door, 
he  ran  up  to  her  door  and  found  it  lock'd  on  which  he  said  he  had  two  Summonses 
one  for  her  husband  and  one  for  her  Son  and  if  she  would  not  accept  of  them  he 
would  leave  them  there  or  Bring  them  in  the  Cellar  Kitchen  which  he  did  accord 
ingly  the  4th  Instant."  Philip  Verplanck's  wife  also  refused  to  accept  service  and 
at  Cornelius  Cuyler's  house  when  the  sheriff  appeared  "  as  soon  as  he  came  to  the 
door  the  door  was  immediately  shut  with  force."  The  Livingstons  accepted  ser- 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxix 

where  he  had  a  short  but  stormy  career  as  governor.  One  of  the 
acts  of  his  successor  in  New  York  was  to  announce  to  the  As- 

vice,  as  well  as  some  of  the  others,  but  at  Johannes  Cuyler's  the  sheriff  had  to  "  put 
y«  originall  of  the  above  Summons  under  the  door  of  the  dwelling  house  .  .  .  after 
iiavdng  severall  times  knocked  at  the  door  and  hearing  there  was  some  body  in  the 
house.  I  walked  about  eight  or  nine  yards  when  the  door  was  opened  and  the 
Summons  thrown  out."  When  the  sheriff  approached  David  Van  Dyck's  house 
Van  Dyck  "  let  a  person  out  and  as  soon  as  he  Saw  me  Locked  the  door  and  then 
he  run  back  to  ye  kitchin  door  which  the  said  David  van  Dyck  bolted  though  he 
Saw  him  and  his  wife  through  y6  Glass  in  the  door  and  he  told  them  there  was  a 
Summons  for  ye  said  Van  Dyck  and  would  leave  it  at  the  door  which  he  did." 

On  the  second  summons  to  Johannes  Schuyler  the  sheriff  returned  "  that  he 
Tied  y6  original  of  the  above  fast  to  ye  knocker  of  his  door  with  a  string  after  being 
Every  Day  severall  times  at  his  house  and  found  the  doors  and  gates  all  Lock'd  and 
fast." 

At  the  house  of  Richard  Hansen,  Hansen's  mother  was  at  home  but  refused  ser 
vice.  "  Then  he  strove  to  fling  it  in  the  Said  house  which  he  did  accordingly  but 
not  without  a  great  resistance  of  his  mother  Deborah  Hanse."  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ixviii, 
pp.  104  et  scq.  Some  appeared  and  took  the  required  oath.  Jeremiah  Schuyler 
alleged  that  he  had  paid  his  fine  for  trading  west  of  Albany  and  refused  to  take  the 
oath  as  to  the  trade  to  the  north.  After  three  summonses  the  commissioners  certi 
fied  to  the  sheriff  "  that  Johannes  Schuyler  Philip  Verplanck  Edward  Collins  Cor 
nelius  Cuyler  Hans  Hanse  Johannes  Js  Cuyler  David  Van  Dyck  Volckert  Outhout 
and  Jacob  Verplanck  had  not  appeared  and  that  Jeremiah  Schuyler  had  appeared 
but  refused  to  take  the  oath  as  to  the  northern  trade.  Ibid. 

In  the  next  year  Colonel  John  Schuyler  finally  appeared  before  the  commission 
ers  and  took  his  oath  covering  a  part  of  the  years  1725-26.  He  was  tendered  the 
oath  also  for  the  period  from  1722  to  1725,  "  which  oath  he  refused  to  take  so  that  he 
is  adjudged  Convicted  of  having  traded  with  y6  french  Contrary  to  y6  Laws  of  this 
Colony  within  ye  Limitation  of  time  aforesaid."  Later  his  receipt  is  entered  for 
£60.  Edward  Collins  was  fined  £100  for  illegal  trading,  but  was  discharged  on 
payment  of  £60.  Philip  Verplanck  was  fined  £30x3  and  a  warrant  was  issued  for 
his  arrest.  Volckert  Outhout  was  also  fined  £300.  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ixix,  p.  94.  David 
Van  Dyck  petitioned  the  assembly  to  be  discharged  because  "  although  he  had  in 
no  Ways  traded  or  trafficked  with  the  French,  whilst  it  was  prohibited  so  to  do,  he 
owns  to  have  treated  with  them,  (but  to  no  Purpose  or  Effect)  for  which  Reason 
he  cannot  in  Conscience  take  the  Oath  in  that  Behalf  prescribed,  unless  the  Word 
(treated)  was  omitted."  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  i,  p.  597.  This  permission  was 
granted  by  act  of  Assembly,  N.  Y.  Col.  Laws,  ii,  pp.  538-539.  Johannes  Cuyler, 
Jr.  and  Volkert  Oothout  by  the  same  act  were  to  be  discharged  on  payment  of 
£45  apiece  because  it  appeared  that  they  had  traded  to  the  westward  "  upon  a 
Suposition  that  the  Prohibition  was  Expired."  Ibid.,  p.  539.  Jeremiah  Schuyler 
was  in  like  manner  to  be  discharged  on  payment  of  £45  in  addition  to  £30  already 
paid,  because,  though  he  had  violated  the  act,  he  had  "  carried  on  no  such  other 
Trade,  but  what  he  has  suffered  a  considerably  loss  By !  "  Ibid.  All  other  persons 
unnamed  liable  in  £100  were  likewise  to  be  discharged  on  payment  of  £60.  Ibid., 
p.  540.  The  date  of  this  act  was  July  12,  1729,  when  the  assembly  was  hostile  to 


Ixxx         WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

sembly  that  the  King  had  disallowed  all  the  acts  passed  between 
1720  and  1729,  prohibiting  the  selling  of  Indian  goods  to  the 
French  or  laying  duties  on  them.1  Thus  ended  the  hopeless 
struggle  to  enforce  the  laws  against  the  Canada  trade.  Such 
legislation  was  never  enacted  again  in  New  York.  I  have  given 
a  fairly  detailed  account  of  Indian  affairs  during  this  short 
period,  believing  that  such  a  concrete  statement  gives  a  better 
idea  of  the  conditions  of  the  trade  and  its  management  than  any 
number  of  generalizations.  Burnet's  administration  is  well 
fitted  to  serve  as  such  an  illustration  on  account  of  the  trade's 
prominence  at  that  time,  and  of  the  governor's  great  interest  in  it. 

Burnet's  party  and  projects.  The  petitions  of  Jeremiah  Schuyler  and  Johannes 
Cuyler,  Jr.  are  summarized  in  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  i,  p.  672.  The  original 
Indian  records  are  silent  concerning  these  evasions  of  the  law  during  the  years 
1727,  1728  and  1729.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  commissioners  themselves  were 
opposed  to  the  Indian  trade  acts  and  after  Burnet's  removal  there  was  nothing  to 
spur  them  to  unwilling  action. 

1  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  i,  p.  606,  August  26,  1730.  The  report  of  the  Lords 
of  the  Council  advising  the  repeal,  dated  November  19,  1729,  is  in  N.  Y.  Col. 
Docs.,  v,  pp.  897-899.  They  object  to  the  oath  of  purgation  and  the  conviction 
for  refusal  to  take  it  and  to  the  fact  that  it  could  be  administered  by  subordinates 
such  as  "  a  Serjeant  Corporal  or  common  Soldier."  They  also  take  exception  to 
the  right  of  search  without  the  presence  of  any  peace  officer  "  tho'  the  said  Farmers 
are  to  gain  one  mojety  by  the  confiscation." 

As  to  the  means  by  which  the  repeal  was  secured  Golden  many  years  afterward 
wrote,  "  Mr.  De  Lancey  was  at  the  head  of  the  party  in  the  assembly  which  had 
been  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Burnet  and  which  had  now  [during  the  administration 
of  Governor  Montgomerie,  Burnet's  successor]  the  ascendant  in  that  house.  Mr. 
De  Lancey  was  to  be  gratified  in  his  resentment  against  Chief  Justice  Morris  and 
the  Govr  was  to  use  his  interest  to  have  the  acts  repealed  which  had  been  passed  in 
Governor  Burnets  Administration  prohibiting  the  direct  trade  to  Canada  with 
Indian  goods.  In  consideration  of  these  the  Governor  had  his  Sallary  secured  for 
five  years  and  all  the  perquisites  which  any  Governor  before  him  ever  had.  Both 
sides  punctually  performed  their  ingagements  to  each  other.  But  it  was  surprising 
to  me  how  easily  the  Board  of  Trade  and  Plantations  were  induced  to  recommend  to 
the  King  the  repealing  of  the  laws  in  favor  of  the  direct  trade  with  the  Indians  and 
which  prohibited  the  furnishing  the  French  with  goods  to  enable  them  to  carry  on 
that  trade  to  the  prejudice  to  great  Britain  and  of  the  colonies  after  all  that  had 
been  laid  before  them  by  Mr.  Burnet  on  that  head.  They  probably  thought  that 
the  people  of  New  York  were  only  interested  in  the  Indian  trade  and  that  it  did  not 
concern  Gr.  Britain.  They  seem  to  have  had  nothing  in  view  at  that  time  but  to 
serve  the  private  purpose  of  a  Governor.  Mr.  De  Lancey  had  the  advantages  of 
his  own  private  trade  in  view  which  were  very  considerable."  Colden's  Letters  on 
Smith's  History  of  New  York,  in  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  for  the  year  1868,  pp.  220- 
221. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxxi 

Whether  Governor  Burnet's  "  favorite  project "  under  more 
favorable  conditions  would  have  succeeded  in  accomplishing  his 
aim  of  depriving  the  French  of  their  Indian  trade  can  never  be 
known.  It  never  had  a  fair  trial.  At  no  time  was  the  Canadian 
trade  really  stopped.  Most  historians,  however,  from  the 
eighteenth  century  on  seem  to  be  in  agreement  in  praise  of  his 
scheme  and  in  denunciation  of  the  narrowness  or  something 
worse  which  brought  it  to  nothing.1 

It  was  the  other  part  of  Burnet's  Indian  policy  that  had  lasting 
results.  The  building  of  the  fortified  trading  house  at  Oswego, 
brought  about  by  his  efforts  and  in  part  paid  for  by  money  out 
of  his  own  pocket,  must  be  considered  his  greatest  achievement. 
Though  much  had  been  planned  before,  on  account  of  the  found 
ing  of  Oswego  in  1722,  Burnet  deserves  the  credit  of  being  the 
first  man  in  the  English  colonies  who  actually  succeeded  in  doing 
anything  of  importance  to  put  a  check  upon  the  vast  designs  of 
the  French  upon  the  great  west.  The  best  proof  of  his  success 
is  the  French  fear  and  hatred  of  Oswego. 

All  parties  in  New  York  agreed  that  the  founding  of  Os 
wego  was  a  step  in  advance,  many  acts  were  passed,  and  much 
money  spent  by  the  New  York  government  in  keeping  up  the 
post  and  increasing  its  importance,  but  the  many  references  in 
these  acts  to  abuses  by  the  traders  there  are  the  best  proof  that 
such  abuses  were  never  completely  prevented.  Aside  from  this 
the  period  following  the  administration  of  Burnet  in  New  York 
was  more  devoted  to  factional  struggles  over  other  things  than  to 
the  trade  and  the  Indians.  Every  governor  who  pursued  an  ag 
gressive  Indian  policy  at  this  time  met  with  considerable  factional 
opposition,  but  such  governors  were  few.  Wraxall  praises  the 
administration  of  Lieutenant  Governor  Clarke  for  its  Indian 

1  Mr.  John  Austin  Stevens  is  apparently  an  exception.  He  believes  that  "  the 
merchants  knew  their  own  interests  better  than  the  lawyers  "  (Memorial  History  of 
N.  7.,  iv,  p.  509),  a  fact  which  his  opponents  would  probably  concede  readily 
enough,  as  these  merchants'  interests  were  too  often  different  from  those  of  the 
colony.  To  understand  the  clashing  of  the  merchants'  interest  and  the  governor's 
policy  it  must  be  kept  in  mind  that  that  policy  was  primarily  imperial  and  political 
while  the  aims  and  views  of  the  merchants  whether  expressed  by  themselves  or 
their  echo,  the  correspondents  in  London,  were  essentially  local  and  economic 
merely. 


Ixxxii      WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

policy  and  with  reason.  The  details  of  Indian  administration 
in  this  period  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Albany  commis 
sioners  and  the  Oswego  commissioner  who  was  responsible  to 
them,  but  as  the  rivalry  between  France  and  England  became 
more  bitter  with  the  added  years,  the  problems  became  more 
and  more  important  and  difficult,  and  the  local  board  of  Albany 
"  handlers  "  increasingly  inadequate  to  meet  them,  —  a  fact 
which  now  and  then  led  to  protest  not  only  in  New  York,  but  in 
other  English  colonies,  as  their  interest  in  the  trade  and  the  politi 
cal  results  of  trade  became  greater. 

In  1738,  for  instance,  the  New  York  Assembly  agreed  nem.  con. 
to  a  resolution  of  James  Alexander,  protesting  against  the  number 
of  commissioners,  which  had  grown  to  about  twenty,  with  a 
corresponding  increase  in  expenditure,  and  proposing  an  address 
to  the  governor  to  request  him  to  revoke  the  existing  commis 
sions  and  appoint  new  commissioners  in  their  place,  not  more 
than  nine  in  number,  with  instructions  to  "  hold  all  their  Meetings 
with  the  Indians  in  Some  proper  Place  for  that  Purpose,  in  a 
grave  and  Solemn  Manner,  and  not  in  a  Tavern;  and  that  they 
would  be  as  sparing  in  their  own  Expences  as  possible."  1  There 
is  evidence  that  the  trade  at  this  time  was  growing,  thanks  largely 
to  Oswego,  and  with  it,  of  course,  the  importance  of  a  more 
careful  oversight  and  a  wider  outlook  on  the  part  of  the  commis 
sioners.  In  1740  James  Alexander  wrote,  "  The  Indian  Trade, 
to  the  great  Advantage  of  this  Province,  is  now  divided  into 
several  hundred  Hands,  and  there  have  been  for  many  Years 
past  upwards  of  one  hundred  young  Men  of  this  Province,  who 
have  gone  yearly  among  the  Indians,  to  supply  them  with  our 
Goods. 

"  By  this  means,  at  a  modest  Estimate,  I  am  assured,  that  the 
Indian  Trade  of  this  Province  is  now  far  above  five  times  as  much 
as  when  Governor  Burnet  began  to  put  his  Scheme  in  execution."  2 
But  the  activity  of  these  white  men  in  the  Indian  country,  and  the 
continued  influence  of  Oswego  in  thus  attracting  the  direct  trade 
and  alliance  of  the  western  Indians,  were  not  relished  by  the 

1  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ixxii,  p.  89;  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  i,  p.  744. 

2  Golden,  Five  Nations  (1902),  ii,  p.  58. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxxiii 

Iroquois,  and  probably  would  not  have  been  permitted  had  not 
the  number  of  their  warriors  become  so  small,  notwithstanding 
the  recent  addition  of  the  Tuscaroras  from  the  southward.  This 
is  certainly  one  of  the  factors  which  made  the  Indian  problem  so 
difficult  during  the  two  French  wars  of  the  middle  of  the  century. 
It  was  becoming  plain  that  the  local  control  of  Albany  over  this 
trade,  once  suitable  enough,  was  now  outgrown  and  unsatisfac 
tory,  while  complaints  of  a  graver  nature  against  the  commis 


sioners  were  not  wanting. 


Indian  affairs  in  time  of  war  were  greatly  complicated  by  the 
unwillingness  of  the  Six  Nations  to  declare  open  war  with  the 
French  or  their  Indians.  The  New  York  system  of  local  control 
of  Indian  relations  had  evidently  broken  down  under  the  strain. 
These  relations  had  become  continental  and  international.  It 
was  impossible  that  they  should  longer  continue  permanently 
under  the  control  of  a  single  town  or  even  a  single  colony.  The 
approaching  crisis  in  the  struggle  between  England  and  France 
made  this  evident  to  all  but  biassed  witnesses,  for  the  Indian 
relations  were  all  important  in  that  struggle.  It  is  not  possible 
here  to  take  up  in  detail  the  quarrel  between  Governor  Clinton 
and  his  Assembly  which  in  part  turned  upon  Indian  affairs,  prob 
ably  the  bitterest  quarrel  in  the  annals  of  a  colony  disturbed 
almost  continuously  by  such  factional  troubles.  Some  phases 
of  it  may,  however,  serve  to  bring  WraxalPs  narrative  into  a 
somewhat  clearer  light. 

In  a  journal  of  Conrad  Weiser  —  naturally  somewhat  biassed 
-written  during  a  journey  through  the  country  of  the  Six 
Nations  in  1745,  the  author  notes  many  complaints  made  by  the 
Indians  of  their  treatment  by  the  Albany  commissioners.  One 
of  them  used  the  following  words:  "  Brother  we  are  Sincible  that 
our  Brethren  the  English  named  the  Governors  of  N-York 
Boston,  Philadelphia  Intended  no  Hurt  against  us  and  allways 
were  Kind  to  us  —  but  Albany  people  did  intent  to  Hurt  us  — 
and  have  in  a  manner  Ruined  us  and  would  prevail  upon  the 
foresaid  governors  to  destroy  us  if  they  Could  —  they  have 
Cheated  us  out  of  our  land  Bribed  our  Chief es  to  sign  deeds  for 
them,  they  treat  us  as  slaves,  did  not  suffer  the  Bostonians  to 


Ixxxiv      WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Come  up  to  us  last  spring  and  Compelled  us  in  a  manner  to  give 
the  Bostoniers  such  an  answer  as  they  pleased  some  weeks  ago  to 
Consent  their  Knavery.  They  will  never  suffer  us  to  go  to  Bos 
ton  Philadelphia  or  any  where  Else:  upon  invitation  of  our 
Brethren  last  spring  they  stopt  the  Bostoniers  for  10  days  would 
not  suffer  them  to  Come  to  our  towns;  and,  after  all,  they  would 
not  suffer  the  Bostoniers  to  speak  to  us,  without  it  be  in  their 
presence,  and  great  many  Instances  Could  be  given  for  which 
Reason  the  Indians  would  no  more  looke  upon  the  Comis- 
sioners  as  their  true  friend,  and  went  to  Canada  on  an  Invidation 
of  the  french  governor  to  show  Albany  people  that  they  would  no 
more  be  advised  nor  Ruled  by  them,  we  are  heartely  inclined 
for  the  English  Interest  but  Albany  people  are  not  they  have  sold 
many  Barrls  of  gune  powder  last  fall  to  the  french  fetched  by  Some  of 
the  praying  Indians  gone  up  the  Mohawks  Rivir  and  a  great  deal  by 
Sarraghdogon,  [Saratoga]  which  Enabled  the  french  to  fight  agt.  the 
English  we  Could  see  Albany  Burned  to  the  ground  or  Every  Soul 
taken  away  by  the  great  King  and  other  people  planted  there, 
we  desire  you  to  Call  upon  the  governor  of  New- York  and  let  him 
Know  all  this  and  that  the  quarrel  with  Albany  will  never  be  made 
up  —  They  had  in  a  manner  made  it  up  by  word  of  mouth;  but 
on  both  sides  only  the  tongue  spoke  and  not  the  heart,  and  that 
we  will  never  be  friends  again  with  Albany  people."  l 

Governor  Clinton  soon  reached  the  same  point  of  view  as 
Weiser  and  transferred  the  control  of  Indian  affairs  to  William 
Johnson.  The  assembly  under  James  Delancey's  guidance, 
championed  the  Albany  commissioners.  A  series  of  charges  and 
recriminations  hardly  equalled  in  our  colonial  history  followed, 
and  is  chronicled  in  the  speeches  of  Clinton  to  the  assembly  and 
their  addresses  in  reply,  charges  of  misuse  of  funds  by  the  gover 
nor  or  "  the  next  person  in  the  Administration  "  (Golden)  and 
mismanagement  of  the  Indian  relations  by  Johnson ;  with  counter 
charges  by  the  governor  of  disloyalty,  peculation  and  incompe 
tence  on  the  part  of  the  Indian  commissioners.  From  the  mass 
of  controversial  literature  and  additional  papers,  such  as  the 
pamphlets  of  Archibald  Kennedy  in  defence  of  the  administration, 

1  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ixxiv,  p.  216. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxxv 

.the  history  of  the  Indian  relations  in  this  period  must  be  written. 
It  has  been  done  by  William  L.  Stone  in  his  life  of  Sir  William 
Johnson,  and  later  by  Miss  Keyes  in  her  life  of  Cadwallader 
Golden,  and  by  others.1  With  the  end  of  Clinton's  stormy  term 
and  the  close  of  the  war,  Indian  relations  enter  a  new  phase, 
which  ended  only  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Seven  Years'  War,  and 
the  appointment  of  Colonel  William  Johnson  as  sole  superinten 
dent  of  Indian  affairs  for  the  northern  colonies  in  1755. 

1  Such  part  of  the  subsequent  story  as  is  necessary  for  our  purpose  is  related 
below,  pp.  c-cxvi.  For  the  controversy  between  Clinton  and  his  assembly  over 
Indian  relations  see  inter  alia,  N.  Y.  Assembly  Journals,  ii,  pp.  124-125,  130-135, 
I37~I39>  J47>  148,  149-157,  1 66,  168-170,  172,  173-178,  202-205,  206  etseq.;  N.  Y. 
Col.  Docs.>  vi,  pp.  286  et  seq.  passim. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS,  WRAXALL'S 
ABRIDGMENT,  AND  ITS  AUTHOR 

THE  abridgment  here  printed  is  based  upon  the  records  of  con 
ferences  and  transactions  between  the  Indians  and  the  magistrates 
of  the  city  and  county  of  Albany,  who  had  control  of  such  matters 
for  New  Netherland  and  afterwards  for  New  York.  Under  the 
early  Dutch  regime,  when  the  scope  of  these  dealings  seldom 
extended  beyond  matters  of  local  importance,  titles  to  neighbor 
ing  lands  and  regulation  of  trade  with  near-by  tribes,  such 
minutes  as  were  kept  must  have  been  rather  informal,  and  not 
very  carefully  distinguished  from  the  records  of  other  business. 
But  the  trade  in  beaver  was  peculiar.  The  eagerness  of  the 
traders,  as  we  have  seen,  soon  exterminated  the  beavers  in  the 
neighborhood,  and  at  a  remarkably  early  date  the  beaver  country 
was  pushed  into  the  interior  far  beyond  the  regular  haunts  even 
of  the  Five  Nations.  This,  together  with  the  two  facts  of 
Albany's  unrivalled  location  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk, 
and  of  the  supremacy  of  its  Indian  neighbors  over  the  Indians  of 
the  interior  for  a  thousand  miles,  very  soon  gave  to  the  records 
of  these  Dutch  traders  an  international  and  a  continental  impor 
tance.  Before  the  English  conquest,  however,  there  is  little 
indication  that  these  important  records  were  made  on  any  settled 
plan  or  preserved  with  much  care.  So  far  as  can  be  ascertained 
this  began  with  the  appointment  of  Robert  Livingston  in  1675 
as  Town  Clerk  of  Albany,  and  also  as  Secretary  for  Indian 
Affairs,1  but  there  is  no  definite  mention  of  the  records  before  the 

1  "  The  governour's  residing  at  New- York,  rendered  it  necessary  that  some 
person  should  be  commissionated,  at  Albany,  to  receive  intelligence  from  the  In 
dians,  and  treat  with  them  upon  emergencies.  This  gave  rise  to  the  office  of  com 
missioners  of  Indian  affairs,  who,  in  general,  transact  all  such  matters  as  might  be 
done  by  the  gouvernour.  They  receive  no  salaries,  but  considerable  sums  are  de 
posited  in  their  hands  for  occasional  presents.  There  are  regular  minutes  of  their 

Ixxxvi 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxxvii 

year  167 7. ,l  If  records  of  the  years  before  this  had  been  pre 
served,  apparently  they  were  destroyed  or  lost  before  1727,  when 
Colden's  History  of  the  Five  Nations  was  published,  for  his 
account  of  the  relations  between  the  Albany  commissioners  and 
the  Indians,  based  on  these  records,  practically  opens  with  that 
year,  and  Wraxall's  Abridgment,  written  in  1754,  does  the  same. 
From  1678,  however,  the  records  must  have  been  fairly  complete. 
For  the  first  few  years  they  were  in  Dutch,  in  part  at  least,  but 
later  in  English.  They  were  entered  upon  loose  leaves,  a  few 
of  which  had  probably  been  lost  before  1751,  which  accounts  for 
occasional  gaps.  In  1751  they  were,  however,  bound  together 
in  four  folio  volumes.2  When  Colonel  Johnson  became  Indian 
superintendent  in  1755,  the  records  were  transferred  to  him  to  be 

transactions  from  the  year  1675.  .  .  .  Here  all  our  Indian  treaties  are  entered. 
The  books  are  kept  by  a  secretary,  commissioned  in  England,  whose  appointment 
is  an  annual  salary  of  one  hundred  pounds  proclamation  out  of  the  quitrents.  The 
commandant  at  Oswego  is  generally  a  commissioner.  The  office  would  probably 
have  been  more  advantageous  than  it  has  been,  if  the  commissioners  were  not 
traders  themselves,  than  which  nothing  is  more  ignoble  in  the  judgment  of  the 
Indians."  Smith,  History  of  New  York  (1814),  p.  242,  note. 

"  It  is  objected  that  there  never  was  any  office  of  Agent  or  Secretary  to  the 
Indians,  and  therefore  no  salary  was  allowed,  but  that  the  work  was  done  by  the 
Town  Clerk  ex  officio.  I  answer  that  I  did  officiate  as  Secretary  because  I  was 
Town  Clerk,  but  the  drawing  and  translating  of  the  Indian  propositions  from 
Dutch  into  English  was  never  done  by  any  town  clerk  before.  .  .  .  Every  Indian 
who  comes  in  with  intelligence  has  his  news  translated  into  Dutch,  which  is 
translated,  transcribed  and  entered  by  me.  This  happens  forty  or  fifty  times  a 
year." 

Robert  Livingston  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations.  September,  1696. 
Calendar  of  State  Papers,  America  and  West  Indies,  1696-97,  no.  236. 

1  N.  r.  MSS.,  xxviii,  p.  27,  a  mention  of  "an  Extract  out  of  the  Records  at 
Albany  signed  by  Rob*  Livingston  Seer." 

2  William  Smith,  the  historian  of  New  York,  says  this  was  done  by  James  Alex 
ander,  "  who  borrowed  them  for  his  perusal  "  (History  of  New  York,  ed.  of  1814, 
p.  242,  note),  and  this  statement  is  accepted  by  Dr.  Shea,  the  editor  of  Colden's 
History  of  the  Five  Nations  (New  York,  1866,  p.  1 24) .    The  statement  of  Sir  William 
Johnson  can  hardly  be  reconciled  with  it,  however.     In  1768  he  wrote  to  Sir  Henry 
Moore:    "  I  must  observe  that  their  [the  Indian  commissioners']  Minutes  were  in 
Gen',  kept  on  Loose  Sheets  of  paper,  not  Entered  fairly  in  Books,  that  many  of 
those  Entrys  were  so  illegible  &  the  orthography  etc.  so  bad  that  some  of  them  are 
at  present  unintelligible,  &  altho  I  collected  all  that  I  could  &  had  them  bound  into 
volumes  I  have  never  been  able  to  find  the  whole,  so  that  there  are  Chasms  of  above 
a  Year  in  some  places."     Johnson  MSS.,  xvi,  p.  130.     Governor  Clinton's  state 
ment  (post,  p.  xciii)  would  seem  to  support  Smith's  statement. 


Ixxxviii       WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

preserved  and  continued.1  On  the  death  of  Sir  William  in  1774, 
the  records  passed  to  his  son-in-law,  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  Sir 
William's  successor  as  Indian  superintendent,  who  carried  them 
to  Canada  during  the  War  of  Independence.  There  in  1782  he 
transferred  them  to  his  successor,  Sir  John  Johnson,  son  of  Sir 
William,  who  still  had  them,  apparently,  in  i788.2 

These  records  remained  in  the  custody  of  the  Indian  agency. 
The  last  two  of  these  four  folio  volumes  are  now  preserved  among 
the  Dominion  archives  at  Ottawa.  The  first  of  the  remaining 
volumes  contains  the  minutes  of  the  Albany  commissioners  from 
January  7,  1722-23  to  September  4,  1732.  The  second  begins 
with  May  28,  1732  and  ends  July  27,  1748,  with  a  portion  at  the 
end  covering  the  period  from  June  24,  1737  to  July  2  of  the  same 
year. 

These  are  unquestionably  the  original  registers  kept  by  the 
Albany  Indian  commissioners,  and  are  still  bound  in  the  same 
sheep-skin  bindings  mentioned  in  the  eighteenth  century  notices 
of  them,  retaining  even  the  thick  paper  wrappers  which  contained 
the  several  parts  before  they  were  bound  up.  The  first  two 
volumes,  covering  the  period  from  1677  to  1723,  cannot  at  the 
present  time  be  traced,  but  as  they  certainly  survived  far  into  the 

1  He  had  had  them  before,  in  1749,  when  Governor  Clinton  had  put  him  in 
charge  of  Indian  relations,  as  appears  from  an  order  of  the  governor  to  the  Albany 
commissioners  for  their  delivery.     N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ixxvi,  p.  83. 

2  These  facts  appear  in  a  transcript  of  proceedings  in  the  English  Court  of  Ex- 
chequer.of  June  7,  1788,  formerly  preserved  among  the  Johnson  MSS.,  xxvi,  p.  123. 

Sir  John  Johnson's  counsel  in  support  of  his  motion  for  the  allowance  of  Sir 
John's  accounts  of  the  expenditure  of  public  money  recited  the  loss  of  Sir  William 
Johnson's  papers  and  accounts  during  the  war  and  then  gave  the  following  account 
of  the  Indian  Records:  "  That  shortly  after  the  decease  of  the  sd.  Sr.  Wm.  Johnson 
Gen1  Gage  the  then  Commr  in  Chief  directed  Col1:  Guy  Johnson  to  take  the  Man- 
agem1  of  Indian  Affairs  and  to  Act  as  Superintendant  thereof  instead  of  the  sd.  Sir 
Willm.  Johnson  And  that  the  sd.  Coll1:  Guy  Johnson  took  upon  himself  the  sd:  Office 
of  the  Superintend*:  accordingly  and  in  Consequence  th'f  the  sd:  Col1:  Guy  Johnson 
with  the  permission  of  the  sd:  Sir  John  Johnson  took  from  the  Office  of  Indian 
Affairs  at  Johnson  Hall  afsd:  the  Book  called  the  Book  of  Indian  Records  Containing 
Copies  of  Letters  Treaties  and  Minutes  of  other  Transactions  with  the  Indians 
which  Books  of  Indian  Records  were  delivered  tothesd:  Sir  John  Johnson  in  Canada 
in  the  Year  1782  by  the  sd:  Col1:  Guy  Johnson  on  the  sd.  Sir  John  Johnson  being 
Appointed  Superintend*:  Gen1:  &  Inspector  Gen1:  of  Indian  Affr8.—  in  North  Amer 
ica  but  such  Books  do  not  Contain  any  Acct*.  of  the  Rects:  or  paymts:  of  Money." 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxxix 

nineteenth  century,  it  is  possible  that  they  merely  became 
separated  from  the  other  two  during  the  many  transfers  of 
official  papers  prior  to  the  final  lodgment  of  such  documents  at 
Ottawa,  and  there  is  a  probability  that  they  'may  some  day  be 
found. 

Before  they  were  lost,  however,  some  clerk  or  custodian  made  a 
manuscript  index  of  their  contents,  part  of  which  is  preserved  at 
Ottawa.  It  is  entitled  "  Schedule  of  Propositions  of  the  Indians 
and  answers  from  Government,"  and  consists  of  parallel  columns 
containing  (i)  the  date,  (2)  the  name  of  the  tribe,  (3)  the  subject 
of  the  propositions,  (4)  the  page  of  the  original  records,  and  (5) 
the  answer  of  the  Government.  Frequently,  also,  the  names 
of  the  government  officials  or  other  contracting  parties  are  added. 
The  index  is  apparently  the  work  of  a  not  very  careful  nine 
teenth  century  copyist,  and  in  the  beginning  amounts  to  little 
more  than  a  mere  catalogue  of  conferences. 

The  first  entry  lists  a  transaction  of  December  20, 1677  with  the 
Oneidas  relative  to  the  delivery  of  a  young  Mahikander  Indian. 
The  second,  of  March  20,  1677-78,  also  with  the  Oneidas,  relates 
to  a  fire  at  Schenectady  and  the  "  running  of  the  North  Indians." 
The  third,  dated  March  21, 1677-78,  briefly  notes  a  renewal  of  the 
covenant  at  a  conference  with  the  Senecas.  This  is  WraxalPs 
first  entry  and  he  gives  a  much  fuller  and  more  complete  account. 
A  comparison  of  Wraxall's  Abridgment  with  the  Index  for  the 
remaining  years  of  the  seventeenth  century  seems  to  indicate 
that  Wraxall,  though  purposely  leaving  out  purely  local  or 
unimportant  matters,  has  omitted  practically  nothing  of  signifi 
cance  which  the  Index  includes,  while  his  accounts  of  the  trans 
actions  he  chooses  to  give  are  much  more  detailed  than  those  in 
the  Index. 

For  the  year  1678  the  Index  has  seven  items,  of  which  Wraxall 
gives  all  the  important  ones.  For  1679  there  are  twenty- two 
separate  items  noted,  many  of  them,  however,  including  nothing 
but  the  date  and  the  parties.  Here  Wraxall  omits  nothing 
important  given  in  the  Index.  From  this  point  there  is  a  break 
in  the  records  until  1684,  after  which  they  become  fairly  con 
tinuous.  For  1684  the  Index  gives  thirty-eight  entries,  but 


XC  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

twenty-five  of  these  have,  instead  of  the  subject  of  the  conference, 
merely  the  note  "  Indian,  no  translation."  Of  these  twenty-five 
items  in  the  "  Indian  "  language,  one,  the  important  conference 
of  the  Indians  with  Governor  Dongan  and  Lord  Howard  of 
Effingham,  Governor  of  Virginia,  is  given  by  Wraxall  at  con 
siderable  length  with  the  note  appended  —  "  Translated  from 
this  Vol.  of  the  Records  from  the  Low  Dutch  Language  by  Peter 
Wraxall"!1 

For  the  interval  from  1684  to  1691,  on  which  Wraxall  is  silent, 
many  items  are  noted  in  the  Index,  and  the  original  records  them 
selves  covered  some  400  pages ;  but  the  help  given  by  the  Index  is 
almost  nil.  There  seems  to  have  been  one  public  conference  on 
August  5,  1685  recorded  in  English.  Most  of  the  other  trans 
actions  when  given  are  unimportant,  and  for  all  except  a  few  the 
Index  merely  notes  "  Indian,  no  translation." 

Beginning  with  the  year  1692  most  of  the  entries  in  the  original 
records  were  in  English  instead  of  Dutch,  and  the  indexer's  note, 
"  Indian,  no  translation  "  becomes  rarer.  It  occurs  occasionally, 
however,  in  1695, 1696,  and  as  late  as  1699.  Up  to  and  including 
the  year  1699  the  entries  in  the  Index  are  very  brief,  though  they 
are  gradually  becoming  longer.  For  the  same  period  Wraxall's 
notes  are  fewer  but  much  more  complete.  It  is  impossible  to  say 
whether  he  has  included  everything  of  importance  or  not.  The 
period  from  September,  1695  to  July  20,  1698  which  he  omits 
entirely,  contains  several  transactions,  apparently  all  of  secondary 
importance.  The  Index  indicates  that  the  original  records 
themselves  were  silent  from  May,  1696  to  January,  1699  (old 
style),  except  for  two  conferences  in  1698  which  Wraxall  gives  at 
much  greater  length  than  the  Index.  Thus  far  both  Wraxall  and 
the  Index  are  very  incomplete,  the  latter  giving  the  dates  of  many 
conferences  but  often  nothing  more,  while  Wraxall  gives  satis 
factory  accounts  of  several  important  meetings,  but  passes  over 
considerable  periods  without  comment.  With  the  year  1701 
the  Index  becomes  much  fuller  for  some  of  the  more  impor 
tant  conferences,  often  giving  considerable  parts  of  the  speeches 
verbatim  from  the  original  records,  as  a  comparison  with  the 

1  Post,  p.  ii. 


INTRODUCTION  xci 

Abridgment  shows,  and  in  many  cases  much  more  fully  than 
Wraxall. 

The  original  records,  Wraxall  tells  us,1  contained  nothing  from 
July  21,  1701  to  December  13,  1704.  This  is  borne  out  by  the 
Index,  save  for  one  entry  for  January  18,  1702.  From  the  end 
of  1704  to  the  close  of  volume  one  of  the  original  records  the  Index 
has  detailed  accounts  of  important  conferences  given  at  greater 
length  than  those  in  the  Abridgment,  from  which  a  fair  estimate 
of  Wraxall's  accuracy,  impartiality,  and  judgment  as  an  abridger 
may  be  made.  A  comparison  of  the  two  seems  to  give  no  evi 
dence  of  his  suppressing  or  distorting  anything,  and  in  general  his 
summary  appears  to  give  a  just  and  approximately  correct  idea  of 
the  Indian  transactions  of  the  period.  Volume  one  of  the 
original  registers  extended  to  December,  1706,  and  contained 
about  815  pages. 

For  the  years  1701-1711  the  Index  is  still  available  and  of 
especial  value,  giving  very  full  accounts  of  the  principal  con 
ferences  which  often  amount  to  transcripts  of  the  original  records, 
and  seem  to  agree  on  all  important  points  with  Wraxall's  briefer 
summary.  But  with  1711  the  existing  Index  ends,  and  for  the 
remainder  of  the  contents  of  volume  two  of  the  registers,  down  to 
1723,  Wraxall's  account  is  at  present  our  only  available  source  of 
information. 

From  1723  to  1748  we  have  the  original  minutes  of  the  Albany 
commissioners.  These  two  volumes  are  of  very  great  value,  not 
merely  on  matters  directly  relating  to  New  York  and  her  Indians, 
but  also  in  regard  to  the  neighboring  New  England  colonies,  the 
Indian  attacks  upon  them  from  Canada,  the  attitude  of  the  New 
York  commissioners  and  Government  toward  these  questions, 
and  the  frequent  irritation  aroused  in  New  England,  by  this 
attitude.  The  small  use  to  which  these  sources  have  hitherto 
been  put  by  historians  is  out  of  all  proportion  to  their  importance. 
The  existence  of  these  volumes  makes  it  possible  to  test  in  the 
most  thorough  manner  the  value  of  this  part  of  Wraxall's  work. 
It  is  obviously  out  of  the  question,  however,  to  attempt  to  set 
forth  in  detail  the  results  of  such  an  examination.  A  summary 

1  Post,  p.  42. 


XCli          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

and  general  estimate  of  results  is  all  that  is  possible  here.  It  may, 
therefore,  be  said  in  general  that  the  few  minor  misstatements 
that  might  be  pointed  out  in  the  Abridgment,  and  the  occasional 
omission  of  matters  that  one  might  reasonably  expect  to  find 
should  not  weigh  against  the  general  accuracy,  fairness,  and  judg 
ment  with  which  the  Abridgment  was  evidently  prepared.  This, 
of  course,  applies  only  to  Wraxall's  text.  His  notes  are  often 
extremely  biassed,  but  they  can  easily  be  distinguished  from  the 
text,  and  are  not  the  less  interesting  or  instructive  on  account 
of  their  evident  partiality.  Comparison  with  the  originals  shows 
that  the  Abridgment  gives  in  general  a  very  just  and  comprehen 
sive  idea  of  the  trend  of  Indian  affairs  for  half  a  century  and 
more,  as  well  as  setting  forth  many  of  their  important  details, 
and  that  it  does  in  the  main  faithfully  carry  out  Wraxall's 
avowed  aim,  to  "  exhibit  a  View  of  the  Transactions  of  this 
Colony  with  the  Indians  depending  thereon,  as  explicitly  as 
the  Nature  of  an  Abridgment  &  the  state  of  the  Records  would 
permit."  l 

The  minutes  subsequent  to  1751,  when  the  records  were 
bound,  have  not  survived  as  a  collection.  The  Johnson  MSS. 
contained  transcripts  from  them,  and  many  extracts  were  sent  to 
England  and  are  still  available.  There  was  also  formerly  pre 
served  at  Albany  among  the  New  York  MSS.,  an  important 
volume  of  Records  of  the  Indian  Agency  covering  the  period 
from  April  14,  1757,  to  February  20,  1759,  containing  important 
minutes  of  Indian  conferences,  letters,  orders,  instructions,  etc., 
partly  in  Wraxall's  hand.  Many  of  these  minutes  of  the  con 
ferences  have  been  reprinted  in  the  New  York  Colonial  Docu 
ments,  but  not  all  —  particularly  some  conferences  in  April  and 
June,  1757  —  and  few  or  none  of  the  letters  and  other  documents. 
The  partial  loss  of  the  Indian  Registers  is  rendered  somewhat  less 
serious  by  the  fact  that  transcripts  of  the  records  of  conferences 
taken  from  them  were  sent  to  England  from  time  to  time,  and 
have  thus  been  preserved.  The  reports  of  Indian  transactions 
outside  the  formal  conferences,  but  often  of  great  importance, 
were  sent  with  far  less  regularity,  and  it  is  the  absence  of  these 

1  Post,  p.  4. 


INTRODUCTION  xciii 

in  any  other  form  that  makes  WraxalPs  abridgment  of  the  lost 
registers  more  important. 

These  minutes  of  Indian  affairs  were  always  considered  of  great 
importance  in  New  York.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  governors 
Bellomont,  Hunter,  Burnet,  Clinton  and  others  based  their 
Indian  policy  upon  the  information  they  contained.  Among 
these  men,  Governor  Burnet  took  the  deepest  interest,  and  initi 
ated  the  most  important  changes  in  the  relation  of  the  province 
with  the  Indians.1  The  source  of  his  information  is  clearly 
indicated  by  Cadwallader  Golden:  "  Mr.  Burnet,  who  took 
more  Pains  to  be  informed  of  the  Interest  of  the  People  he  was  set 
over,  and  of  making  them  useful  to  their  Mother  Country,  than 
Plantation  Governors  usually  do,  took  the  Trouble  of  perusing 
all  the  Registers  of  the  Indian  Affairs  on  this  occasion.  He  from 
thence  conceived  of  what  Consequence  the  Fur  Trade  with  the 
Western  Indians  was  of  to  Great-Britain;  that  as  the  English 
had  the  Fur  Trade  to  Hudson's  Bay  given  up  to  them,  by  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht,  so,  by  the  Advantages  which  the  Province  of 
New- York  has  in  its  Situation,  they  might  be  able  to  draw  the 
whole  Fur  Trade  in  the  other  Parts  of  America  to  themselves,  and 
thereby  the  English  engross  that  Trade,  and  the  Manufactories 
depending  on  it."  2 

1  u  Of  all  our  governours  none  had  such  extensive  and  just  views  of  our  Indian 
affairs,  and  the  dangerous  neighbourhood  of  the  French,  as  governour  Burnet,  in 
which  Mr.  Livingston  was  his  principal  assistant."      Smith,  History  of  New  York 
(1814),  p.  241. 

2  Preface  to  Part  II  of  the  History  of  the  Five  Nations  (1902),  i,  pp.  103-104. 
On  August  30,  1751,  Governor  Clinton  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  —  "  when  we 
went  up  to  Albany  to  meet  them,  [the  Indians]  I  sent  an  express  for  the  Registers, 
and  on  perusing  a  part  thereof  the  Extracts  now  transmitted  to  Your  Lordpps,  were 
found,  which  are  some  proofs  of  the  infractions  of  the  French  on  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  &  of  their  incroachments  on  the  Territories  belonging  to  the  Crown  of 
Great  Brittain;   and  I  doubt  not  I  shall  be  able  soon  to  transmit  to  your  Lordpp8 
many  more  proofs  to  the  same  purpose,  and  to  prove  the  whole  remarks,  after  a 
thorough  perusal  of  the  Indian  Registers,  which  till  last  month  were  only  in  loose 
Quiers  of  paper,  but  now  they  are  strongly  bound  up  into  four  thick  Volumes  in 
Folio,  and  they  are  now  perusing  with  care,  to  get  what  intelligence  possible  for 
your  Lordpps  that  may  be,  concerning  the  Indian  Affairs,  pursuant  to  your  Lordpps 
orders."     N.  Y.-Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  731. 

In  1768  Governor  Sir  Henry  Moore  wrote  to  Sir  William  Johnson:  "  While  I 
was  at  your  House  I  ask'd  for  the  Indian  Records,  but  was  told  that  they  were 


xciv         WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

The  importance  of  these  registers  of  Indian  affairs  was  by  no 
means  confined  to  the  Province  of  New  York.  Even  a  hurried 
examination  of  WraxalFs  Abridgment  would  show  how  large  a 
number  of  conferences  are  chronicled  there  in  which  representa 
tives  from  the  other  English  colonies  took  part,  and  how  many 
transactions  were  recorded  affecting  the  imperial  policy  of  the 
English  government,  particularly  in  its  relations  with  the  Indians 
of  the  interior,  English  and  French,  and  with  New  France  itself. 
This  was  due  to  the  unique  power  and  importance  of  the  Iroquois 
and  to  the  policy  of  the  New  York  government  in  refusing  to  allow 
other  provinces  to  deal  with  them,  except  through  the  medium  of 
the  Indian  commissioners  at  Albany.1  In  the  important  inter 
colonial  conference  held  there  in  1754,  the  importance  of  the 
Indian  records  is  apparent.  Before  the  commissioners  could 
proceed  to  their  principal  business,  extracts  from  the  records 
were  read,  and  the  Secretary  for  Indian  Affairs  was  instructed  "  to 
attend  them  with  the  Records  of  that  Office,"  2  and  during  the 

lock'd  up,  which  I  thought  a  little  extraordinary  as  there  were  no  other  motives  for 
this  last  excursion  of  mine  but  to  transact  Business  with  the  Indians:  What  I 
desir'd  to  see  was  the  Result  of  a  Meeting  which  was  held  upon  this  very  dispute 
[the  title  to  certain  lands  on  the  Mohawk]  some  years  ago,  and  beg  the  favor  of  you 
to  let  me  have  an  Attested  Copy  of  that  Transaction.  The  meeting  was  held  at 
Albany  at  the  time  Mr.  Livingston  was  Secretary  for  Indian  Affairs,  whose  Son 
(Alderman  Livingston  of  this  City)  then  acted  as  his  Deputy."  Johnson  MSS., 
xvi,  p.  109. 

1  In  1721  the  Council  of  New  York  wrote  to  the  government  of  Massachusetts: 
"  It  is  the  opinion  of  this  Board  that  this  Government  cannot  consent  that  Com 
missioners  from  any  Neighbouring  Colony  Should  meet  or  Treat  with  the  five  In 
dian  Nations,  who  are  a  branch  of  this  Province  or  give  presents  to  them  in  the  name 
of  any  particular  government."     N.  Y.  Council  MSS.,  xiii,  pp.  175  et  seq. 

In  the  next  year  the  New  York  Council  reported  to  the  governor  as  follows  on  a 
request  that  the  Five  Nations  should  treat  in  New  England  with  the  Massachusetts 
government  "...  that  it  has  been  the  constant  practice  for  the  Governours  of 
the  Neighbouring  Colonys  or  commissioners  from  them  to  Treat  with  the  five  Na 
tions  at  some  place  within  this  Government  which  place  has  usually  been  the  Citty 
of  Albany."  They  declare,  therefore,  "  We  are  of  opinion  that  your  Excellency  may 
Consent  to  a  Treaty  to  be  held  by  the  said  Government  and  the  five  Nations  in 
presence  of  such  Commissioners  as  your  Excellency  Shall  please  to  appoint  on  the 
part  of  this  Province,  and  that  said  Treaty  be  held  at  Albany  upon  Such  proposals 
as  shall  be  made  by  the  Said  Governour  and  approved  of  by  your  Excellency." 
N.Y.MSS.Jxv,  p.  35. 

2  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  854. 


INTRODUCTION  XCV 

proceedings  important  differences  of  opinion  were  settled  by 
reference  to  the  registers.1  Sir  William  Johnson,  when  he  be 
came  sole  Indian  superintendent  for  all  the  northern  colonies, 
based  his  Indian  policy  on  a  study  of  these  records,2  and  in  the 
dealings  with  the  Indians  themselves  he  and  his  predecessors  lost 
no  opportunity  of  impressing  upon  them  the  fact  that  these 
dealings  were  entered  in  the  registers  as  a  lasting  record  of  their 
engagements,  a  consideration  of  no  little  weight  with  the  Indians.3 
WraxalTs  Abridgment  of  the  Indian  Records  covers  practically 
all  the  materials  bound  up  in  the  four  folios  above  referred  to, 
beginning  at  1678  and  ending  in  1751.  It  was  written  in  1754, 
and  sent  over  at  once  to  Lord  Halifax.  It  is  possible  that 
Wraxall's  father,  John  Wraxall,  was  referring  to  the  Abridgment 
when  he  wrote  to  Sir  William  Johnson  in  1760  that  "  The  Manu 
script  you  mention  "  was  then  in  Bristol  in  the  hands  of  his 
daughter.  If  so,  Lord  Halifax  had  probably  sent  it  to  John 
\Vraxall  after  his  son's  death.  Soon  afterward  John  Wraxall  sent 
this  manuscript  to  Wraxall's  widow  in  New  York,  and  in  June, 

1  E.  g.,  on  the  question  whether  the  River  Indians  were  dependent  on  New  York 
or  Massachusetts  Bay,  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  865. 

2  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vii,  p.  714. 

3  In  1737  Lieutenant  Governor  Clarke,  in  a  conference  with  the  Indians  at 
Albany,  reminded  them  of  their  former  engagements  and  said  that  the  English  had 
"  Committed  it  to  writing  which  time  cannot  wear  out."     To  which  the  Indians 
replied:  "  You  tell  us  you  Committ  Your  Affairs  to  Writing  which  we  do  not  and 
so  when  you  look  to  your  Books  you  know  what  passed  in  fformer  times  but  we  keep 
our  Treaties  in  our  heads."     N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  pp.  100,  101. 

In  1755  Colonel  Johnson  addressed  an  Indian  Conference  at  Mt.  Johnson: 
"  Behold  Brethren  these  great  Books  (Four  Folio  Volumes  of  the  Records  of  Indian 
Affairs  which  lay  upon  the  Table  before  the  Colonel)  They  are  Records  of  the  many 
solemn  Treaties  and  the  various  transactions  which  have  passed  between  your 
Forefathers  and  your  Brethren  the  English,  also  between  many  of  you  here  present 
and  us  your  Bretheren  now  living  —  You  well  know  and  these  Books  testifie  that  it 
is  now  almost  100  years  since  your  Forefathers  and  ours  became  known  to  each 
other,"  etc.  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  pp.  969-970.  The  secretary  of  a  conference  of 
Sir  William  with  Pontiac  and  other  Indians  in  1766  records  the  fact  that  at  the  end 
of  the  conference  "  Sir  William  gave  them  a  general  admonition  that  he  hoped  all 
what  had  passed  during  the  Congress  might  have  a  deep  impression  upon  them  all, 
and  desired  they  would  repeat  it  often  amongst  themselves,  and  hand  it  down  to 
their  posterity  with  great  care,  and  under  the  strictest  injunctions  as  on  his  part 
what  was  transacted  could  not  be  forgotten  being  regularly  entered  into  the 
Records  of  Indian  affairs."  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vii,  p.  866. 


XCV1        WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

1762,  she  forwarded  it  to  Johnson  Hall.  Johnson  kept  it  until 
1766,  and  probably  returned  it  to  Mrs.  Wraxall  in  that  year.1 
If  this  "  manuscript  "  was  really  the  Abridgment,  it  got  back 
again  to  England  somehow,  and  remained  there  until  about  the 
year  1852;  for  the  Abridgment  was  bought  in  London  about  that 
time  by  Mr.  Charles  Welford,  and  brought  back  to  New  York. 
At  the  sale  of  Mr.  Welford's  books  in  1854,  the  Abridgment  was 
bought  for  the  New  York  State  Library  for  $50,  and  placed  among 
the  archives,2  where  it  was  burned,  together  with  other  valuable 
manuscripts,  in  the  fire  which  destroyed  a  part  of  the  State 
Capitol  at  Albany  in  191 1 .  This  edition  is  based  on  a  copy  made 
from  the  manuscript  in  1904. 

The  registers  of  Indian  records  are  the  basis  of  two  books 
still  in  existence,  Colden's  History  of  the  Five  Nations  and 
Wraxall's  Abridgment.  Both  are  limes  de  circonstance,  Colden's 
history  being  first  published  in  1727  to  influence  opinion  in  favor 
of  the  continuance  of  Governor  Burnet's  measures  to  stop  the 
trade  with  Canada  in  Indian  goods ; 3  while  Wraxall's  was  written 
in  1754,  to  prove  to  the  English  government,  by  concrete  ex 
amples,  the  importance  of  Indian  relations,  the  incompetence  of 
the  then  Indian  commissioners,  and  the  fitness  of  Colonel  John 
son  to  supplant  them.  Some  comparison  of  the  Abridgment  with 
its  more  famous  predecessor  is  inevitable.  Colden's  book  was 
intended  for  a  wider  circle,  and  has  a  more  literary  form.  It 
contains  much  fuller  accounts  of  Indian  speeches  than  the 
Abridgment,  but  it  covers  only  about  twenty  years  from  1678  to 
1698,  while  the  Abridgment  extends  to  1751.  Golden  prefaces 

1  Letters  from  John  Wraxall*  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  others  between  Sir 
William  and  Peter  Wraxall's  widow.  Johnson  MSS.,  v,  pp.  2,  239;  vi,  p.  20;  xii, 
pp.  154,  179. 

*  Norton's  Literary  Gazette,  iii,  pp.  38,  185;  N.S.,  i,  p.  133.  Memorandum  Book  of 
Trustees  of  the  New  York  State  Library,  iii,  pp.  90,  487. 

3  Golden  wrote  in  his  preface  to  the  second  part  of  the  History:  "  As  this  Act 
did  in  its  Consequence  take  a  large  Profit  from  one  or  two  considerable  Merchants, 
who  had  the  Trade  to  Canada  entirely  in  their  Hands,  they  endeavoured  to  raise  a 
Clamour  against  it  in  the  Province,  and  presented  likewise  Petitions  to  the  King, 
in  Order  to  get  the  Act  repealed.  Upon  this  Occasion  Mr.  Burnet  gave  me  the 
Perusal  of  the  Publick  Register  of  Indian  Affairs,  and  it  was  thought  the  Publi 
cation  of  the  History  of  the  Five  Nations  might  be  of  Use  at  that  Time."  Ed.  of 
1902,  i,  p.  105. 


INTRODUCTION  xcvn 

his  transcripts  from  the  registers  with  a  general  description  of 
Indian  life  and  oratory,  drawn  from  rather  obvious  and  not 
always  trustworthy  sources,  such  as  Lafitau  and  La  Hontan. 
He  also  gives  some  accounts  of  military  operations.  This  was 
very  useful,  but  the  only  real  contribution  he  makes  to  our 
knowledge  of  Indian  affairs  is  what  he  takes  from  the  registers. 
While  Wraxall's  more  concise  method  requires  him  to  pass  more 
rapidly  than  Golden  over  the  twenty  years  they  treat  in  common, 
a  comparison  of  the  two  shows  that  he  has  included  most  of  the 
important  matters.  The  special  object  which  both  writers  had 
in  view  possibly  led  them  to  omit  things  we  should  like  to  know, 
but  we  must  be  thankful  for  what  they  have  preserved.  When 
we  consider  the  length  of  the  period  covered,  the  historical  value 
of  Wraxall's  work  seems  not  less,  but  rather  greater,  than  that  of 
its  more  pretentious  fellow,  which  has  passed  through  some  six 
editions. 

It  is  important  not  merely  as  an  historical  document.  While 
Colden's  book  was  unsuccessful  in  accomplishing  its  purpose  of 
checking  the  tide  of  opposition  to  Burnet's  Indian  policy,  Wrax 
all's  principal  object,  the  appointment  of  Colonel  Johnson  as 
Indian  superintendent,  was  gained,  and  it  can  be  shown  that  the 
Abridgment  was  a  really  important  factor  in  gaining  it. 

Thomas  Pownall  took  to  himself,  as  was  not  altogether  unusual 
with  him,  a  considerable  part  of  the  credit  for  Johnson's  appoint 
ment,  asserting  that  it  was  due  to  a  paper  of  his,  offered  to  the 
Albany  Congress  in  1754,  and  afterward  forwarded  to  England. 
"  This  paper,"  he  says  in  the  appendix  to  his  Administration  of 
the  Colonies,  "  was  drawn  up  in  the  year  1754,  not  only  to  suggest 
the  necessity  of  the  office,  but  to  recommend  Colonel,  since  Sir 
William  Johnson,  to  be  the  officer.  Its  succeeded  accordingly."  l 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  his  recommendations  had  considerable 
weight,  through  the  influence  of  John  Pownall,  his  brother,  but 
his  claim  is  much  exaggerated.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  this 
Abridgment  of  Wraxall's  had  more  influence  in  shaping  the  policy 
of  the  English  government  toward  the  North  American  Indians, 
in  leading  them  to  withdraw  Indian  relations  from  the  provincial 

1  Administration  of  the  Colonies,  4th  ed.  (1768),  app.,  p.  35,  note. 


XCVlii       WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

governments  and  concentrate  them  in  the  hands  of  one  crown 
official,  and  in  inducing  them  to  make  Colonel  Johnson  that 
official;  than  either  Pownall's  paper  or  even  the  united  sugges 
tions  of  the  provincial  representatives  assembled  in  Albany  in 
1754.  WraxalPs  preface  to  the  Abridgment  is  dated  May  10, 
1754,  and  it  was  probably  sent  to  Lord  Halifax  at  once.1  The 
Albany  Congress  first  met  on  June  igth.2  Franklin's  plan  of 
colonial  union  was  not  adopted  by  the  congress  until  July  loth, 
and  Pownall's  "  Considerations  "  toward  a  Plan  for  Indian  Man 
agement  were  not  read  until  the  next  day.3  The  minutes  of  the 
Albany  Congress,  together  with  Pownall's  "  Considerations  " 
and  another  paper  on  Indian  affairs  by  Johnson  himself  did  not 
start  to  England  until  July  22d.4  In  the  meantime,  on  June  i4th, 
Secretary  Robinson  had  asked  the  Lords  of  Trade  to  draw  up  a 
plan  of  "  General  Concert  "  for  the  colonies,  as  he  had  asked  the 
colonies  themselves  earlier;  5  and  on  August  gth,  the  Lords 
complied  with  this  request  and  sent  to  the  King  a  plan  and  a 
statement  explanatory  of  it.6  This  plan  provides  for  one  "  proper 
person  "  to  be  Commander  in  Chief  "  and  also  Commissary 
General  for  Indian  Affairs. ' '  The  explanatory  statement  suggests 
that  "  the  sole  direction  of  Indian  Affairs  be  placed  in  the  hands 
of  some  one  single  person,  Commander  in  Chief,  to  be  appointed 
by  your  Majesty."  These  recommendations  were  drawn  up  at 
Whitehall  just  eighteen  days  after  Pownall's  letter  left  New  York, 
and  three  months  from  the  time  when  Wraxall's  manuscript  was 
finished.  They  became  the  basis  of  the  Government's  subsequent 
policy  in  Indian  affairs.  It  is  true  that  Pownall's  paper  reached 
England  before  Braddock  sailed  for  America  with  his  instructions, 
and  it  must  have  strengthened  the  impression  already  existing  in 
Johnson's  favor  which  resulted  in  his  appointment  when  Brad- 

1  Post,  p.  7,  5.  2  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  853. 

3  Ibid.,  pp.  889-892. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  908.     Pownall's  paper  was  not  sent  to  England  before  it  was  read  at 
Albany,  for  the  author  himself  says  it  was  delivered  "  to  the  commissioners  of  all 
the  Colonies,  assembled  at  Albany  in  1754,  and  transmitted  to  government  with  their 
minutes."     Administration  of  the  Colonies,  4th  ed.,  app.,  p.  33,  note. 

5  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  844. 

6  Ibid.,  pp.  901-906.     Pownall's  "  Considerations  "  are  printed  in  the  same  vol 
ume,  at  p.  893,  and  Johnson's  paper  at  p.  897. 


INTRODUCTION  xcix 

dock  landed.  The  facts  remain,  however,  that  when  the  Lords 
of  Trade  drew  up  these  recommendations,  Wraxall's  Abridgment 
was,  it  is  almost  certain,  in  the  hands  of  Lord  Halifax,  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  Board,  a  man  of  great  influence,  and  Wraxall's 
personal  friend;  that  Wraxall  hints  at  Johnson's  appointment  in 
the  broadest  possible  way  several  times  in  the  Abridgment,1 
while  Pownall's  paper  never  mentions  him;  and  that  neither 
PownalPs  paper,  nor  Johnson's  paper,  nor  the  recommendations 
of  the  intercolonial  congress  at  Albany  had  yet  reached  England. 
This  disproves  a  large  part  of  Pownall's  claim,  but  it  is  not 
very  strong  evidence  of  any  positive  influence  exercised  by  the 
Abridgment.  That  is  found,  however,  on  a  comparison  of 
Wraxall's  different  suggestions  in  the  Abridgment  with  the 
"  Representations  "  on  the  proceedings  at  Albany  which  the 
Lords  of  Trade  drew  up  and  sent  to  the  King  on  October  2Qth.2 
In  it  the  Lords  decisively  reject  the  Congress's  scheme  for  control 
of  Indian  affairs  by  a  board  of  colonial  representatives  and  return 
to  their  own  earlier  plan  of  one  crown  officer.  In  giving  their 
reasons,  they  recite  a  number  of  things  mentioned  by  Wraxall, 
such  as  the  Indians'  distrust  of  traders,  the  importance  of 
smiths,  etc..  and  end  by  recommending  the  appointment  of 
Colonel  Johnson.  "  The  reasons  of  our  taking  the  liberty  to 
recommend  this  Gentleman  to  Your  Majesty  are  the  representa 
tions  which  have  been  made  to  us  of  the  great  service  he  did 
during  the  late  war.  in  preserving  the  friendship  of  the  Indians 
and  engaging  them  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  the  French; 
the  connexions  he  has  formed  by  living  amongst  them,  and 
habituating  himself  to  their  manners  and  customs;  the  publick 
testimony  they  have  given  at  the  last  meeting  of  their  friendship 
for.  and  confidence  in,  him;  and  above  all  the  request  they  make 
that  the  sole  management  of  their  affairs  may  be  intrusted  to 
him."  All  the  facts  here  alleged  in  regard  to  Johnson  can  be 
gathered  from  Wraxall,  and  a  careful  comparison  of  this  whole 
document  with  Wraxall's  statements,  as  well  as  with  those  of 
other  papers  such  as  PownalTs.  make  me  confident  that  these 
"  representations  "  upon  which  the  Board's  suggestions  are  so 

1  E.g.,  post,  pp.  246,  248.  *  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  pp.  916-920. 


C  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

largely  based,  together  with  the  English  government's  whole 
subsequent  Indian  policy,  were  largely  those  of  Peter  Wraxall. 
As  a  result  of  the  Board's  suggestions,  General  Braddock,  on 
reaching  Virginia,  proposed  Johnson's  appointment,  and  it  was 
ratified  by  the  colonial  governors  at  Alexandria  on  April  14, 
I755.1  The  next  day  Johnson  wrote  to  Wraxall  to  ask  if  he 
would  serve  as  his  secretary.2  It  was  not  without  reason  that 
Johnson  closed  his  letter  of  acknowledgment  to  the  Lords  of 
Trade  with  the  statement:  "  My  Lords,  Justice  and  Truth,  call 
on  me  to  acknowledge,  the  faithfullness,  diligence  and  capacity 
of  the  Secretary  for  Indian  Affairs  in  the  execution  of  his  Office."  3 
Johnson's  debt  to  Wraxall  was  very  great,  and  to  his  credit  it  can 
be  said  that  he  never  forgot  it. 

Concerning  the  antecedents  and  early  life  of  Peter  Wraxall, 
the  author  of  the  Abridgment,  very  little  is  known.  His  father, 
John  Wraxall,  was  a  resident  of  Bristol,  probably  a  member  of  the 
well-known  Bristol  family,  to  which  the  author  of  the  famous 
"  Memoirs  "  later  belonged.4  It  was  this  family  connection,  in 
all  probability,  which  opened  up  the  prospect  of  a  career  for  young 
Peter  in  the  New  World,  and,  in  conjunction  with  the  family's 
straitened  circumstances,  led  him  to  emigrate  to  the  depen- 

1  O'Callaghan's  Documentary  History  of  New  York  (Octavo  Edition),  ii,  pp.  649- 
651. 

2  Calendar  of  the  Sir  William  Johnson  MSS.,  p.  31. 

3  Dated  Albany,  July  21,  1755.     N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  961. 

4  Johnson  MSS.,  v,  p.  2,  a  letter  from  John  Wraxall  to  Sir  William  Johnson 
dated  Bristol  15  September,  1760  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  Sir  William's  letter 
of  condolence  on  the  death  of  his  son,  Peter  Wraxall,  dated  May  i5th.     Calendar 
of  Johnson  MSS.,  p.  105. 

"  In  August,  1750,  the  Common  Council  [of  Bristol]  appointed  John  Wraxall  to 
the  office  of  swordbearer,  a  comfortably  endowed  post,  often  bestowed  on  fallen 
greatness.  Mr.  Wraxall,  who  had  been  an  extensive  linen  draper  and  a  master  of 
the  Merchants'  Society,  long  occupied  a  house  and  shop  on  Bristol  Bridge.  In 
December,  1778,  Nathaniel  Wraxall,  a  member  of  the  same  family,  and  father  of 
the  once  famous  Sir  Nathaniel  Wraxall,  Bart.,  but  who  had  been  unfortunate  in 
business  as  a  merchant,  was  also  appointed  swordbearer."  The  Annals  of  Bristol 
in  the  Eighteenth  Century,  by  John  Latimer,  1893,  p.  284.  Nathaniel  Wraxall, 
merchant,  father  of  the  Nathaniel  here  mentioned,  and  grandfather  of  Sir  Na 
thaniel,  was  Sheriff  of  Bristol  in  1723.  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1731,  p.  125,  cited 
by  Thomas  Seccombe  in  life  of  Sir  Nathaniel  Wraxall,  in  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography.  See  also  Proceedings  of  the  Albany  Institute,  i,  pp.  28-29. 


INTRODUCTION  ci 

dencies,  where  the  connection  certainly  continued  to  be  useful  to 
him.1  It  is  likely  that  he  spent  some  time  in  Holland  before 
leaving  Europe,  as  may  be  inferred  from  his  familiarity  with  the 
Dutch  language  and  from  an  allusion  in  the  Abridgment.2'  He 
seems  also  to  have  visited  Jamaica.3  The  first  evidence  of  his 
being  in  New  York  is  found  in  the  muster  rolls  of  the  colony  for 
the  year  1746,  which  include  the  names  of  men  of  Long  Island, 
"  realy  and  truly  inlisted  in  Peter  Wraxall's  Company  of  Foot  for 
the  present  expedition  to  Canada,"  4  an  expedition  which  never 
went  beyond  the  colony.  It  was  hardly  possible  to  live  in  New 
York  at  this  time  without  being  drawn  into  the  violent  quarrels 
which  divided  the  colony  into  factions,  and  set  Governor  Clinton 
and  his  assembly  against  each  other.  Wraxall  seems  to  have 
joined  the  governor's  party,  for  in  1747,  on  his  being  called  to 
England  by  urgent  private  business,  the  governor  entrusted  to 
him  a  letter  to  Under  Secretary  Stone,  begging  him  to  "  permit 
the  bearer  Capt.  Wraxal  to  acquaint  you  with  what  he  knows  " 
in  relation  to  the  quarrel.  "  He  raised  a  Company  in  this 
Province  on  the  Expedition  intended  last  year  against  Canada. 
As  he  behaved  well  on  all  occasions,  and  is  well  acquainted  with 
many  transactions  as  well  Civill  as  Military  in  this  Province  I 
am  in  hope  he  may  be  usefull  on  some  occasions  where  it  is  not 
possible  to  obviate  every  objection  that  may  be  made,  especially 
as  he  is  acquainted  with  the  men  of  this  Province,  as  well  as 

1  "  Mr.  Wraxall  who  is  my  Aid  de  Camp  &  Secretary  &  also  Judge  Advocate,  all 
without  pay  or  Perquisites  takes  Consequence  to  himself  from  the  manner  in  w^ 
you  are  pleased  to  mention  him  &  often  thinks  the  improbability  of  his  seeing  you 
in  America  a  real  loss  to  him,  he  desires  you  will  accept  of  his  Salutations  &  best 
Wishes,     he  is  well  known  to  Mr.  Fox  &  Lord  Halifax  &  if  it  falls  in  your  way  I  wish 
you  would  mention  him  in  an  advantageous  Manner  to  these  Gentmn,  in  my  Name 
&  as  having  great  Merit  with  me."     Extract  of  a  letter  from  Sir  William  Johnson 
to  Colonel  Orme,  dated  18  Sept.  1755.     Johnson  MSS.,  ii,  p.  226.     See  also  post, 
p.  cxvii,  note. 

2  Post,  p.  108. 

3  "  Capt.  Wraxall  my  only  Aid  de  Camp  &  Sec1^  begs  you  will  present  his 
ComptB  to  Admiral  Boscawen  to  whom  he  was  personally  well  known  in  Jamaica." 
Letter  of  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Governor  Charles  Lawrence,  dated  24  October, 
1755-     Johnson  MSS.,  iii,  p.  134. 

4  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ixxv,  p.  69,  printed  in  Report  of  the  State  Historian,  Colonial 
Series,  i,  pp.  626-628. 


cii  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

many  particular  things  in  it.  As  I  do  not  doubt  of  his  sincere 
intentions  to  serve  me,  I  should  be  greatly  obliged  if  he  could  be 
served  in  what  he  wants,  which  is,  a  Company  in  the  Army,  and 
if  His  Grace  would  be  pleased  to  give  a  little  assistance  I  shall 
take  it  as  a  great  honour."  l  The  letter  is  significant  in  several 
ways.  There  is  no  evidence  that  this  appeal  in  WraxalPs  behalf 
had  any  immediate  result,  and  for  several  years  he  is  lost  to  sight. 
The  efforts  of  his  powerful  friends  must  have  continued  in  the 
interval,  however,  for  in  1750  he  received  a  commission  under 
the  royal  sign  manual  as  Secretary  or  Agent  for  the  Government 
of  New  York  to  the  Indians  and  also  as  Town  Clerk  of  the  Peace, 
and  Clerk  of  the  Common  Pleas  in  the  County  and  City  of  Al 
bany,2  and  from  this  time  his  history  is  involved  in  the  devious 
and  disgraceful  muddle  of  New  York  factional  politics  which  in 
the  next  few  years  so  greatly  lessened  the  prestige  of  the  colony 
in  the  eyes  of  its  Indian  allies  and  so  lowered  its  efficiency  for  the 
struggle  with  New  France ;  and  his  part  in  these  quarrels  was  no 
unimportant  one. 

The  two  offices  of  Indian  Secretary  and  Town  Clerk  of  Albany 
were,  as  we  have  seen,  closely  connected,  and  both  had  been  held 
by  Philip  Livingston  under  a  commission  from  the  Crown  for  over 
twenty  years  before  his  death,  in  August,  1750.  Wraxall 
received  the  royal  appointment  to  both  these  offices  on  November 
1 5th.  After  an  unexplained  delay  of  many  months,  he  set  out 
from  England,  where  he  had  remained,  apparently,  since  his 
mission  of  1747 ;  but  on  his  arrival  in  New  York,  and  application 
to  Governor  Clinton  to  be  admitted  to  his  new  post,  "  the 
Governor  acquainted  him  that  the  same  was  in  possession  of 
another  person  under  a  Commission  from  him  and  referred  him 
to  the  Decision  of  the  Law."  The  fact  is,  that  the  Governor 
on  September  25th  had  issued  a  patent  under  the  seal  of  the 
colony  appointing  Harme  Gansevoort  Town  Clerk  of  Albany 
during  good  behavior,  and  now  alleged  that  his  own  commission 
and  the  Albany  charter  of  1686  empowered  him  to  do  so.3  The 

1  Dated,  New  York,  24  July,  1747.     N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  377. 

2  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.}  vi,  p.  768;  N.  Y.  MS.  Record  of  Commissions,  v,  p.  4;   post, 
pp.  5-6. 

3  These  facts  are  taken  from  a  Report  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  on  the  point  dated 


INTRODUCTION  ciii 

governor's  conduct  was  probably  not  actuated  by  any  hostility 
to  Wraxall,  but  merely  the  result  of  negligence  or  ignorance  of  the 
law.  His  sale  of  the  office  to  Gansevoort  for  £300  against  the 
Statute  of  Edward  VI,1  which  Wraxall  says  was  proved  in  open 
court  and  virtually  admitted  by  Gansevoort's  counsel,2  is  rather 
damaging,  but  was  probably  not  by  any  means  unprecedented 
in  the  Province  of  New  York.3  It  is  true  that  the  Lords  of  Trade 
recognized  that  the  governor's  appointment  of  Gansevoort  was  in 
excess  of  his  authority,  and  "  inconsistent  with  his  duty  to  the 
Crown/' 4  but  neither  they  nor  the  governor  had  the  power, 
though  they  might  have  the  wish,  to  offer  any  other  means  than 
"  the  Decision  of  the  Law  "  for  the  removal  of  one  who  held  an 
office  during  good  behavior.  Wraxall's  only  recourse,  then,  was 
the  action  to  revoke  Gansevoort's  commission,  but  no  one  who 
was  acquainted  with  Albany  juries  and  the  temper  of  provincial 

November  7,  1752,  in  which  the  whole  matter  is  reviewed.  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi, 
pp.  768-769.  The  clause  in  Governor  Clinton's  commission  upon  which  he  prob 
ably  relied  was  as  follows:  "  And  we  do  hereby  authorize  and  empower  you  to 
constitute  and  appoint  Judges,  and  (in  cases  requisite)  Commissioners  of  Oyer  and 
Terminer,  Justices  of  the  peace  and  other  necessary  Officers  and  Ministers  in  our  said 
Province  for  the  better  Administration  of  Justice  and  putting  the  laws  in  execution." 
...  A7".  F.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  192.  Governor  Dongan's  charter  of  1686  to  Albany 
provided  "  that  According  to  usage  &  Custome  the  Recorder  &  Towne  Clerke  of  the 
said  Citty  shall  be  Persons  of  Good  Capacity  &  Understanding  such  as  his  Most 
Sacred  Majesty  his  Heires  and  Successors  shall  in  the  said  Respective  Offices  of 
Recorder  &  Towne  Clerk  respectively  Appoint  &  Commissionate  and  for  Defect  of 
such  Appointment  &  Commissionateing  by  his  most  Sacred  Majesty  as  aforesaid 
his  Heires  and  Successors  to  bee  such  Person  as  the  said  Governor  Leivt.  or  Com- 
mandr  in  Cheife  of  the  said  Province  for  the  time  being  shall  Appoint  or  Commis 
sionate  which  Persons  so  Commissionated  to  the  said  Office  of  Recorder  and  Office 
of  Towne  Clerke  Respectively  shall  have  hold  and  enjoy  the  said  Offices  Respec 
tively  According  to  the  Tenure  and  effect  of  the  said  respective  Commissions  and 
not  otherwise.  .  .  .  also  that  the  Towne  Clerke  of  the  sd  Citty  for  the  time 
being  shall  Allwayes  bee  Clerke  of  the  Peace  and  Clerke  of  the  Courts  of  Sessions 
or  County  Courts  for  the  said  County."  N.  F.  Col.  Laws,  i,  pp.  204-205,  215. 

1  Sta.t.  5  and  6  Edward  VI,  cap.  XVI.     Against  Buying  and  Selling  of  Offices. 
Among  other  things  it  rendered  null  and  void  any  sale  "  which  shall  concern  or 
touch  any  Clerkship  to  be  occupied  in  any  Manner  of  Court  of  Record,  wherein 
Justice  is  to  be  ministered." 

2  Post,  p.  6. 

3  The  historian  Smith  speaks  of  Governor  Burnet's  selling  no  offices  as  excep 
tional  among  New  York  governors.     History  of  New  York  (1814),  p.  271. 

4  N.  F.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  769. 


civ          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK   INDIAN  RECORDS 

judges  could  be  very  hopeful  of  the  outcome.  "  such  a  Scene  of 
Law  &  Appeals  are  laid  open  to  me  as  may  probably  last  these 
Twenty  years,  if  I  will  carry  it  on,"  Wraxall  dolefully  prophesied.1 
The  prophecy  was  almost  realized.  Gansevoort  was  still  in 
possession  on  Wraxall's  death  in  1759,  and  Witham  Marsh,  the 
next  holder  of  a  royal  commission  for  the  office  was  only  able  to 
secure  his  rights  under  it  after  a  protracted  suit  which  finally 
ended  in  a  compromise  in  1764,  fourteen  years  from  the  date  of 
Wraxall's  appointment.2  I  have  been  unable  to  find  out  what 

1  Post,  p.  6. 

2  The  letters  of  Marsh  in  regard  to  the  slow  progress  of  his  suit  throw  a  strong 
light  on  certain  conditions  in  Albany.     They  also  exhibit  a  type  of  colonial  official 
too  common  in  the  English  colonies  at  this  time.     For  this  reason  a  few  extracts 
of  his  letters  are  here  given.     Marsh  was  secretary  of   the  conference  at  Lan 
caster  in  1744,  which  resulted  in  the  Indian  treaty,  and  the  notes  of  the    con 
ference,  which  are  very  interesting,  were  made  by  him.     Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls., 
ist  Series,  vii. 

On  March  28,  1762,  he  wrote  to  Johnson:  "  If  ever  I  engage  in  another  law 
suit,  it  shall  be  for  no  less  than  ten  thousand  a  year,  one  half  of  which,  I  '11  bargain 
beforehand  to  give  my  Attorney  for  recovery  of  the  other  half.  .  .  .  My  cause 
was  to  've  been  tried  next  Term;  but  I  don't  know  how  it  happens,  my  Attorney 
Says,  we  are  some  how  in  the  wrong!  For  my  part  I  think  I  'm  in  the  right  upon  both 
Commissions:  but  I  was  not  born  in  this  Province."  Johnson  MSS.,  v,  p.  222.  In  a 
letter  of  October  2,  1762,  he  refers  to  the  Albany  people  as  "  Frogs,"  as  in  another 
he  calls  them  "  Van  Frogs,"  and  thanks  Johnson  for  his  favor,  "  w°h  to  my  Sorrow, 
I  am  afraid  I  never  shall  be  able  to  return,  unless  the  D-l  will  take  away  Ganse 
[Gansevoort]  or  his  precious  Lawyers."  Ibid.,  vi,  p.  107.  On  November  i  he  begs 
Johnson  to  do  him  the  favor  of  writing  "  with  your  approbation  of  staying  to 
terminate  my  cursed  Suit."  Ibid.,  p.  143.  In  February,  1763  he  writes  that  Gan- 
sevoort's  counsel  offers  to  turn  over  the  records  to  him  if  he  will  make  Gansevoort 
his  deputy  and  give  him  half  the  profits  of  the  office  —  "  Yes,  and  if  I  was  fool 
enough,  I  suppose  He  wou'd  take  t'other  half  too  —  the  D — 1  doubt  his  Dutch 
Modesty,  as  well  as  his  Albany  Honesty  —  They  are'  both  pretty  much  alike." 
Ibid.,  p.  238.  On  October  24,  1763,  he  wrote,  "  Yesterday  I  was  informed  new 
proposals  would  be  made  me  with  w°h  I  cannot  comply,  as  Mr.  Smith,  perhaps  may 
insist  on  Ganse's  being  continued  as  my  Deputy.  —  I  know  not  how  to  act  as  I  fear 
I  may  not  live  to  see  the  action  finished,  and  no  Small  Sum  will  be  ojfer'd  I  'm  sure, 
with  full  possession  of  the  Records."  Ibid.,  vii,  p.  205.  "  And  God  preserve  Us 
from  an  Albany  Jury!  "  Dec.  n,  1763.  Ibid.,  viii,  p.  42. 

On  January  23,  1764,  he  reported  the  suit  as  not  yet  ended,  and  exclaimed: 
"  If  the  Court  shou'd  determine  against  me  (w°h  they  cannot  by  law)  by  Heavens 

I  '11  write  such  a  Letter  to  L H ,  as  shall  drive  'em  from  the  Bench;  I  mean 

two  of  them,  who  have  no  great  affection  for  English-men."  Ibid.,  p.  120. 

igth  February,  1764,  —  the  suit  not  ended  yet.  Judge  S h  [Smith]  refuses 

to  give  his  opinion  till  next  term.  "  The  Independents  rule  all  ...  I  shall  whilst 


INTRODUCTION  cv 

became  of  Wraxall's  suit.  Probably  he  was  compelled  to  with 
draw,  as  he  feared,  on  account  of  the  expense.1  At  any  rate  he 
was  unsuccessful. 

But  Wraxall  was  now  drawn  into  a  wider  field  than  the  Albany 
clerkship  through  his  duties  as  Indian  secretary.  A  new  struggle 
with  the  French  was  impending,  and  the  Five  Nations  were 

I  breath,  do  every  thing  to  prevent  any  Machinations  of  some  Rascals,  who  would 
cutt  off  a  Kings  Head,  as  soon  as  looking  upon  Him."  Ibid.,  p.  160. 

May  28,  1764.  "  This  Day,  or  to  morrow,  finishes  the  affair  ab*  the  Records  — 
Ganse  looks  like  a  Devil."  Ibid.,  ix,  p.  94.  September  28,  1764  —  "  Age  creeps 
on,  and  bodily  disorders,  as  well  as  those  of  the  mind  multiply,  particularly  as  a  man 
cannot  live  to  his  own  Liking.  —  With  age,  and  a  distemper'd  Constitution,  Laziness 
intervenes  to  render  a  man  incapable  of  Business  —  Sir  Wm  has  always  befriended 
me  —  A  Deputy  is  provided  for  the  Clerkship  of  Albany  City,  and  County  —  Can 
not  one  be  found  for  Indian  Affairs  agreeable  to  Sir  William's  Approbation  ?  Or 
can  little  Simon  be  able  to  enter  up  the  records  with  an  allowance  of  2o£  for  the 
first  year,  and  3o£  for  every  year  afterwards,  to  be  pd  by  me,  with  Sir  William's 
Consent  ?  Or  can  he  sell  ?  If  these  matters  are  settled  I  shall  be  happy,  because 
I  can  then  live  according  to  my  own  Plan,  and  perhaps  restore  a  broken  &  disordered 
Constitution  at  Bermudas  or  Bath.  There  would  be  no  objection  to  part  with 
both  Offices,  according  to  any  Scheme  (avec  assez  d'Argent)  Sir  William  might 
Settle,  and  have  —  the  nomination  of  my  Successor  —  Yet  no  cursed  Dutch  repub 
lican,  by  reason  He  would  ruin  every  Englishman,  or  at  least  bring  the  Titles  of  their 
Lands  in  question."  Ibid.,  ix,  p.  205.  On  October  14,  1764,  Marsh  reports  that 
the  Mayor  of  Albany  refuses  to  hand  over  the  Common  Council  records,  and  the 
fees  of  the  office  are  very  disappointing  —  "  They  are  too  small  for  a  Deputy's 
Deputy."  Ibid.,  ix,  p.  220. 

On  November  i2th  he  reported  that  the  mayor  had  promised  to  hand  over  the 
records  to  his  deputy,  but  had  failed  to  do  so.  "  What  has  been  done  since,  I  know 
not,  nor  care  not."  His  lack  of  further  interest  was  due  to  the  report  that  a  large 
fortune  had  been  left  to  the  sister  of  his  late  friend,  Attorney  General  Bordley  of 
Maryland  —  "  There  will  be  £20,000  if  I  can  get  Her."  Ibid.,  x,  p.  i.  On  Novem 
ber  26th,  he  writes  that  any  arrangement  Sir  William  may  make  regarding  a  deputy 
will  be  acceptable  to  him  —  all  he  wants  is  a  competency,  so  it  could  not  be  said  a 
Fulcher  starved  —  "  Fulcher  was  Lord  of  People  when  Hengist  came  to  England." 
Ibid.,  ix,  p.  16.  Marsh  died  on  Jan.  12,  1765  (ibid.,  x,  p.  78)  owing  over  £60 
counsel  fees  "  relative  to  the  Suit  between  him  and  Mr.  Gansevoort  which  was  com 
promised  some  time  before  his  decease."  Ibid.,  xi,  p.  25. 

There  is  a  letter  written  in  1756  by  William  Corry  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  which 
further  illustrates  the  conditions  existing  or  believed  to  exist  in  Albany.  Corry 
cites  a  case  tried  there  between  one  Vanderpool,  a  Dutchman,  and  a  certain  Emer 
son,  evidently  a  New  Englander.  The  jury  was  packed,  he  says,  and  the  verdict 
was  given  for  the  Dutchman.  No  verdicts  are  ever  given  there  in  favor  of  strangers. 
The  Bostonians  declare  that  no  case  should  ever  be  tried  in  Albany  unless  one-half 
the  jury  are  "  foreigners."  Johnson  MSS.,  iv,  p.  52. 

1  Post,  p.  6. 


cvi         WRAXALL'S   NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

wavering.  Never  had  Indian  relations  been  so  delicate  or  so 
important.  Among  other  things  this  led  to  the  well-known 
intercolonial  congress  at  Albany,  in  1754,  for  which  Wraxall  acted 
as  secretary.1  More  important  for  Wraxall  was  the  fact  that  it 
introduced  him  to  Colonel  William  Johnson.  The  two  were 
doubtless  drawn  together  by  the  gravity  of  the  Indian  situation, 
by  their  common  interest  in  it,  and  their  common  dislike  and 
distrust  of  the  Albany  Indian  commissioners.  The  Abridgment 
here  printed  is  one  long  argument,  with  illustrations,  addressed 
to  the  Earl  of  Halifax,  urging  the  withdrawal  of  authority  from 
men  so  incompetent  and  untrustworthy,  and  its  lodgment  in  the 
hands  of  one  man,  and  that  man  Colonel  Johnson.  Johnson,  as 
we  have  seen,  was  appointed  early  in  1755,  and  at  once  chose 
Wraxall  to  be  his  secretary,  and  with  this  opens  the  last  and 
most  important  phase  of  Wraxall's  life.  From  this  time  he  is  in 
the  thick  of  colonial  politics,  and  an  important  figure  in  them. 
Johnson  was  not  only  made  Indian  superintendent,  but  was  also 
created  a  major  general  and  entrusted  with  the  important  expedi 
tion  against  the  French  at  Crown  Point,  on  which  Wraxall 
accompanied  him.  The  details  of  this  expedition  and  of  John 
son's  victory  over  Baron  Dieskau  at  Lake  George  need  not  be 
repeated,  but  Wraxall's  part  in  the  controversies  that  preceded 
and  followed  that  victory  is  too  important  to  be  altogether  passed 
over. 

In  the  New  York  governorship,  Clinton  had  been  superseded 
by  Sir  Danvers  Osborne,  who  committed  suicide  after  one  day  of 
it,  and  James  Delancey,  the  Lieutenant  Governor  and  Chief 
Justice,  succeeded  as  head  of  the  government.  Hitherto  he  had 
been  an  opponent  of  Johnson,  who  owed  his  advancement  to 
Clinton,  his  enemy.  All  this  was  changed  when  Delancey  be 
came  acting  governor,  and  also  under  the  administration  of  Sir 
Charles  Hardy,  who  in  a  short  time  succeeded  him.  But  John 
son  had  made  a  new  enemy,  no  less  a  one  than  Governor  Shirley, 
who  had  now  become  commander  in  chief  of  the  forces  in  North 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  859.  Bill  of  Peter  Wraxall  against  the  Colony  of  New 
York,  dated  October  31,  1754,  amounting  to  £10  143.  for  writing  copies  of  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Congress.  N.  Y.  MSS,,  Ixxxiv,  p.  5. 


INTRODUCTION  cvii 

America  on  Braddock's  death.  Though  deeper  causes  lay  behind, 
the  immediate  cause  of  their  quarrel  was  the  alleged  activity  of 
one  Lydius,  whom  Johnson  charged  with  being  Shirley's  agent 
in  undermining  his  influence  with  his  Indian  allies,  and  thus 
attempting  to  weaken  his  expedition  against  Crown  Point;  and 
Shirley's  conviction  that  Johnson  was  in  like  manner  plotting 
against  the  success  of  his  own  campaign  farther  west. 

This  quarrel  can  be  followed  in  its  broad  outlines  in  the  official 
communications  which  were  sent  to  England,  many  of  which  are 
printed  in  the  New  York  Colonial  Documents,  in  O'Callaghan's 
Documentary  History  and  elsewhere.  But  some  additional  light 
is  thrown  on  the  controversy  by  letters  which  never  found  their 
way  to  England,  but  were  formerly  preserved  among  the  Johnson 
Manuscripts  at  Albany.  The  destruction  of  many  of  these  by  fire 
is  my  excuse  for  including  here  at  some  length  extracts  from 
these  letters  which  were  originally  made  for  reference  rather  than 
for  publication.  The  letters  also  serve  to  show  how  important 
Wraxall's  actions  and  partisanship  for  Johnson  were  in  the  quar 
rels  which  ultimately  led  to  Shirley's  recall. 

From  June  21  to  July  4,  1755,  William  Johnson  held  a  great 
conference  at  Mount  Johnson  with  the  Indians,  of  whom  1106 
were  present.  At  one  of  the  meetings  at  which  Colonel  Lydius 
was  present,  one  of  the  Oneida  sachems  rose  and  said:  "You 
promised  us  that  you  would  keep  this  fire  place  clean  from  all 
filth  and  that  no  snake  should  come  into  this  Council  Room. 
That  man  sitting  there  (pointing  to  Coll:  Lyddius)  is  a  Devil  and 
has  stole  our  Lands,  he  takes  Indians  slyly  by  the  Blanket  one  at 
a  time,  and  when  they  are  drunk,  puts  some  money  in  their 
Bosoms,  and  perswades  them  to  sign  deeds  for  our  lands  upon  the 
Susquehana  which  we  will  not  ratify  nor  suffer  to  be  settled  by 
any  means."  1 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  984.  Lydius  certainly  bore  no  very  good  reputation  in 
the  Colony  of  New  York.  There  are  many  unfavorable  references  to  him  in  the 
minutes  of  the  New  York  Council  and  in  the  papers  printed  among  the  New  York 
Colonial  Documents.  As  early  as  1746  the  Commissioners  for  Indian  Affairs  com 
plained  to  the  Governor  of  alleged  actions  of  Lydius,  whom  Clinton  was  inclined  to 
favor,  in  trying  to  get  the  Indians  to  go  over  to  the  French.  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ixxv, 
p.  34.  Compare  the  statements  in  the  Abridgment,  post,  pp.  246,  248.  The  whole 


cviii        WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

The  next  day  Johnson  answered  this  complaint  in  the  following 
words:  "  I  did  promise,  that  I  would  keep  this  fire  place  free 
from  all  filth  and  did  desire,  that  no  snake  should  come  into  this 
Council  room.  As  to  Coll:  Lyddius,  if  his  coming  hither  was 
such  an  offence  to  you,  I  am  sorry  for  it,  he  came  of  his  own 
accord  without  any  invitation  from  me.  If  Coll:  Lyddius  hath 
done  as  you  represent  and  \vhich  I  am  afraid  is  in  a  great  measure 
true,  I  think,  he  is  very  faulty,  and  that  nobody  should  attempt 
to  settle  Lands  upon  such  unfair  purchases.  I  will  endeavour  all 
in  my  power  that  justice  may  be  done  you  in  this  affair.1  In  this 
speech  of  Johnson's,  Wraxall,  in  writing  the  official  notes  of  the 
conference,  inserted  the  following  explanatory  note : 

"  Col.  Lydius  came  to  Mount  Johnson  with  an  Interpreter 
employ'd  by  Govr  Shirley,  &  several  Indians  complain'd  to  Col. 
Johnson,  that  Lydius  had  been  privately  persuading  them  to  go  to 
Niagara  wth  him  and  Govr.  Shirley,  and  they  express'd  their  Dis 
pleasure  at  this  Application  of  Lydius's;  upon  wch  Col.  Johnson 
spoke  to  Mr.  Lydius,  who  shew'd  him  Govr.  Shirley's  Orders  for 
what  he  had  done :  Col :  Johnson  forbid  him  &  the  Interpreter  to 
interfere  any  further  with  the  Indians,  as  it  had,  &  would  occasion 
an  Uneasiness  amongst  'em,  wch  might  be  prejudicial  to  the 
Interest  in  general."  2 

When  this  record  reached  Shirley,  his  state  of  mind  may  be 
imagined.  On  July  isth,  he  saw  Johnson  in  person  and  de 
manded  that  the  offending  explanation  be  altered,  to  which 

matter  is  very  much  tangled  with  the  crooked  politics  of  the  time.  Apparently, 
Clinton  distrusted  the  commissioners  and  employed  Lydius  in  their  place,  as  he  had 
formerly  employed  Johnson  himself.  Their  complaints  of  Lydius  are  therefore  by 
no  means  disinterested,  and  the  endorsement  of  them  by  a  council  hostile  to  the 
governor  should  not  be  taken  too  seriously.  Lydius's  general  reputation,  however, 
was  bad,  and  Johnson  expressed  himself  in  no  uncertain  terms  about  him  long 
before  the  trouble  with  Shirley  arose.  A  long  letter  of  complaint  of  Lydius  from 
the  commissioners  was  formerly  in  N.  Y.  MSS.,  Ixxv,  p.  40,  in  which  they  brand 
him  as  a  traitor  and  refuse  to  serve  longer  unless  Clinton  will  forbid  Lydius  to  inter 
fere  with  Indian  affairs.  There  were  other  letters  of  complaint  in  N.  Y.  MSS., 
Ixxv,  pp.  29,  41.  On  these  letters  the  Provincial  Council  of  New  York  reported  on 
May  14,  1746  "  That  it  is  advisable  for  his  Excellency  to  forbid  Mr.  Lidius  &  all 
other  Persons  (except  those  in  Commission)  to  intermeddle  or  treat  with  the  Indians 
Concerning  Publick  Affairs."  N.  Y.  Council  MSS.,  xxi,  p.  92. 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  pp.  986-987.  *  Johnson  MSS.,  ii,  p.  31. 


INTRODUCTION  cix 

Johnson  agreed ;  and  in  the  official  record  all  mention  of  Governor 
Shirley  and  his  orders  is  omitted,  but  the  statements  regarding 
Lydius  remain  in  other  respects  exactly  as  before.1  But  Shirley 
was  not  appeased.  On  July  lyth,  he  wrote  from  Albany  to 
Johnson:  "  I  must  desire  you  to  order  your  Secretary  for  Indian 
Affairs  to  let  me  have  a  Copy  of  the  Proceedings  at  the  late 
Conference  between  you  and  the  Indians  at  Mount  Johnson,  as 
soon  as  conveniently  may  be,  and  that  you  would  favour  me  with 
attested  Copies  of  the  Letters  I  sent  you  by  Col.  Lydius,  sometime 
in  June  last,  and  of  another  which  I  wrote  to  you  by  Lt.  Colonel 
Ellison  in  the  Same  Month. 

"  I  am  favour'd  with  your  Letter  of  the  i5th  Instant,  wherein 
you  acquaint  me  that  upon  the  Conversation  wch  had  pass'd 
between  us  that  forenoon,  your  Secretary  for  Indian  Affairs  had 
expung'd  my  Name  out  of  the  Note  then  talk'd  of:  and  send  me  a 
Copy  of  that  Note  as  it  now  stands  recorded.  I  can  't  avoid 
repeating,  Sir,  that  I  look  upon  the  Secretary's  foisting  in  that 
Note,  as  a  very  gross  Affront  upon  me ;  and  notwithstanding  the 
Excuses,  you  offer'd  to  me  for  him,  I  can  't  but  be  of  Opinion 
that  his  inserting  false  Facts  in  the  Records,  by  way  of  explana 
tory  Notes,  in  order  to  ground  personal  Reflections  upon  them 
wch  is  evidently  the  Case  here,  is  an  Abuse  of  his  Trust. 

"  The  Note  is  introduc'd  in  the  following  manner:  The  Indians 
tell  you  pa.  27  '  that  you  had  promis'd  them  you  would  keep  the 
Place  clean  from  all  Filth,  and  that  no  Snake  should  come  into  the 
Council  Room,  that  the  man,  pointing  to  Col.  Lydius  was  a 
Devil  and  had  sold  their  Lands  &c. 

"  In  page  29  you  acknowledge  you  made  'em  that  Promise,  and 
that  you  did  desire  that  no  Snake  should  come  into  the  Council 
Room,  that  if  Col.  Lydius  had  done  as  they  represented,  and  wch 
you  i  was  afraid  was  in  a  great  Measure  true  '  &  Ca. 

"  On  pretence  of  explaining  this  Complaint  of  the  Indians  your 
Secretary  subjoins  the  Inclos'd  Note:  You  can't  but  observe, 
Sir,  how  foreign  &  impertinent  the  Subject  matter  of  this  Note  is 
to  what  it  pretends  to  explain;  that  it  hath  not  the  least  connec- 

1  Johnson  MSS.,  ii,  p.  80.  The  note  is  given  in  the  amended  form  in  the  record  of 
the  conference  sent  to  England,  and  printed  in  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  pp.  986-987. 


CX  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

tion  with  it;  that  the  only  Intent  of  it  is  to  raise  a  Reflection 
upon  me;  and  every  word  in  it  is  pointed  for  that  purpose. 

"  As  to  the  Orders  which  it  is  asserted  Colonel  Lydius  shew'd 
you  from  me,  directing  him  to  do  what  he  is  charg'd  with  in  the 
Note,  you  must  be  sensible  from  the  whole  Tenour  of  my  Letter 
to  him,  in  wch  it  is  pretended,  those  Orders  are  contain'd,  that 
there  is  no  Colour  for  the  Assertion;  on  the  Contrary,  my  Letters 
to  yourself  shew  that  he  was  order'd  by  me  to  act  under  your 
Directions  in  the  Affair : 

"  You  assure  me,  Sir,  this  Note  was  inserted  without  your 
Direction  or  privity,  I  verily  believe  it  was;  But  I  can  't  avoid 
saying,  if  you  had  been  so  good  as  to  have  order'd  it  to  be  struck 
out,  when  you  first  discover'd  it;  it  would  have  been  more  con 
sistent  with  the  Regard,  wch  I  flatter'd  myself,  you  had  for  me, 
and  I  think  is  due  to  me  on  every  Ace* 

"  This  Note  hath  put  me  upon  a  more  strict  Inquiry  into 
Colonel  Lydius's  Behaviour  in  this  Affair,  than  I  had  before 
made;  the  Ace*  he  gives  me  of  it  is  inclos'd  l  &  he  offers  to  verify 
it  upon  Oath:  If  he  is  not  mistaken  in  it,  I  can  't  think  him  so 
blameable,  as  you  seem  to  do;  especially  considering,  I  had  given 
him  an  Officer's  Commission,  for  the  Indians,  wch  should  join  in 
the  Expedition  agst  Niagara."  2 

From  this  correspondence  it  is  evident  that  Shirley  suspected 
that  Johnson  was  privy  to,  if  not  responsible  for  Wraxall's 
offensive  note.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  at  least  expressed 
Johnson's  own  sentiments.  On  July  31,  he  wrote  to  Thomas 
Pownall,  who  was  no  friend  of  Shirley's:  "  He  [Shirley]  wrote  me 

1  It  was  entitled  "  Memorandum  of  what  passed  at  Mount  Johnson  between  the 
Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  and  myself,"  a  statement  signed  by  John  H.  Lydius, 
which  made  all  Lydius's  actions  seem  very  innocent  indeed,  and  him  a  very  much 
abused  man.     It  was  in  Johnson  MSS.,  ii,  p.  84.     In  strong  contrast  with  this  is  the 
report  of  Lydius's  conduct  when  asked  for  his  orders,  purporting  to  be  given  by 
several  of  the  persons  present  at  the  conference  —  "  Then  Lydius  reply 'd  that  he 
could  produce  his  own  Orders  (which  was  his  Commission)  and  was  better  the  [sic] 
Gen'l  Johnsons  &  a  Seal  to  it  better  than  the  Kings,  which  by  saying  so  it  was  took 
to  be  meant  Govr  Shirleys,  as  he  said  Gen'l  Johnson's  Commission  was  only  a  Pro 
vincial  one  &  by  his  Commission  he  was  the  Third  Man  in  America  and  if  he  Had 
the  Presents  to  divide  which  Gen'l  Johnson  divided  he  would  have  more  Ind8  than 
Gen'l  Johnson  has."     Johnson  MSS.,  ii,  p.  85. 

2  Johnson  MSS.,  ii,  p.  100. 


INTRODUCTION  Cxi 

a  verry  long  angry  Letter  reproaching  menacing  me  &  grossly 
abusing  Mr  Wraxall.  ...  I  make  no  doubt  he  will  endeavour 
to  wreak  his  Malice  upon  me  &  poor  Wraxall,  who  has  wrote  to 
Mr.  Fox  to  get  quit  of  his  Military  Commission  so  I  hope  he  will 
be  clear  of  the  thunder  in  that  Quarter."  l  It  is  clear  that  this 
antagonism  went  much  deeper  than  the  Lydius  affair. 

Soon  after  this  Johnson  and  Wraxall  left  for  Lake  George, 
where  Wraxall  was  employed  as  secretary,  aid  de  camp  and 
judge  advocate,  and  proved  himself  of  great  value.  It  is  evident 
from  Johnson's  letters,  written  after  the  battle  at  Lake  George, 
that  he  expects  Shirley  to  take  vengeance  on  Wraxall,  and  is 
trying  to  prevent  it  as  well  as  to  secure  WraxalPs  advancement. 
In  all  his  letters  he  enlarges  on  Wraxall's  services,  and  the  fact 
that  he  receives  no  compensation.2  Johnson  now  conceived  the 
idea  of  sending  to  the  different  governors  an  account  of  the  prog 
ress  of  his  campaign,  with  a  request  for  their  suggestions.  As 
bearer  of  these  papers,  first  to  the  governor  of  New  York  at 
Albany,  and  then  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  he  chose 
Wraxall,  possibly  with  the  idea  of  getting  him  out  of  harm's  way 
for  the  time,  and  for  other  reasons  of  a  different  character.  On 
October  3d,  Wraxall  set  out  from  the  camp  at  Lake  George  for 
Albany,  and  Johnson  sent  a  letter  by  him  for  Shirley  to  inform 
him  of  these  matters,  saying  among  other  things:  "  Mr.  Wraxall, 
My  only  Aid  de  Camp  &  Secrety.  &  who  has  also  acted  as  Judge 
Advocate  to  this  Army  carries  this  Letter  to  Albany  to  forward 
from  thence  to  Yr  Excellency.  I  Thought  it  necessary  to  send 

1  Johnson  MSS.,  ii,  p.  140.     See  also  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  994. 

2  E.  g.,  in  a  letter  to  Col.  Orme  of  18  September,  Johnson  MSS.,  ii,  p.  226;  one 
to  Governor  Hutchinson  dated  n  October,  ibid.,  iii,  p.  78;  one  to  Governor  Fitch, 
ibid.,  iii,  p.  85;  one  to  Governor  Hopkins  dated  November  i,  ibid.,  iii,  p.  163;  and 
others.     His  general  letter  to  the  several  governments  which  raised  troops  for  the 
campaign  may  be  taken  as  a  fair  sample  of  all  these.     It  is  dated  December  2,  1755. 
He  mentions  three  persons  as  deserving  especial  credit  for  the  success  of  the  cam 
paign,  naming  Wraxall  first  and  in  the  following  words:    "  Cap*.  Peter  Wraxall 
during  my  Command  has  without  even  the  Prospect  of  any  Pay,  without  taking 
any  Fee  or  Perquisite  whatsoever,  acted  as  my  only  Aid  de  Camp  &  Secretary  and 
also  as  Judge  Advocate  to  the  Troops  under  my  Command.      I  think  he  has  dis 
tinguished  himself  in  these  Departments,  with  that  Fidelity  Capacity  and  unre- 
mitted  Application  as  deserves  the  Esteem  of  the  public,  full  well.     Am  convinced 
it  deserves  my  Grateful  Acknowledgment."     Johnson  MSS.,  iii,  p.  265. 


cxii         WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

some  Person  to  lay  before  Sr  Char8.  Hardy  the  present  Scitua- 
tion  &  state  of  Affairs  relating  to  my  Command  &  to  proceed 
forward  to  do  the  same  to  the  Govra  &  Commanders  in  Chief 
of  the  several  Govts  who  have  troops  on  this  Expedition  and  I  did 
not  know  a  more  capable  or  proper  Person  I  could  send  than  Mr. 
Wraxall,  tho'  I  very  unwillingly  part  with  him  as  his  Assistance 
has  been  and  would  be  very  useful  to  me,  but  my  reasons  for 
dis-patching  him  are  more  prevalent  than  those  for  keeping  him 
still  with  me. 

"  He  is  to  endeavour  to  obtain  &  carry  on  with  him  the  Opin 
ions  of  the  Several  Govra.  relative  to  this  Expedition  &  to  proceed 
from  Albany  to  Boston,  and  also  to  desire  the  several  Govrs.  to 
transmit  their  Opinions  to  Yr.  Excellency  wth  all  possible  Dis 
patch."  l  Shirley,  however,  had  evidently  prepared  for  some 
thing  of  this  kind  before  setting  out  on  his  campaign  to  Oswego. 
On  October  3d,  Wraxall  wrote  from  Albany  to  Johnson:  "  This 
afternoon  Stevenson  gave  me  a  letter  from  Shirley's  Aid  de 
Camp  ordering  me  positively  up  to  Oswego  to  my  Camp.  I 
handed  it  to  Sr.  Charles  [who]  told  me  to  write  3  lines  to  him, 
that  I  was  engaged  to  you  &  public  Service  would  suffer  by  my 
abandoning  you  &  the  Cause  I  was  engaged  in  &  he  would  settle 
it  with  Govr.  Shirley  says  unless  Shirley  shows  him  powers  equal 
to  Braddocks,  he  shant  command  Indep*.  Comp8."  2  Hardy  also 
advised  Wraxall  not  to  go  to  the  other  governors,  as  the  papers 
he  carried  might  only  stir  up  trouble  and  defeat  the  Expedition. 
"  I  believe  it  would  be  the  natural  Consequence  of  their  perusing 
these  Papers,"  wrote  Wraxall  to  Johnson  on  October  4th,  "  but 
then  I  told  Sir  Charles  the  Cloud  must  burst  very  soon,  &  that 
unaprized  of  it  as  they  were  at  present  they  might  reproach  you 
for  keeping  them  in  the  Dark,  &  by  that  means  give  your  Enemies 
if  you  had  any  (as  was  probable)  an  advantage  over  you."  3  He 
therefore  writes  for  further  instructions.  On  the  next  day, 
however,  without  waiting  for  them,  probably  because  he  and 
Hardy  concluded  that  Lake  George  was  a  safer  place  than  Albany, 
he  set  out  to  rejoin  Johnson,  bearing  a  letter  from  Hardy  setting 

1  Johnson  MSS.,  iii,  p.  29.  3  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  39. 

2  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  36. 


INTRODUCTION  cxiii 

forth  his  views  against  the  circular  letter.1  Shirley  in  the  mean 
time  was  fuming  at  Oswego.  "  He  's  much  embittered  at  you," 
wrote  Banyar,  deputy  secretary  of  the  province  of  New  York,  to 
Johnson  on  October  gth.  "  He  complains  that  you  did  not  send 
him  an  Account  as  early  as  anyone  of  the  Battle.  His  Wings 
will  soon  be  clip'd.  I  believe  and  if  you  don't  give  him  a  lift  out 
of  the  Stirrup  as  far  as  in  your  Power  I  shall  wonder  at  it."  2 
By  October  i3th,  Shirley  had  received  Johnson's  letter  of  Sep 
tember  3oth,  telling  of  Wraxall's  mission.  It  was  not  pleasing 
news,  and  probably  would  never  have  been  sent  had  not  Shirley 
been  too  far  away  to  do  anything  in  time  to  prevent  it.  On 
receipt  of  it  Shirley  wrote  to  Johnson,  in  part  as  follows: 

"  You  Inform  me  you  have  sent  your  Secretary  to  the  Several 
Governments  for  their  respective  Opinions  upon  the  present 
Situation  of  affairs  under  your  Command,  and  propose  they  shall 
be  transmitted  to  me,  so  that  my  directions  are  to  be  followed 
upon  their  Opinions;  Your  Secretary's  Tour,  and  the  Return  of 
the  Opinions  of  the  Governments  to  me,  will  probably  take  up  to 
the  End  of  Novr.  wch  will  be  Extream  late  for  me  to  send  your 
Directions. 

"  The  time  for  your  desiring  my  Directions  should  have  been 
as  soon  as  possible  after  your  Action  with  the  French  on  the  8th 
Instant,  at  wch  time  you  Inform'd  by  the  Way  of  Albany,  all  the 
other  Governors  concern'd  in  the  Expedition  under  your  com 
mand,  of  it. 

"  You  must  have  however  received  Sir,  by  this  time,  all  the 
directions,  I  could  properly  give  you  at  this  Distance,  and  wch  I 
thought  it  my  Duty  to  send  you  unask'd;  wch  then  was  to  pro 
ceed  to  Ticonderoge. 

"  You  well  know  my  Opinion  concerning  the  Serviceableness 
of  your  Secretary;  that  is  a  very  different  one  from  what  you 
Express,  in  your  Letter  of  the  3oth  of  Septr.,  of  him.  Some  of 
your  officers  wou'd  have  been  in  my  Opinion  more  proper  to  have 
been  Dispatch'd  to  their  respective  Governments  for  their 
Opinions;  wch  might  in  that  way  have  been  more  Expeditiously 
and  Effectually  Obtain'd  than  by  sending  him."  3  But,  as  we 

1  Johnson  MSS.,  iii,  p.  40.  2  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  62.  3  Ibid.,  iii,  p.  87. 


cxiv         WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

have  seen,  Wraxall  was  already  back  at  Lake  George  by  this 
time  and  the  circular  letter  was  abandoned  as  Johnson's  letter 
to  Governor  Wentworth  of  October  loth  explains.1  On  the  same 
day  he  wrote  to  Governor  Hardy,  and  also  another  letter  to 
Shirley  explaining  the  change  of  plan.  To  Governor  Hardy,  he 
said,  in  part,  "  Mr.  Wraxall  informed  me  Gen1.  Shirley  had 
ordered  him  up  to  Oswego,  &  that  yr  Excellency  had  taken  that 
matter  under  your  Management,  wch  I  am  extreamly  glad  of  & 
very  much  obliged  to  you  for.  I  soon  found  myself  distressed  by 
his  Absence;  he  has  always  been  a  most  necessary  &  useful  person 
to  me  &  he  will  remain  so  as  long  as  my  Military  Connexions  last. 
The  loss  of  him  would  not  only  be  a  private  one  to  me,  but  I 
think  an  essential  to  the  public  relative  to  this  Expedition.  I 
wrote  Mr  Shirley  before  he  set  out  for  Oswego  that  Mr.  Wraxall 
was  my  Secretary  &  Aid  de  Camp,  the  Affairs  which  have  passed 
thro  him  &  the  Papers  which  are  in  his  hand  &  under  his  Manage 
ment  make  it  absolutely  necessary,  that  he  should  not  be  taken 
from  me  to  a  Scituation  wch  must  rob  me  of  that  Assistance  with 
out  which  I  cannot  give  such  an  Account  of  my  Conduct  to  the 
Govts  concerned,  wch  they  will  reasonably  expect  &  may  prob 
ably  demand,  and  I  cannot  but  think  Govr.  Shirleys  abrupt  & 
peremptory  orders  to  him,  an  unkind  Intention  towards  me.  It 
is  not  meerly  upon  my  private  but  on  the  public  Interest  that  I 
must  thank  yr.  Excellecy  for  yr.  Interposition  and  claim  the  con 
tinuance  of  it  in  regard  to  this  Gentleman,  who  has  no  pay  who 
reaps  no  Perquisites  for  all  his  Labours  &  the  Dangers  to  wch  he 
has  exposed  himself  in  this  Service."  2  The  letter  to  Governor 
Shirley  explains  Wraxall's  return  to  Lake  George  and  the  aban 
donment  of  the  circular  letter.  "  Your  excellency,"  it  goes  on, 
"  will  please  to  consider  or  be  informed,  that  I  have  no  writers 
but  my  Secrety.  Mr.  Wraxall,  &  a  Deputy  Secrety  —  &  they 
have  no  pay  or  perquisites  for  what  they  do  in  this  way,  &  that  no 
Establishment  was  made  for  me  of  this  kind,  Mr  Wraxall  has  been 
&  is  my  only  acting  Aid  de  Camp.  In  this  Scituation  I  think 

1  Johnson  MSS.,  iii,  p.  69.     He  says  he  is  preparing  a  letter  and  some  papers  for 
Governor  Phipps  "  w0*1 1  shall  desire  him  to  communicate  to  the  several  Govts  con 
cerned  in  this  Expedition  as  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  send  them  separately." 

2  Ibid.,  p.  70. 


INTRODUCTION  CXV 

myself  excusable  if  I  cannot  be  so  punctual  &  diffusive  in  my 
Advice  as  might  otherwise  have  been  expected  from  me."  1 
So  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  Wraxall  was  not  afterward  inter 
fered  with  in  his  attendance  on  Johnson,  and  he  continued  in 
that  capacity  until  Shirley  was  superseded.  When  Johnson  was 
created  Indian  Superintendent  under  the  Crown  a  short  time 
later,  Wraxall  was  promoted  to  a  captaincy  in  return  for  his 
services  in  the  campaign  at  Lake  George,2  and  Lord  Loudoun  told 
him,  as  he  reported  in  a  letter  to  Johnson,  that  he,  Wraxall,  had 
been  "  recommended  in  the  warmest  manner  to  him  by  Mr.  Fox, 
Calcroft,  &c.  that  he  should  be  disposed  to  do  me  any  Service  in 
his  Power."  He  also  reports  that  Pownall  "  told  me  I  must 
write  a  letter  to  My  Lord  Hallifax  for  he  had  appeared  for  me 
with  regard  to  the  Indep*.  Commission."  3 

These  extracts  show  more  clearly  than  could  any  comment 
how  important  Wraxall's  services  were  to  Sir  William  Johnson, 
and  how  highly  they  were  regarded  by  him.  "  To  the  panegyri 
cal  pen  of  Mr.  Wraxall,  and  the  —  sic  volo,  sic  jubeo  —  of  Lieut. 
Gov.  De  Lancey,  is  to  be  ascribed  that  mighty  renoun,  which 
ecchoed  thro'  the  colonies,  reverberated  to  Europe,  and  elevated 
a  raw  unexperienced  youth  into  a  kind  of  second  Marlborough." 
So  wrote  in  1757,  the  author  of  A  Review  of  the  Military  Opera- 

1  Johnson  MSS.,  p.  7 1 .    The  quarrel  between  Johnson  and  Shirley  became  hotter 
when  Shirley  returned  from  Oswego,  and  may  be  traced  in  their  letters  to  each  other 
and  Johnson's  complaints  to  the  Lords  of  Trade.    See  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  pp.  993, 
1022-1027;  vii,  pp.  3,  7,  10,  n,  13,  14,  15,  29,  35,  40,  76.     It  was  only  ended  by  the 
news  that  Shirley  had  been  superseded  by  Lord  Loudoun  in  February,  1756.     In 
the  documents  here  referred  to,  much  additional  light  is  thrown  on  the  affair  of 
Lydius,  and  the  reader  is  referred  to  them  in  further  explanation  of  the  letters  given 
above  from  the  Johnson  manuscripts.    Wraxall's  paper  referred  to  below  (p.  cxvii) 
was  written  in  the  heat  of  this  controversy,  at  Johnson's  request,  and  forwarded  to 
England.     In  an  appendix  to  it  Wraxall  has  included  the  minutes  of  an  Indian 
conference  held  at  Mount  Johnson  in  August,  1755,  m  which  the  Indians  make  some 
very  damaging  statements  against  Shirley.     N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vii,  pp.  29-31.     Be 
fore  his  recall  Shirley  was  thinking  of  appointing  Conrad  Weiser  in  Johnson's  place 
as  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs.     See  his  letter  to  Sir  Thomas  Robinson  on  the 
subject,  dated  December  20,  1755.     Correspondence  of  William  Shirley,  edited  by 
C.  H.  Lincoln,  ii,  p.  362. 

2  Johnson  MSS.,  iv,  pp.  62,  66. 

3  Letter  of  Wraxall  to  Johnson,  dated  New  York,  July  23,  1756.     Johnson  MSS., 
iv,  p.  74. 


cxvi        WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

tions  in  North  America,  sometimes  ascribed  to  William  Living 
ston,1  an  author  too  violent  in  his  partisanship  for  Shirley  to  have 
much  weight,  perhaps,  but  a  keen  if  biassed  observer  of  all  that 
went  on  in  New  York  at  that  time.  The  same  author  also  asserts 
that  it  was  Wraxall's  influence  which  had  reconciled  Johnson  and 
Delancey,2  a  very  important  statement  if  true;  and  one  by  no 
means  improbable,  for  Wraxall  during  Clinton's  last  years  as 
governor  had  apparently  been  more  friendly  to  Delancey  than  to 
Clinton.  His  counsel  in  the  Albany  clerkship  case  was  Joseph 
Murray,  one  of  Clinton's  bitterest  enemies.3 

After  the  events  of  1755  and  1756,  Wraxall's  life  was  less 
eventful.  He  continued  as  Indian  Secretary,  but  the  duties  of 
this  office  sometimes  conflicted  with  those  of  his  captaincy,  and 
he  probably  saw  no  very  active  service  in  the  field.  He  seems  to 
have  disliked  military  service,  for  which  ill  health  unfitted  him,4 
though  his  marriage  may  have  had  something  to  do  with  this 
disinclination.5 

1  P.  95.  2  P.  65.  3  Post,  p.  6. 

4  MS.  letters  of  Wraxall  to  Johnson  at  different  times. 

5  Letter  of  Johnson  to  General  Abercrombie  dated  September  16,  1757,  in  which 
he  says  Wraxall  has  orders  to  proceed  to  Albany  at  once,  but  he  takes  the  liberty  of 
keeping  him  a  day  or  two  as  he  is  surrounded  with  Indians.     Johnson  MSS.,  iv, 
p.  153.     A  letter  from  Johnson  to  Lord  Loudoun  dated  Fort  Johnson,  December 
10,  1757.     Extract,  "  I  should  be  glad  your  Lordship  would  please  to  let  me  know 
whether  I  am  to  look  upon  Mr.  Wraxall  as  Secrety  of  Indn  Affairs  any  longer,  if  not 
I  beg  Leave  to  assure  Your  Lordship  that  I  shall  be  very  much  put  to,  and  cannot 
get  any  so  well  qualified  for  that  Office,  he  having  had  the  Indn  Records  in  his 
Keeping  several  Years  read  them  thro,  and  is  very  well  acquainted  with  their  Cus 
toms  Farms,  Ete.  besides  he  has  a  peculiar  Turn  that  Way,  which  is  a  great  Advan 
tage.     Indeed  I  know  not  where  I  could  find  a  Man  in  the  least  fit  for  that  Office. 
I  hope  yr  Lordship  will  please  to  consider  of  it,  being  sensible  that  his  holding  two 
Commissions  (especially  at  this  Time)  would  not  answer,  and  knowing  his  Consti 
tution  not  equal  to  the  Fatigues  of  a  military  Life.     I  often  advised  him  to  quit  the 
Army,  which  he  seemed  very  willing  to  provided  he  had  Yr  Lordships  Leave  to  sell 
out.     If  I  did  not  think  he  could  do  His  Majesty  more  Service  as  Secretary  of  Indn. 
Affairs,  than  as  a  military  Man,  I  would  by  no  Means  offer  to  say  so  much  to  your 
Lordship  about  it  So  hope  you  will  excuse  me."     Johnson  MSS.,  iv,  p.  168.     Lord 
Loudoun's  answer,  written  from  New  York  on  December  25,  1757,  was  in  part  as 
follows:  "  As  to  Captain  Wraxall,  I  have  in  no  Shape  interfered,  with  his  executing 
his  Office  as  Secretary  to  Indian  Affairs;  You  know  he  remained  here  all  last  Winter, 
absent  from  the  Execution  of  that  Office;  as  soon  as  the  Campaign  began  he  desired 
to  return  to  his  office  of  Secretary,  and  when  the  Winter  began  to  approach,  he  left 


INTRODUCTION  cxvii 

For  the  last  year  or  two  of  his  life,  he  and  Mrs.  Wraxall  lived 
in  the  city  of  New  York,  but  he  attended  Sir  William  Johnson  as 
usual  at  the  most  important  Indian  conferences. 

The  last  record  of  an  Indian  conference  in  Wraxall's  hand  was 
dated  April,  1759.*  His  last  letter  to  Johnson  was  written  from 
New  York,  on  June  8th.2  He  died  on  July  n,  I759,3  and  was 
buried  in  Trinity  Burying  Ground  in  the  city  of  New  York.4 
Besides  the  Abridgment  printed  here,  Wraxall,  at  Johnson's 
request,  drew  up  in  1756  an  important  paper  entitled  "  Some 
Thoughts  upon  the  British  Indian  Interest  in  North  America, 
more  particularly  as  it  relates  to  The  Northern  Confederacy 
called  the  Six  Nations,"  in  which  he  refers  in  several  places  to 
this  Abridgment.  This  paper  is  printed  in  the  New  York 
Colonial  Documents,  vii,  p.  i5.5  At  his  death  he  left  unfinished 

You  and  returned  here,  With  a  plan  of  remaining  for  the  Winter  and  as  I  found  by 
the  leave  you  had  given  him,  that  you  did  not  want  him  at  present,  I  thought  it  but 
reasonable,  he  should  Assist  in  Compleating  his  Company,  which  wanted  a  great 
many  Men;  and  the  whole  difference  that  could  be  to  him  was,  —  whether  he  was 
to  live  in  one  Town  in  the  low  country  during  the  Winter,  or  in  another,  which  We, 
as  Soldiers,  do  not  consider  a  Point  of  any  great  Consequence,  and  were  I  to  go  into 
that  way  of  thinking,  that  every  officer  who  has  a  Wife,  must  live  where  She  Choses, 
we  should  have  a  strong  army  presently,  and  nerve  to  do  Duty.  —  As  to  allowing 
him  to  Sell,  it  is  so  contrary  to  the  King's  Inclinations,  that  it  is  not  fit  for  me  to 
agree  to  it;  if  by  his  Friends  in  England,  he  can  bring  that  about,  I  have  no  Objec 
tion  to  it."  Johnson  MSS.,  iv,  p.  171.  In  December,  1756,  Wraxall  married  Miss 
Elizabeth  Stilwell.  Biographical  Sketch  of  Wraxall  by  Mr.  Daniel  J.  Pratt,  in 
Proceedings  of  the  Albany  Institute,  i,  pp.  28-33.  Letters  from  Wraxall  to  Johnson 
in  Johnson  MSS. 

1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vii,  p.  386.     Apparently  the  last  known  letter  of  Johnson's 
written  in  Wraxall's  hand  was  dated  Fort  Johnson,  May  17,  1759.     Johnson  MSS., 
iv,  p.  186. 

2  Johnson  MSS.,  iv,  p.  189. 

3  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vii,  p.  433.     Several  letters  in  volumes  iv,  v,  and  xxiv  of  the 
Johnson  MSS.     The  following  entry  occurs  in  Sir  William  Johnson's  accounts: 
"  To  Peter  Wraxall  Esq.    Sallary  as  Secretary  for  Indian  Affairs  from  ye  ist  Novr. 
1758  to  the  day  he  dyed  wh  was  July  nth,  1759  216.17  if."     Johnson  MSS., 
xxvi,  p.  12. 

4  Proceedings  of  the  Albany  Institute,  i,  p.  274. 

6  "  This,"  says  Professor  Alvord,  "  is  unquestionably  the  ablest  and  best  paper 
on  the  Indian  question  written  during  this  period,  in  spite  of  the  author's  partiality 
to  Sir  William  Johnson;  and  its  influence  may  be  traced  in  all  later  communications 
and  in  the  final  construction  of  a  definite  policy."  Genesis  of  the  Proclamation  of 
1763,  pp.  12-13  (Michigan  Pioneer  and  Historical  Collections,  1908). 


cxviii      WRAXALL'S  NEW    YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

another  paper  —  "  Some  General  Thoughts  upon  the  Security, 
the  Cultivation,  and  the  Commerce  of  the  Northern  Colonies  of 
America,"  written  in  answer  to  some  queries  propounded  to  him 
by  Dean  Tucker.  Unfortunately,  this  manuscript  cannot  now 
be  traced.1 

1  Letter  from  Mrs.  Wraxall  to  Sir  William  Johnson  dated  New  York,  April  10, 
1762.  Johnson  MSS.,  v,  p.  239.  Also  other  letters  in  the  same  collection,  vi,  p. 
20;  xii,  pp.  154,  179- 


NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 


NEW  YORK   INDIAN   RECORDS 

An  Abridgment 

of  the  Records  of  Indian  Affairs  contained  in  Four  Folio  Volumes, 
transacted  in  the  Colony  of  New  York  from  the  year  1678  to  the 
Year  1751. 

Introduction 


One  of  the  prevailing  Motives  for  my  engaging  in  this  Collec 
tion,  was  a  Desire  of  manefesting  my  Zeal  for  the  Welfare  of  the 
British  Dominions  in  North  America,  which  from  their  first 
Establishment  have  borne,  still  continue  to  bear  &  will  continue 
to  bear  a  very  great  Dependance  upon  our  Behaviour  to  &  Trans 
actions  with  the  Indians  of  this  Continent. 

I  was  further  animated  to  this  Undertaking,  by  my  Duty  & 
Gratitude  to  His  present  Most  Gracious  Majesty,  who  has  been 
pleased  to  confer  upon  me  the  Office  which  placed  these  Records 
in  my  possession,  believing  that  such  a  Compendium  of  the 
Indian  Affairs,  from  the  earliest  Records  to  the  latest,  might  aid 
His  Majesty's  Administration  in  proposing  &  persuing  Methods 
for  the  Security  &  Prosperity  of  the  North  American  Colonies; 
This  I  am  persuaded  every  Judicious  Patriot  &  Politician  is  or 
will  be  convinced,  must  contribute  to  the  Dignity,  the  Strength 
&  Riches  of  their  Mother  Country. 

The  Difficulties  I  foresaw  &  the  Fatigues  I  underwent  in 
compleating  these  Abstracts,  gave  place  to  my  Ambitious  Hopes 
They  might  receive  the  Approbation  of  That  Noble  Lord, 
whose  Station  in  His  Majesties'  Administration  pointed  Him 
out  as  the  principal  Object  for  whose  perusal  these  Papers  should 
be  Designed.  When  to  this  I  added  my  Opinion  of  his  Genius 
as  a  (p.  2)  Statesman  &  the  Patriot  Disposition  of  his  Heart, 
joined  to  my  own  Experience  of  his  Humanity,  his  Understand- 


4  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

ing  &  Candor,  Labor  ceased  to  be  irksome  &  I  went  thro  the  Toil 
with  Alacrity.  For  I  found  these  Records  tho  Bound  up  in  Four 
Folio  Volumes,  containing  near  500  Pages  each,  far  from  being 
put  together  in  a  regular  Succession  of  Time  —  Some  part  of 
Them  were  wrote  in  the  Low  Dutch  Language  which  I  luckily 
understanding,  was  my  own  Translator  —  the  writing  in  general 
was  very  bad  with  many  Blots  &  Erasements  &  in  some  places 
so  Disguised  as  cost  me  many  hours  to  Decypher. 

The  Plan  I  laid  down  in  this  Abridgment,  was  to  exhibit  a 
View  of  the  Transactions  of  this  Colony  with  the  Indians  depend 
ing  thereon,  as  explicitly  as  the  Nature  of  an  Abridgment  &  the 
state  of  the  Records  would  permit,  at  the  same  time  I  have 
endeavored  to  be  as  concise  &  Methodical  as  my  Abilities  & 
Materials  would  alow. 

I  intended  these  Papers  for  Buisness  not  Amusement;  I  have 
omitted  nothing  that  I  know  of  which  in  my  Judgment  appeared 
necessary  to  that  Design.  I  have  transcribed  everything  with 
that  rigorous  Exactness  &  as  much  in  the  very  words  of  the 
Records  as  the  Nature  of  an  Abridgment  would  permit.  I  have 
therefore  (p.  3)  been  utterly  regardless  of  adorning  my  stile, 
aiming  at  nothing  more,  than  to  be  a  Faithful  &  Intelligible 
Abridger  [Transcriber]. 

All  the  Proceedings  of  the  French  which  appeared  to  me  to 
be  of  any  Importance,  I  have  extracted,  And  I  apprehend  They 
may  in  many  Instances,  serve  as  a  useful  Contrast,  in  Others 
(if  not  too  late)  as  a  friendly  Alarm,  and  rouse  up  that  serious 
Attention  &  provoke  to  those  Vigorous  Precautions,  which  if 
not  timely  taken,  will  probably  produce  a  fatal  &  unavailing 
Repentance. 

I  was  tempted,  &  I  have  not  resisted,  to  throw  in  some  Reflec 
tions  of  my  own  by  way  of  Notes.  They  are  in  general  very 
Short  hints,  for  some  of  which  I  have  that  Partiality  as  to  hope, 
they  may  assist  [lead]  the  Penetration  of  the  Noble  Lord  to  whose 
perusal  &  disposal  these  Papers  are  humbly  submitted,  in  a 
Train  of  Thought  wch  may  tend  to  promote  the  Prosperity  & 
Security  of  these  Colonies.  Tho  I  think  the  Reflections  in  these 
Strictures  upon  the  People  of  Albany  quite  just,  yet  if  these 


WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  5 

Papers  were  designed  for  the  Public,  I  should  have  thought  it 
Prudent  to  have  suppressed  my  honest  Indignation.  Such  as 
are  much  better  accquainted  with  those  People  than  I  am,  draw 
their  Character  in  blacker  colors,  but  doubtless  there  have  been 
&  are  many  Exceptions  —  for  my  own  part  I  know  few. 

The  Dress  of  these  Papers  require  an  Apology.  I  would  have 
copied  them  fair  over  &  wrote  them  in  the  best  manner  I  was  able, 
but  this  is  so  critical  a  Juncture  with  regard  to  the  Indian  Affairs 
upon  the  Continent,  that  I  was  unwilling  to  delay  transmitting 
them  by  the  first  Opportunity  after  they  were  finished.  I  did 
intend  (p.  4)  to  have  added  some  Things  by  way  of  Appendix, 
but  as  that  Design  would  have  taken  up  a  great  deal  of  Time, 
in  searching  Papers  &  obtaining  Informations  &c  I  was  unwilling 
to  suffer  the  Delay.  — 

Tis  true  I  could  have  got  the  Quires  wrote  over  fair,  as  fast  as 
I  finished  them,  but  that  would  have  been  an  Expense,  wch  if 
these  Papers  should  be  thought  worthy  of  Daserving,  would 

have  fallen  too  heavy  upon  me And  I  hope  it  will  not  be 

thought  a  culpable  Impertinence,  if  I  here  subjoin  a  very  general 
state  of  my  present  Circumstances. 

I  am  appointed  by  His  Majestie's  Signet  &  Royal  Sign  Manual, 
Secretary  or  Agent  for  Indian  Affairs  for  this  Government,  to 
which  is  annexed  by  the  Kings  Command  in  the  said  Sign  Manual 
the  Annual  Salary  of  £100  Sterg  directed  to  be  paid  me  out  of 
Moneys  raised  by  this  Province  for  the  Support  of  Gov*  —  but 
as  the  Monies  raised  here  are  all  appropriated  &  that  from  year 
to  year,  to  Persons  by  Name  acting  in  Offices,  None  has  been  & 
I  dont  expect  any  ever  will  be  to  me;  And  I  have  been  confirmed 
in  this  Opinion  by  the  Leading  Men  of  this  Colony.  However 
upon  the  present  Lieu*  Govr  Mr  DeLancey8  entering  into  the 
Administration,  I  presented  him  a  Memorial,  praying  that  he 
would  lay  His  Majesties  Commands  in  my  favour  before  the 
Assembly;  but  he  declined  it  &  told  me  that  until  they  complied 
with  the  Kings  other  Instructions  it  would  be  in  vain  &  only  put 
them  out  of  humour. 

So  that  I  have  no  other  Salary  than  £65  Sterg  p  Annum 
granted  me  as  a  Benevolence  by  His  Majesties  Warrant  upon 


6  W RAX  ALL1  S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

the  Receiver  Gen1  of  the  Quit  Rents  here  &  wch  is  very  ill  paid 
me.  Out  of  this  Sume  I  give  £6  Ster8  p  Annum  to  a  Deputy  for 
the  Commissrs  at  Albany  who  are  (p.  5)  paid  by  the  Province 
but  no  Allowance  made  for  a  Secretary.  I  am  likewise  obliged 
to  Attend  the  Gov"  up  to  Albany  as  often  as  they  hold  any  Con 
ferences  with  the  Indians,  at  my  own  expense,  which  at  a  Mode 
rate  Calculation  is  about  £12  Ster8  p  Annum.  There  are  no 
kind  of  Perquisites  belonging  to  this  Office. 

His  Majesty  in  the  aforesaid  Signet  &  Royal  Sign  Manual, 
confered  on  me  also  the  Town  Clerkship  of  Albany  but  this 
Office  the  late  Govr  Clinton,  tho  it  was  an  Office  in  the  immediate 
Gift  of  the  Crowrn  by  the  Charter  of  Albany,  sold  before  my 
Arrival  to  another  Person  for  £300  —  this  Curry  &  gave  him  a 
Patent  for  the  same  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province  during 
Good  Behaviour.1 

A  full  state  of  my  Case  as  to  this  Affair,  I  transmitted  to  the 
Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Hallifax,  and  flattered  myself 
with  the  Interposition  of  the  Administration  on  my  Behalf;  but 
having  waited  near  Two  years  without  any  Redress,  I  did  some 
Months  ago  commence  a  Suit  at  Law  against  the  Possessor  of  the 
aforesaid  Office.  A  Special  Verdict  was  found  &  all  the  Facts 
set  forth  in  the  said  State  of  my  Case. 

But  such  a  Scene  of  Law  &  Appeals  are  laid  open  to  me  as 
may  probably  last  these  Twenty  years,  if  I  will  carry  it  on,  but 
unless  His  Majesty  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  grant  (p.  6)  me 
Money  to  defend  His  undoubted  Prerogative  &  my  Claim  wch  in 
this  Case  are  strictly  united,  I  must  give  it  up.  If  this  Special 
Verdict  goes  against  me  as  I  have  reason  to  fear  from  the  late 

1  this  Fact  was  lately  proved  in  open  Court  upon  Oath  by  Mr  Holland  (One  of  His 
Majesties  Council!)  who  paid  the  sd  sume  to  Mr  Clinton  with  £28  to  Dr  Ascough 
the  Govrs  Secretary.  When  my  Council  pleaded  the  Statute  of  Ed.  6.  in  the  Case. 
The  Council  f  on  the  other  side  sd  in  open  Court  that  for  what  we  knew  Mr  Clinton 
might  have  paid  this  money  to  The  King,  w°h  passed  without  any  notice  from  the 
Judges  on  the  Bench,  &  when  Mr  Murray  my  Council  took  notice  of  the  Absurdity 
&  Indecency  of  the  Reflection,  One  of  the  Judges  on  the  Bench  (Mr  Chambers  also 
one  of  the  Council)  said  if  not  to  the  King,  yet  perhaps  to  some  of  his  Ministers. 
And  the  sd  Chambers  during  the  whole  Trial  showed  such  a  Biass  on  the  side  of  my 
Antagonist,  as  greatly  shocked  many  of  the  Audience.  fMr  Smith  also  one  of  the 
Council 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  7 

Public  Behaviour  of  one  of  the  Judges  (there  are  but  Two)  I 
shall  have  £200  costs  to  pay.     My  contest  with  Mr  Clinton  in 
this  Affair  has  already  put  me  to  an  Expense  of  above  £600 
Ster* 
I  conclude  with  most  humbly  ofering  the  following  Queries. 

1.  As  the  Colony  dos  not,  &  most  probably  will  not  alow  me 
the  £100  Sterg  for  my  Office  of  Indian  Secretary:  Whether  His 
Majesty  will  be  Graciously  pleased  to  Order  it  me  by  His  Warrant 
out  of  the  Quit  Rents  of  this  Province  ? 

2.  Whether  I  am  obliged  as  the  Colony  makes  no  Provision 
for  me,  to  keep  a  Deputy  at  Albany  or  act  under  Commissra  paid 
by  them  ? 

3.  Whether  I  am  not,  as  receiving  no  pay  from  the  Province 
to  be  considered  as  His  Majesties  Secretary  for  Indian  Affairs, 
and  that  the  Commiss"  &  all  other  Officers  in  the  Pay  of  the 
Province  be  obliged  to  transmit  to  me  Copies  of  all  their  Pro 
ceedings  relating  to  Indian  Affairs,  to  be  recorded  ? 

4.  Whether  considering  the  Secretary  of  Indian  Affairs  as 
His  Majestys  Officer,  he  should  not  countersign  all  public  Acts 
of  Gov*  Sale  of  Lands  by  the  Indians  &c  relating  to  Indian 
Affairs,  And  be  considered  &  treated  by  the  Govr  or  Commander 
in  Chief  in  all  Indian  Matters  as  the  Nature  of  such  an  Office 
seems  to  require  ?     This  is  by  no  means  the  case  at  present  & 
the  said  Secretary  seems  industriously  to  be  kept  in  as  total 
Ignorance  of  all  Indian  Matters  &  Transactions  as  the  most 
Indiff*  Spectator  in  the  Province. 

(P.  7.)  5.  Whether  the  said  Office  may  not  be  put  under  a 
new  Regulation  in  many  other  particulars,  more  honourable  to 
the  Crown  as  being  Its  immediate  Appointment  &  more  useful 
for  the  public  Service  ?  And  whether  the  Secrry  for  Indian 
Affairs  should  not  receive  some  Instructions  in  His  Majestys 
Name  as  general  Rules  for  his  Conduct  ? 

New  York  ioth  May  1754. 
p  Q  Peter  Wraxall. 

.L   .O. 

In  the  perusal  of  the  following  Papers  it  will  be  useful  to  consult 
the  Maps  &  Accounts  of  Pere  Charlevoix3  Histoire  de  Nouvelle 


8  W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

France.1  Chart  published  by  Jefferies.2  Map  prefixed  to  Dr 
Coldens  History  of  the  Five  Nations.3  With  Poppli's  Maps 4  - 
tho  I  have  met  with  none  wch  can  be  depended  on  as  to  the  Inland 
parts  of  the  Continent.  I  am  informed  the  best  Draughts  wch 
can  be  obtained  here  have  been  Transmitted  To  the  Right 
Honble  the  Earl  of  Halifax.  I  woud  otherwise  have  Annexed 
one  I  have  by  me  — 

(P.  i.)     From  Indian  Records  Vol.  N°  i. 

Extract  from  the  Propasions  made  to  the  Commandant  & 
Commissaries  at  Albany  by  the  Sennekas  who  were  sent  in 
the  Name  &  Behalf  of  all  the  Indians  Westward.  Done  in  the 
Court  House  of  Albany  21  March  [1777/8]  say  1677/78 

We  are  come  to  see  &  speak  with  you  and  to  renew  our  former 
Covenant  made  with  this  Government. 

We  rehearse  again  that  we  are  sent  by  all  the  Castles  West 
ward,  hoping  that  the  Sun  may  never  Shine  over  them  but  in 
Peace. 

We  desire  that  you  will  send  these  5  Bevers  to  the  Govr  of 
Maryland,  accquainting  him  that  we  will  keep  the  Covenant 
made  betwixt  him  &  us  Inviolable.  - 

Art.  ii.  They  say.  We  are  all  One  —  One  Heart,  One  Head 
&  the  Peace  is  made  so  Strong  that  it  cannot  be  broken. 

12.  It  is  Resolved  in  our  Country,  that  we  should  come  here 
in  the  Gov1  Town  to  renew  &  strengthen  the  Gov*  Chain. 

24.  We  do  give  Priviledge  to  all  Nations  under  the  Covenant 
Mehikanders 5  &  others  to  come  to  our  Land,  therefore  we  desire 
the  same  Liberty  to  come  amongst  the  Xts  in  Peace  &  Quietness.— 

1  Histoire  et  Description  Generate  de  la  Nouvclle  France,  Paris,  1 744.  —  ED. 

2  Thomas  Jefferys,  the  well-known  London  cartographer.     The  chart  referred 
to  must  have  been  that  accompanying  his  Conduct  of  the  French  with  regard  to 
Nova  Scotia,  the  only  work  of  his  published  as  early  as  1 754.     See  Dictionary  of 
National  Biography;  Winsor.     Narrative  and  Critical  History,  v,  pp.  480-482.  —  ED. 

3  This  map  accompanies  the  enlarged  London  editions  of  Colden's  book  which 
had  appeared  in  1747  and  1750.  —  ED. 

4  Henry  Popple's  detailed  Map  of  the  British  Empire  in  America,  with  the  French 
and  Spanish  Settlements  adjacent  thereto  first  appeared  in  1732.     It  was  reissued  in 
1733  and  1740.     Winsor,  op.  cit.,  v,  pp.  81,  486.  —  ED. 

6  Hudson  River  Indians  who  are  now  in  a  great  measure  dispersed  &  have  lost 
their  Courage  &  Influence. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  9 

The  Treaty  of  Unity,  Peace  &  Friendship  was  renewed  & 
assured  to  Them  by  the  Commissioners. 

[An  Embassy]  Deputation  from  the  Onnondagas  by  their 
Sachems  at  the  Court  House  of  Albany  the  23  Sepr  1678.  On 
the  Arrival  of  a  New  Govr  General.1 

They  renew  the  Covenant  of  Peace  &  Friendship  &c.  A 
Present  is  made  them  from  the  Govr  General  &  the  Cov*  renewed 
in  his  Name  by  the  Commiss"  - 

(P.  2.)     Court  House  at  Albany  the  15  Febry  1678/9. 

A  Deputation  from  the  Onneidas  by  several  of  their  Sachems 
to  the  Commandant  &  Commissra  at  Albany  — 

The  Subject  was  upon  some  Disturbances  wch  had  happened 
thro  some  Evil  minded  Persons  at  Schenachtegee.  They  say  in 
their  Speech  viz.  "  And  whereas  we  are  all  to  the  Westward, 
quite  from  the  Sennekas  to  New  York  under  One  Government 
&c" 

The  Answer  made  them  concluded  thus 

"  Concerning  the  Covenant  Chain  the  Bretheren  need  not 
doubt  but  the  Govr  General  will  act  his  part  so  long  as  you  com 
port  your  selves  well." 

The  1 7 th.  The  Onneidas  made  Answer  to  Sr  Edmond  Andres's 
Message  ab*  some  Maryland  Prisoners  in  wch  they  Stile  him  their 
Father  &  acknowledge  themselves  his  Children. 

A  Deputation  from  the  Onneidas  by  sundry  of  their  Sachems 
to  the  Cornm*  &  Commiss"  at  Albany  the  24th  May  1679.  - 

In  their  Speech  they  say  —  "  Whereas  Corlaer  (a  name  for  the 
Govr)  "  governs  the  whole  Land  from  New  York  to  Albany  & 
from  thence  to  the  Sennekas  Land,  we  being  his  Subjects  shall 
faithfully  keep  the  Cov*  Chain." 

At  the  Court  House  of  Albany  21  July  1679. 
Pres*  Sr  Edmond  Andros  Govr  &  Others. 

A  Deputation  of  the  Three  Tribes  of  the  Mohawks. 

They  acknowledge  themselves  to  be  under  this  Governm* 
renew  the  Chain  of  Peace  &  Friendship  —  They  Say  they  are 
going  to  Cannada  to  talk  to  the  Govr  —  On  this  Head  in  the 

1  Sr  Edmond  Andros. 


10  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Govrs  [Answer  he  tells  them.  You  are  free  to  go  to  Canada  or 
where  you]  think  proper,  but  you  are  free  like  all  the  other 
Indians  under  this  Gov*  &  the  French  have  no  Authority  over 
you.  — 

(P.  3.)     Albany  Court  House  31  July  1684 
Prisint 

The  Right  Honble  Francis  Lord  Howard  Govr  of  Virginia  &c. 
The  Honble  Col  Thomas  Dongan  Govr  of  New  York  for  His  Royal 
Highness  The  Duke  of  York.  And  Several  other  Gentleman 

A  Deputation  of  Sachems  from  the  Mohawks,  Oneydas,  Onnan- 
dagas  &  Cayouges. 

The  Chief  Subject  of  this  Meeting  was  to  bury  the  Ax  &  make 
a  firm  &  lasting  Peace  between  the  Virginia  &  Maryland  Indians 
&  the  aforesaid  Nations,  wch  was  sollemnly  Effected  &  agreed 
to.  - 

The  Above  4  Nations  of  Indians  in  a  Speech  they 
Made  to  Govr  Dongan  requested  they  might  have  the  Duke  of 
Yorks  Arms  to  put  up  at  each  of  their  Castles  as  a  mark  of  their 
Affection  &  Attachment. 

Govr  Dongan  spoke  as  follows  to  the  4  Nations 

That  there  be  a  good  Understanding  betwixt  your  Selves,  and 
if  there  be  any  Difference  to  accquaint  me  &  I  will  compose  it, 
and  that  you  make  no  Covenant  &  Agreement  with  the  French 
or  any  other  Nation  without  my  knowledge  &  Approbation. 
And  that  they  say  the  same  to  the  Sennekas.  And  I  do  give 
you  the  Great  Duke  of  Yorks  Arms  to  put  upon  each  of  the 
Castles  as  a  Sign  that  you  are  under  this  Government. 

The  Mohawks  during  the  above  meeting  offered  to  Govr 
Dongan  for  the  use  &  Service  of  the  Christians  a  Tract  of  Land 
belonging  to  them,  wch  by  Minutes  Dated  the  first  of  Aug*  the 
Govr  accepted  &  gave  them  for  the  same  sundry  goods  therein 
Specified,  &  the  Copy  of  a  Deed  is  recorded,  bearing  Date  the 
i  day  of  Aug*  1684.  from  the  Mohawk  Indians  to  Govr  Dungan  to 
his  heirs  &  assigns  forever,  of  a  Tract  or  parcell  of  Land  sittuated 
upon  the  Mohawk  River,  beginning  where  (p.  4)  the  Bounds  & 
Limits  of  Schenecktady  ends  at  a  Place  called  by  the  Natives 
Cagguwarrioene  &  so  runing  up  both  sides  of  the  River  to  a 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  II 

Creek  or  Kiln  called  &  known  by  the  name  of  Ottnawadase  1 
together  with  all  the  Pasture  Meadows,  Trees,  Timber  &c.  - 
(The  Preamble  of  the  Deed  says  we  the  underwritten  Maquasse 
Sachems  in  consideration  &c  but  no  Signatures  or  Names  appear 
to  be  signed  in  the  Record). 

Albany  2d  August  1684.  - 

A  Speech  of  the  Onnondages  &  Cajouga  Sachems  made  in  the 
Court  House  at  Albany  to  Col1  Tho3  Dongan  Govr  of  New  York 
in  the  Presence  of  Lord  Effingham  Howard  Govr  of  Virginia 
(Traslated  from  this  Vol  of  the  Records  from  the  Low  Dutch 
Language  by  Peter  Wraxall.) 

Brother  Corlaer 

You  are  a  Mighty  Sachem  &  we  but  a  Small  People. 
When  the  English  first  came  to  New  York  to  Virginia  &  Mary 
land,  they  were  but  a  small  People  &  we  a  large  Nation;  &  we 
finding  they  were  good  People  gave  them  Land  &  dealt  Civilly  by 
them;  Now  that  that  you  are  grown  Numerous  &  we  decreased, 
you  must  Protect  us  from  the  French,  wch  if  you  dont  we  shall 
loose  all  our  Hunting  &  Bevers:  The  French  want  all  the  Bevers 
&  are  Angry  that  we  bring  any  to  the  English. 

We  have  put  all  our  Land  &  our  Persons  under  the  Protection 
of  the  Great  Duke  of  York  Bror  to  your  Mighty  Sachem.  The 
Susquahanna  River  wch  we  won  with  our  Sword  [by  our  Sweat], 
we  have  given  to  this  Government;  And  we  desire  it  may  be  a 
Branch  of  that  Great  Tree  wch  is  Planted  here,  whose  Top  reaches 
to  the  Sun  &  under  whose  Branches  We  Shelter  our  Selves  from 
the  French  or  any  other  Enemy:  Our  Fire  burns  in  your  Houses 
&  (p.  5)  Your  Fire  in  Ours  &  we  desire  it  may  ever  so  continue. 

We  will  not  consent  that  the  Great  Penn's  People  should 
settle  on  the  Susquahanna  River;  Our  Young  Warriors  [Soldiers] 
are  like  the  the  Wolves  of  the  Forrest  as  you  Great  Sachem  of 
Virginia  know,  besides,  we  have  no  other  Land  to  leave  our 
Wives  &  Children.  — 

1  This  may  be  Nowadaga  Creek,  a  small  stream  which  rises  a  few  miles  south 
of  the  Mohawk  and  empties  into  that  river  a  few  miles  below  Little  Falls  in  Herki- 
mer  County.  —  ED. 


12  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

We  have  submitted  our  Selves  to  the  Great  Sachem  Charles 
who  liveth  on  the  other  side  of  the  Great  Lake,  And  we  now  give 
you  in  token  thereof  Two  white  Buckskins  to  be  sent  to  him, 
that  He  may  write  &  put  a  great  Red  Seal  thereto,  that  we  put 
under  the  Protection  of  the  Great  Duke  of  York,  the  Susquahanna 
River  above  the  Wasaghta  or  Falls  together  with  all  the  rest  of 
our  Lands  &  to  no  one  else.  Our  Brothers  his  People  are  as 
Fathers  to  our  Wives  &  Children  &  gave  us  Bread  in  the  time  of 
Need,  And  we  will  neither  give  up  our  Selves  nor  our  Lands  to 
any  other  Government  than  this.  And  We  desire  that  Corlaer 
(the  Govr)  will  transmit  these  our  Resolutions  to  the  Great 
Sachem  Charles  who  lives  over  the  Great  Lake,  with  this  [String] 
Belt  of  Wampum  &  this  Smaller  one  to  the  Duke  of  York  his 
Brother,  &  we  present  you  Corlaer  with  a  Bever  Skin  that  you 
may  fulfill  our  request. 

And  We  let  you  know  O  Great  Man  of  Virginia  (meaning  Ld 
Effingham)  that  Great  Penn  spoke  to  us  in  this  House  by  his 
Agents,  and  begged  us  to  sell  him  the  Susquahanna  River,  but 
we  would  not  listen  to  him,  having  already  annexed  it  to  this 
Governm*  &  we  desire  that  you  will  bear  Testimony  of  what  we 
have  now  said  &  do  now  again  confirm,  wch  We  desire  you  will 
let  the  Great  Sachem  over  the  Great  Lake  know,  And  also  that 
we  are  a  Free  People  &  unite  our  Selves  (p.  6)  to  the  English, 
and  it  is  therefore  in  our  Power  to  dispose  of  our  Land  to  whom 
we  think  proper,  and  We  present  you  with  a  Bever.1  - 

Court  House  at  Albany 
Present  Ld  Howard  5  Aug1  1684  - 

Govr  Dongan 
&  other  Gentn 

The  Sennekas  answered  a  Speech  of  Col  Dongans  wch  is  not 
recorded,  but  by  their  Answer  contained  some  Complaints  the 
Govr  of  Canada  had  made  against  them  for  Robbing  some  French 
Subjects  —  they  Answer  that  whilst  the  French  Govr  stiled 
himself  their  Father  &  called  them  his  Children  his  People  & 

1  This  Land  lays  within  Mr  Pens  Grant  a  great  part  of  w0*1  he  hath  since  pur 
chased  from  the  6  Nations.  — 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  13 

himself  supplied  their  Enemies  with  Amunition  to  destroy  them, 
&  catching  the  French  carrying  some,  they  took  it  from  them. 
In  the  Course  of  their  Speech  they  thanked  the  Govr  for  the 
Duke  of  Yorks  Arms  wch  he  sent  them,  They  apply  to  him  for 
his  Protection  of  them  against  the  French,  acknowledging  him 
to  be  the  Govr  of  their  Country  &  themselves  under  his  Com 
mand.  — 

Albany  the  5  Aug*  1684  in  the  Even8 

My  Lord  Effingham  having  made  his  Speech  to  the  Sennekas 
wch  is  not  recorded,  they  made  their  Answer.  They  consent  to 
bury  the  Ax  &  make  a  perpetual  Peace  with  the  Virginia  &  Mary 
land  Indians  &  return  their  Dutiful  thanks  to  Govr  Dongan  for 
his  Mediatorship. 

In  the  conclusion  of  their  Speech  they  address  themselves  to 
Govr  Dongan  &  say,  that  the  other  Nations  from  the  Mohawks 
to  the  Cayugas  having  given  up  to  the  Government  of  New  York 
the  Susquahannah  River  &  All  that  Country  [the  Land  as  before 
Specified],  they  do  confirm  the  same,  &  in  token  thereof  (accord 
ing  to  the  Indian  Custom)  they  make  presents  thereupon  - 
At  the  Court  House  in  Albany  the  5th  day  of  Augfc  1687.  - 

(P.  7.)  An  Excellent  Speech  of  Govr  Dongan's  to  the  5  Na 
tions  who  were  at  Warr  with  the  French  — 

1.  he  tells  them  they  bro*  this  Warr  on  themselves  by  entering 
into  a  Correspondance  with  the  French  without  his  knowledge 
or  Consent  wch  as  Subjects  of  His  Britannick  Majesty  they  ought 
not  to  have  done. 

2.  he  advises  them  to  elect  One  or  Two  of  their  wisest  Sachems 
&  one  or  two  Chief  Warriors  of  each  Nation  to  be  a  Council 
to  manage  all  the  Affairs  of  the  War,  for  by  taking  all  their 
Measures  &  Designs  in  public  meetings  they  are  liable  to  be 
betrayed.     Also  to  advertise  him  of  their  Scheemes  by  a  trusty 
Messinger. 

3.  To   Strengthen   themselves  by  an  Alliance   Offensive   & 
Defensive  with  the  Ottowaws  &  Twich  Twicks  l  &  the  farther 
Indians,  lay  the  Path  open  for  them  to  come  &  trade  with  us, 
when  they  will  have  every  thing  cheaper  than  from  the  French. 

1  The  Twightwees  or  Miamis  of  Ohio.  —  ED. 


14  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

4.  To  Open  a  safe  Path  for  the  Northern  Indians  &  Mehikan- 
ders  who  are  at  Ottowawa  to  come  home  &  the  Govr  would  use 
his  best  Endeav™  to  assist 

5.  To  send  Messengers  in  the  Name  of  all  the  5  Nations  to 
invite  the  Christian  Indians  at  Canada  to  come  home  to  their 
Native  Country. 

6.  Not  to  keep  their  Corn  in  their  Castles  but  bury  it  some 
where  in  the  Woods  &  that  few  People  may  know  where  it  is. 

7.  Not  to  suffer  any  French  Priest  among  them,  for  One  that 
was  at  Onnondaga  discovered  to  the  French  every  thing  that 
passed  among  them. 

8.  That  the  Cheifs  keep  their  People  Sober  — 

(N.B.  I  find  no  Answer  recorded  to  this  Excellent 
Speech) 

(P.  8.)  From  this  last  Speech  of  Govr  Dongans  to  the  2d  of 
June  1691.  I  cannot  find  any  Govors  Speech  or  meeting  with 
the  Indians  Recorded,  the  intermediate  Space  of  Time  in  the 
Records  is  filled  up  with  Transactions  between  the  Magistrates 
of  Albany  &  the  Indians;  in  some  parts  They  are  entituled  the 
Convention  of  Albany. 

The  Indians  carried  on  a  War  against  the  French  &  sent 
several  Deputations  to  Albany  to  invite  us  into  the  same,  They 
were  answered  that  a  Revolution  had  happened  in  England  & 
that  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  upon  the  Throne  who  was  a  Pro 
fessed  Enemy  to  the  French  King  &  therefore  we  expected  a  New 
Govr  to  arrive  with  a  Declaration  of  war  against  the  French.  - 

The  3  Febry  1689.  There  is  a  full  Ace*  of  a  Grand  Meeting 
of  the  5  Nations  at  Onnondaga,  to  wch  it  is  said  the  Convention 
of  Albany  sent  Arnout  the  Interpreter  &  one  Saunders  together 
with  Two  Indians  to  lay  before  the  Assembly  the  Proposals  of  the 
Convention.  At  this  Meeting  were  also  Two  Cayuoga  Indians 
who  were  carried  Prisoners  to  France  &  a  Praying  Onnondagu 
Indian  in  the  French  Interest. 

These  Last  spoke  to  the  Assembly  in  behalf  of  the  French  & 
invited  &  exhorted  the  5  Nations  to  meet  the  Govr  of  Canada 
next  Spring  at  Cadaraqui 1  &  to  enter  into  an  Alliance  with 
him  — 

1  Now  Kingston,  Ont.  —  ED. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  1 5 

Next  Spoke  the  Indians  in  the  Name  of  the  Convention  of 
Albany  whose  Instructions  consisted  of  6  Articles  That  the 
Coalition  of  the  5  Nations  with  this  Government  as  Subject  to 
the  Great  King  of  England,  so  Solemnly,  so  long  &  so  often 
acknowledged  by  them,  [will  not]  doth  not  give  them  the  Power 
to  enter  into  any  Treaties  with  the  French  against  our  Consent, 
&  that  such  a  proceeding  would  be  Traiterous  &  Disloyal.  - 
That  They  are  (p.  9)  Subjects  of  the  King  of  England,  that  the 
French  being  His  Enemies,  &  the  Declaration  of  War  against  the 
French  so  long  expected  being  now  arrived,  Should  the  5  Nations 
now  agree  to  a  Cessation  of  Arms  or  make  a  Treaty  of  Peace 
with  the  French,  the  King  of  England  will  consider  it  as  throwing 
off  their  Allegiance  to  him,  &  dissolving  the  Bond  of  Union  wch 
hath  so  long  subsisted  &  been  so  often  renewed  in  the  most  solemn 
Manner  between  this  Gov*  &  the  5  Nations  —  &c.  &c. 

The  Sennekas  Spoke  next,  They  gave  the  Assembly  an  Account, 
that  they  had  entered  into  a  Treaty  of  Peace  &  Alliance  with  the 
Wagenhaer  l  Nation  of  Indians  in  behalf  of  themselves  the  Other 
4  Nations  &  this  Gov*  &  that  the  Three  Wagenhaers  were  now 
present  to  ratify  the  same.  This  was  accordingly  accepted  on 
all  sides.  The  Wagenhaers  promised  to  use  their  best  endeavours 
to  bring  the  Jenendadees  2  &  Ottowawaes  into  the  Alliance.  — 

An  Onnondaga  Sachem  then  rose  up  &  said  —  Bretheren  — 
We  must  govern  our  Selves  by  the  Propositions  from  the  Con 
vention  of  Albany,  &  look  on  the  French  with  Enmity,  They  are 
our  Enemies  &  Deceitful.  — 

The  Speeker  for  the  whole  Assembly  then  Addressed  himself 
to  Arnout  our  Interpreter  &  desired  him  to  lay  before  the  As 
sembly  the  Instructions  he  bro*  from  Alby  This  he  did  —  They 
then  all  consulted  together,  &  the  said  Speaker  in  behalf  of  the 
whole  said.  They  were  all  determined  to  preserve  their  Coalition 
with  us  &  to  make  War  upon  the  French  of  Canada  —  and  said, 
We  are  very  Glad  to  hear  our  King  (meaning  the  King  of  Engd) 
hath  declared  War  against  the  French  &  that  a  new  Govr  is  soon 
expected. 

1  One  of  the  Uttuwawa  Nations. 

2  The  Dionondadies  or  Tobacco  Nation,  allies  of  the  Hurons,  living  south  of 
Georgian  Bay.     See  Parkman,  Jesuits  in  North  America,  Introduction.  —  ED. 


1 6  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

The  Speaker  then  Addressed  himself  in  behalf  of  the  whole 
Assembly  to  the  Deputies  from  the  Govr  of  (p.  10)  Canada  & 
told  them,  The  Five  Nations  were  detirmined  not  to  meet  him 
at  Cadaraquie,  That  they  would  make  no  Peace  with  him,  but 
took  up  the  Ax  against  him  —  they  accquainted  him  that  had 
made  a  Peace  with  the  Wagenhaes  —  The  Assembly  then  broke 
up. 

Albany  2d  day  of  June  1691.  - 
Extracts  from  the 

Answer  of  the  Oneydas,  Onnondagas,  Cayouga  &  Sennekas  by 
their  Sachems  to  His  Excelly  Col.  Henry  Slaughters  Speech 
(wch  I  do  not  find  Recorded) .  - 

You  accquainted  us  that  you  were  sent  by  their  Majestys  of 
England  to  Govern  this  Province.  We  are  glad  that  you  are 
safe  arrived  &  that  we  have  a  Govr  again. 

We  have  been  informed  by  our  Forefathers,  that  in  former 
times  a  Ship  arrived  here  in  this  Country,  wch  was  matter  of 
Great  Admiration  to  us,  especially  our  desire  was  to  know  what 
should  be  within  her  Belly.  In  that  Ship  were  Christians  & 
amongst  the  rest  One  Jaques  with  whom  we  made  a  Covenant  of 
Friendship,  which  Covenant  hath  since  been  tyed  together  with 
a  Chain,  &  always  been  kept  inviolable  both  by  the  Bretheren 
&  us,  in  which  Covenant  it  was  agreed,  that  whosoever  should 
hurt  or  prejudice  the  One,  should  be  guilty  of  injuring  the  Other, 
all  of  us  being  comprehended  in  One  Common  League. 

(in  testimony  here  of  they  gave  a  Bever  Skin) 

You  have  made  a  Covenant  with  us  wherein  they  of  Boston  & 
Virginia  are  included. 

Your  Excelly  is  the  Great  Govr  of  this  Country,  you  command 
the  Christians  &  us  too. 

(P.  ii.)  Albany  the  4th  of  June  1691.  — The  Mohawk  Indians 
accquainted  Govr  [Fletcher]  Slaughter,  that  some  of  their  Nation 
had  been  to  Cannada  &  spoke  with  the  Govr  there  who  was  very 
desirous  that  the  5  Nations  should  make  a  lasting  Peace  with  his 
Praying  Indians,  &  had  sent  by  them  (the  Mohawks)  a  Belt  of 
Wampum  to  Corlaer  the  Govr  of  the  Mohawks  &  the  rest  of  the 
5  Nations  to  consent  to  &  make  Peace  with  his  Praying  Indians. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  17 

And  they  desire  Now  to  know  of  the  Govr  what  they  Shall  do 
upon  this  Occasion  — 

His  Excelly  answered  to  all  the  5  Nations.  That  he  admired 
the  Mohawks  would  admit  of  any  Treaty  with  the  Praying 
Indians  of  Canada,  they  being  as  much  Enemies  to  the  Bretheren 
as  the  French.  Therefore  he  could  not  admit  of  any  proposals 
from  them,  &  must  check  the  Bretheren  for  hearkening  to  any 
thing  from  them. 

The  Mohawks  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  made  a  Speech 
to  the  Govr  in  wch  they  renewed  the  Covenant,  &  said  tho  an 
Angry  Dog  (meaning  the  French)  should  come  &  endeavor  to  bite 
the  Chain  of  Unity  between  us  in  peices  with  his  Teeth,  yet  they 
would  keep  it  firm  both  in  Peace  &  War.  - 

After  this  an  Oneyda  Sachem  rose  up  in  the  behalf  of  the  4 
Nations  &  told  the  Mohawks,  that  as  to  the  Belt  of  Wampum 
wch  the  French  Govr  had  sent,  they  rejected  it  as  venemous  & 
detestable  &  would  prosecute  the  War  as  long  as  they  lived. 

Between  the  above  date  &  the  5  Aug*  following  I  find  the 
Mayor  &  Magistrates  of  Albany  accquainted  the  Indians  with 
the  Death  of  Govr  [Fletcher]  Slaughter  &  that  Major  Ingolsby 
succeeded  him  as  Commander  in  Chief. 

(P.  12.)     Albany  6  of  June  1692  - 

Major  Richard  [Ingolsbary]  Ingoldesby  Commr  in  Chief  met 
the  5  Nations  &  made  them  an  Animating  Speech  upon  carrying 
on  the  War  against  the  French,  &  not  to  expect  or  think  of  any 
Cessation  or  Peace  whilst  the  respective  Monarchs  were  at  War 
in  Europe.  he  advised  them  to  [keep]  keep  constant  Scouting 
Parties  out,  &  to  send  Parties  continually  into  the  Enemies 
Country  to  harrass  &  alarm  them. 

He  tells  them  the  Dionondadees  had  sent  the  5  Nation8  2 
Pris"  of  theirs  wch  they  had  amongst  them  —  That  they  had  told 
the  French  they  would  keep  Neuter  in  the  Present  War,  &  ex 
horts  the  5  Nations  to  make  Peace  with  that  Nation,  wch  he  said 
would  be  of  great  Service  to  this  Gov*.  - 

The  5  Nations  in  Answer  to  this  Speech  declare  their  deter 
mination  to  carry  on  the  War  with  Vigour  &  to  follow  the  Gov*5 


1 8  WRAX ALL'S  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Advice  in  sending  out  Parties  —  They  say  —  We  are  all  Subjects 
of  the  Great  King  &  are  all  One  Heart,  One  Blood  &  One  Interest. 
They  renew  the  old  Covenant  &  Plant  the  Tree  of  Welfare  wch 
they  desire  may  grow  &  thrive.  - 

They  complain  of  the  want  of  Guns  &  Amunition  &  say  tis  no 
wonder  the  French  gain  upon  us,  for  they  Supply  their  Indians 
with  Guns  &  Amunition  &  that  plentifully  - 

They  assure  the  Govr  that  as  soon  as  they  have  an  Oppor 
tunity  to  make  an  honourable  Peace  with  the  Dionondadees 
they  will  do  it  — 

In  this  &  most  of  their  Other  Speeches  they  desire  a 
Smith  to  repair  their  Guns  may  be  fixt  at  Onondaga  as 
a  most  necessary  Article. 

The  complain  heavily  that  the  Other  Colonies  did  not  assist 
in  this  War  but  left  this  Gov*  to  bear  the  Brunt  of  it.  They  say, 
Let  Corlaer  accquaint  (p.  13)  the  Great  King  &  Queen  that  if 
he  has  a  mind  to  conquer  his  Enemy  he  has  only  to  command 
all  his  Subjects  that  were  formerly  linked  into  the  Covenant 
chain  with  us. 

Albany  the  25  [Oct]  Febry  1692/3. 

An  Account  being  sent  to  New  York  that  the  French  had  cut 
off  the  3  Castles  of  the  Mohawks  Govr  Fletcher  set  out  from  New 
York  by  Water  attended  by  a  Military  Force  &  arrived  with 
uncommon  Speed  at  Albany  upon  wch  the  Indians  gave  him  the 
Name  of  Cajenquiragoo,  wch  is  Swift  Arrow. 

He  spoke  to  the  5  Nations  there  Assembled  but  his  Speech  is 
not  recorded  —  their  answer  is  dated  as  above,  &  contains  their 
grateful  Accknowledgments  for  the  Govrs  Dispatch  &  assis 
tance  &  their  resolutions  of  Revenge  upon  the  French.  And 
that  while  they  Attack  the  French  by  Land  they  expect  and 
desire  that  we  should  Attack  them  with  Great  Guns  by  way  of 
the  Sea. 

Govr  Fletcher  met  the  5  Nations  at  Albany  the  3d  July  1693 
and  made  them  a  Speech  —  in  wch 

he  tells  them  he  should  have  met  them  sooner  as  he  promised 
&  intended,  but  that  he  had  receved  a  Royal  Mandate  from 
their  Majestys  of  Great  Britain  requiring  him  to  repair  to  Pen- 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  19 

silvania  &  take  that  Province  into  their  Majestys  imediate  Care 
&  Government.  —  that  going  thither  delayed  him 

he  tells  them  that  he  is  informed  some  of  the  Bretheren  are 
inclined  to  make  a  Peace  with  the  Common  Enemy,  that  if  so  it 
must  arise  from  the  Instigation  of  the  Jesuit  Millet  who  some 
of  their  Bretheren  have  suffered  to  live  amongst  them. 

he  says,  I  am  now  come  to  condole  your  Dead  &  to  assure  you 
of  the  favour  of  their  Sacred  Majesties  the  Great  King  &  Queen  of 
England  &c  &c  And  in  their  Royal  (p.  14)  Names  as  their  Serv* 
&  Lieutenant  here,  to  renew  and  Confirm  the  Antient  Covenant 
Chain  not  only  in  behalf  of  this  Province  but  Those  of  New 
England,  Virginia,  Maryland  &  Pensilvania. 

hereupon  sundry  valuable 
presents  were  given  - 

The  following  day  the  5  Nations  answered  His  Excellys  afore 
said  speech  —  They  say,  [They]  "  We  are  glad  that  our  Bror 
Cayenquiragoe  (swift  arrow)  renews  &  confirms  the  Covenant 
Chain  not  only  between  us  &  this  Government  but  also  for  New 
Engd  Virginia,  Maryland  &  Pensilvania  wch  Covenant  Shall 
forever  be  kept  inviolable  by  all  of  us  of  the  5  Nations  as  long  as 
the  Sun  shall  shine." 

As  to  the  Jesuit  Millet  living  in  Oneyde,  they  say  they  knew 
nothing  of  it  till  they  came  to  Albany,  but  that  they  had  en 
quired  of  their  Bretheren  the  Oneidas  who  told  them  there  was 
an  Indian  sent  with  Letters  to  Canada  wch  surprised  them  very 
much,  (and  farther  they  say  not  on  this  Subject).  They  say 
"  You  are  our  Great  Tree  whose  Roots  extend[s  itself]  them 
selves  to  the  utmost  part  of  the  Gov*.  - 

They  say  They  will  stick  close  to  the  War  to  the  last  Drop  of 
their  Blood.  They  are  glad  that  the  Shawanoes1  their  Enemy s 
have  made  Application  to  his  Excellcy  for  Protection  &  wish  they 
were  come  to  assist  them  against  the  Common  Enemy.  - 

The  5  July  The  Govr  sent  for  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  & 
spoke  to  them  privately,  amongst  other  things  he  said.  Relat 
ing  to  the  Priest  Milet  at  Oneyde  wch  the  Bretheren  of  Oneyde  Do 

1  I  cant  find  anything  about  the  Shawanoes  recorded  in  the  Govrs  Speech.  The 
Shawanoes  were  settled  upon  the  Branches  of  the  Susquahanna 


2O  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

still  harbour  amongst  them,  I  must  tell  you  again  that  he  betrays 
you  and  all  yr  Councils,  and  that  you  may  see  I  desire  not  to 
dimmish  your  number,  I  give  you  a  pretty  Indian  Boy  in  lieu  of 
the  old  Priest,  accordingly  the  Boy  was  brofc  &  delivered  to 
them.  — 
(P.  15.)  The  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  replyed. 

As  for  the  Jesuit  Milet  the  Oneyde  Sachem  said,  that  he  would 
perform  his  Promise  relating  to  that  matter  viz.  that  as  soon  as  the 
Indian  [Sachem]  Messinger  returned,  all  the  Letters  &  papers  in 
his  Custody  should  be  taken  from  him  &  forthwith  bro*  to  our  Bror 
Cayenquiragoe  before  the  Priest  shall  see  them  &  that  he  was 
willing  to  take  the  Boy  in  Exchange  for  the  Priest,  but  that  the 
Priest  should  stay  at  Oneida  till  the  Messenger  returned  from 
Canada,  &  desired  the  Boy  might  stay  here  till  they  bring  the 
Priest  wch  shall  be  as  soon  as  the  sd  Messinger  returned. 

They  said  further 

We  accquaint  you  that  it  is  proposed  by  all  the  5  Nations  to 
make  a  Peace  with  the  Dionnondagis  a  Nation  of  Indians  who 
are  in  Alliance  with  the  French  of  Canada  wch  will  Strengthen  us 
&  weaken  the  Enemy.  The  Sennakas  who  live  nearest  to  them 
have  undertaken  to  effect  this  Buisness  &  do  take  presents  of 
wampum  from  the  rest  of  the  Nations  to  confirm  this  Peace  & 
we  desire  your  Concurrance  in  the  Matter  that  you  as  our  Eldest 
Bror  will  be  pleased  to  send  presents  also  &  join  in  the  Covenant 
Chain  - 

The  Govr  approved  of  the  intended  Peace  &  gave  a  Belt  of 
Wampum  to  be  given  in  his  Name.  — 

Albany  2*  Febry  1693/4. 

A  Deputation  of  the  5  Nations  delivered  to  Majr  Schuyler  the 
Mayor  &c.  of  Albany.  — 

We  the  Representatives  of  the  5  Nations  come  here  to  acc 
quaint  you  that  our  Children  the  Oneidas  have  of  their  own 
Accord  sent  a  Messenger  to  Canada,  who  returning  bro*  us  a 
Belt  of  Peace  from  the  Govr  of  Canada,  We  answered  him  that 
we  being  Dependants  of  this  Government  would  not  resolve  to 
anything  without  Cayenquiagoe,  meaning  Govr  Fletcher  — 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW    YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  21 

(P.  16.)  They  then  gave  an  Acct.  of  the  Conferences  of  the 
Govr  of  Canada  with  their  Messenger.  wch  in  Substance  was  to 
offer  the  5  Nations  Peace  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  France, 
reproaching  them  that  they  had  submitted  themselves  to  the 
Govr  of  New  York,  with  whom  he  could  not  enter  into  any  Treaty 
&c.  he  sent  a  second  Belt  of  Wampum  to  the  5  Nations  for 
Peace  — 

They  further  informed  —  That  a  Meeting  was  held  at  Ononda- 
goe  of  4  Nations  (the  Mohawks  were  not  there)  upon  the  Second 
Belt  of  Wampum  sent  by  the  Govr  of  Canada  That  the  Sennekas, 
Cayuaga  &  Oneida  Sachems,  threw  down  each  a  Belt  of  Wam 
pum  in  order  to  answer  the  Govr  of  Canada  in  Peace  &  left  the 
Onondagues  to  detirmine,  They  took  up  the  Belts,  but  said  they 
would  send  no  Message  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  without  the 
Advice  &  Consent  of  their  Bretheren  of  this  Governm*  It  was 
thereupon  resolved  to  send  to  Albany  an  Account  of  all  their 
Proceedings.  — 

In  case  the  Govr  of  New  York  consented  3  Propositions  were 
intended  to  be  sent  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  —  in  the  3d  were  these 
Words. 

You  say  you  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  our  Bretheren  of 
Cayenquiragoe's  l  Gov*  but  we  must  tell  you  that  we  are  inseper- 
able,  We  can  have  no  Peace  with  you  as  long  as  you  are  at  war 
with  them,  We  must  stand  and  fall  together. 

Several  Conferrences  between  the  Majistrates  of  Albany  &  the 
Indians  upon  the  above  Subject  are  recorded,  but  very  much 
blotted,  ill  wrote  &  imperfect,  but  I  have  picked  out  that  they 
came  to  a  resolution  to  allow  the  Indians  to  send  a  Message  to 
the  Govr  of  Canada  that  they  could  not  meet  him  next  Spring 
because  they  were  under  orders  to  meet  the  Govr  of  New  York  at 
that  Time  —  however  I  find  it  was  mistrusted  the  Indians  were 
playing  a  double  &  deceatful  part. 

(P.  17.)     Albany  6  Feb^  1693/4. 

Major  Peter  Schuylers  answer  to  the  5  Nations  Reply.  I 
have  convened  you  together  again  to  tell  you  I  am  not  satisfied 

1  Govr  Fletcher. 


22  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

with  the  Dubious  Answer  you  made  yesterday,  It  not  being 
agreeable  to  the  proposal  made  to  you  by  His  Excellya  Commands, 
therefore  I  would  have  you  be  plain  &  consider  better  of  it  & 
give  me  your  Answer.  I  would  not  have  you  truckle  to  so  per 
fidious  a  People  as  the  French  have  always  proved  themselves 
to  you.  Do  not  be  discouraged  it  seems  that  Heaven  is  propi 
tious  to  us,  for  this  Day  we  have  the  forerunners  of  the  Shawanoes 
or  far  Indians  come  to  Town  with  one  of  our  Christians  that  was 
sent  thither,  who  gives  us  an  Ace*  that  they  are  coming  with 
7  Nations  of  Indians  with  Woemen  &  Children  in  all  a  Thousand 
Souls  &  are  upon  the  way  hither  with  Arent  the  Interpreter  as 
you  have  the  news  from  their  own  Mouths,  therefore  be  brisk 
&  be  not  affraid  &  accquaint  the  5  Nations  herewith  when  you 
come  home.  — 

The  Indians  replied  to  the  first  part  of  this  Speech,  that  they 
now  looked  on  the  Path  to  Canada  as  Shut  up,  but  desired  they 
might  be  permitted  to  send  a  Message  to  the  Praying  Indians 
that  they  would  not  meet  the  Govr  of  Canada  in  the  Spring  & 
that  he  must  not  expect  them  —  this  was  agreed  to  —  As  to  the 
Shawanas  there  is  no  answer  of  theirs  recorded  to  it. 

Albany  4  May  1694  — 

A  Speech  of  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  to  His  Excelly  Benja 
Fletcher  Govr  of  New  York  Pensilvania  &c. 

They  confess  they  broke  their  Agreement  made  last  Winter 
with  Majr  Schuyler  &c  at  Albany  &  have  sent  Messengers  to  the 
French,  and  they  excuse  themselves  by  saying  the  Days  of  Truce 
were  expired  &  they  were  affraid  if  they  had  not  sent  a  Message 
the  French  would  have  fallen  on  Them  or  on  Albany  — 

They  tell  the  Govr  that  his  dissolving  their  Meeting  or  Assem 
bly  of  the  5  Nations  at  Onondagoe  &  telling  them  (p.  18)  they 
must  not  meet  there,  is  a  violation  of  their  Antient  Priviledges 
&  wch  Meeting  never  was  obstructed  by  any  former  Governours. 
And  that  such  Obstruction  will  be  of  ill  consequence  &  occasion 
variance  &  difference  between  them  &  us. 

They  own  they  have  sent  Agents  to  Canada  to  negotiate  a 
Peace,  wch  they  doubt  not  will  have  a  good  Issue.  And  say,  They 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  23 

do  not  take  it  amiss  when  the  Govr  sends  to  the  Dawangahoes  l 
about  Peace  or  that  Arent  the  Interpreter  went  to  the  far  Indians, 
&  therefor  the  Govr  ought  not  to  be  displeased  with  them  for 
sending  the  Messengers  to  Canada  about  Peace.  — 

They  tell  him  They  will  now  give  him  a  Candid  Account  of 
their  Proposals  for  Peace  sent  to  the  Govr  of  Canada,  wch  they 
do  in  10  Articles. 

They  reproach  him  with  having  broke  the  Peace  with  them, 
but  as  he  had  often  sent  for  them  they  are  now  come  &  are  willing 
that  Peace  &  Amity  shall  be  restored  between  them  &  a  perpetual 
Friendship  established.  And  if  he  consents  he  must  come  to 
their  Country  to  ratify  the  same.  —  If  he  will  not  make  Peace 
they  say  they  are  not  bro*  so  low  but  they  can  yet  defend  them 
selves.  As  to  the  Wagenhaes  their  Enemies  they  say  they  dont 
ask  him  to  make  a  Peace  for  them,  they  will  leave  that  to  his 
Managment. 

all  this  Transaction  of  Peace  was  carried  on  by  &  in  the  Hands 
of  the  Onnondagues,  The  Oniedas  &  the  Sennekas,  as  they  tell 
the  Govr  in  their  Speech.  — 

Albany  5  May  —  1694  — 

His  Excellency  said 
Bretheren 

I  have  heard  &  considered  your  Speech  yesterday  but  cannot 
proceed  to  make  Answer  to  it,  until  you  satisfy  me  upon  these 
Three  heads;  wherein  the  Truth  &  Sincerity  with  which  this 
Government  hath  always  treated  you  is  wrongfully  accused. 

(N.B.  the  rest  of  the  Speech  is  wanting  tho  a  Blank  Leaf  is  left 
for  it.  - 

(P.  19.)     Albany  5  May  1694  — 

The  5  Nations  reply. 
Bror  Cayenquerage  (Swift  Arrow) 

They  acknowledge  they  mistook  in  aledging  that  the  Govr  had 
interdicted  their  Meeting  at  Onondago  &  that  upon  maturer 
Consideration,  they  find  he  only  forewarned  them  of  the  Fallacys 
of  the  French  &  not  to  hold  meetings  upon  any  Messages  from 
Them  — 

1  The  same  as  the  Wagenhaes  referred  to  on  p.  15.  —  ED. 


24  WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

As  to  their  Treaty  of  Peace  with  the  French,  they  acknowledge 
their  Fears  drove  them  to  it,  &c 

As  to  the  Dowangahaws  &  Shawanas,  we  believe  the  Govr 
would  never  admit  them  into  this  Government  except  they  had 
made  Peace  with  us,  which  we  earnestly  desired,  for  if  our 
Enemies  come  to  stoop  so  low,  why  should  they  not  have  Peace, 
we  pray  you  to  let  them  come  with  Arnout  &  live  amongst  us, 
it  will  be  a  Strengthening  to  our  Country.  - 

When  the  Christians  first  arrived  in  this  Country  we  received 
them  Kindly  tho  they  were  but  a  small  People  &  entered  into  a 
Leage  with  them  to  protect  them  from  all  Enemies  whatsoever, 
We  were  so  desirous  of  their  Friendship  &  Society,  that  we  tied 
the  Great  Canoe  wch  brought  them  hither,  not  with  a  Peice  of 
Bark  or  Rope  to  a  Tree,  but  with  a  Chain  to  a  Great  Mountain. 
Before  the  Christians  arrival  the  5  Nations  held  their  General 
Meeting  at  Onondaga  where  from  the  begining  there  has  been  a 
Continual  Fire.  This  General  Assembly  Planted  a  Tree  at 
Albany  as  soon  as  the  Christians  setled  there,  whose  Roots  & 
Branches  have  overspread  as  far  as  New  England,  Pensilvania 
Maryland  &  Virginia. 

We  desire  that  the  Antient  Covenant  Chain  may  be  renewed 
&  the  usual  Love  &  Friendship  between  us  may  continue,  And 
that  when  any  Enemy  threatens  us  with  an  Invasion,  you  may 
come  up  &  assist  us,  &  if  any  Enemy  threatens  you  fail  not  to 
send  up  speedily  for  us  &  we  will  come  down  to  your  Assistance.  - 
(P.  20.)  They  tell  the  Govr  farther,  that  unless  the  Neighboring 
Colonies  who  are  in  the  Covenant  Chain  will  unanimously  assist 
in  the  Prosecution  of  the  war,  which  they  have  not  hitherto  done, 
the  5  Nations  must  make  Peace  with  the  French  — 

And  they  say  their  Agents  gone  to  Canada  have  Positive  Orders 
to  refuse  making  any  Peace  unless  the  Govr  of  Canada  will 
include  this  Government  therein  — 

I  do  not  find  any  Answer  from  Govr  Fletcher  to  the  above 
Speech  recorded. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  2$ 

Albany  the  15th  day  of  Augt.  1694. 

A  Meeting  of  the  5  Nations  with  Govr  Fletcher  (Col  Hamilton 
Govr  of  the  Jerseys)  Commiss"  from  Massachusets  Bay  & 
Agents  from  Conneticut.  — 

Substance  of  the  5  Nat8  Speech. 
Bror  Cayenquirago.     (meaning  Govr  Fletcher.) 

You  appointed  us  to  meet  you  here  in  a  100  days  to  give  our 
Answer,  who  would  be  for  you  &  who  against  you.  this  is  the 
hundredth  Day  &  we  are  come  with  the  Representatives  of  the 
5  Nations  to  give  you  our  Unanimous  Answer.  This  Spring  you 
did  chide  &  rebucke  us  for  sending  Messengers  to  Canada  to 
treat  of  Peace,  but  you  did  receive  us  again  into  favour  &  em 
brace  us  &  promised  not  to  break  the  Covenant  Chain. 

Since  the  Time  that  the  Governours  have  been  here  from  the 
Great  King  of  England  We  made  a  General  firm  Covenant,  wch 
has  been  fastened  Stronger  &  Stronger  from  time  to  time,  and 
our  Neighbours  seeing  that  it  was  so  advantageous,  they  came 
and  put  their  hands  into  the  same  Covfc  Chain  viz.  they  of  New 
England  Conneticut,  New  Jersey,  Maryland  &  Virginia. 

They  proceed  to  reproach  those  Colonies  with  leaving  this 
Gov*  &  the  5  Nations  to  support  the  War  by  themselves  as  con 
trary  to  the  design  &  intent  of  the  Covenant  Chain.  (P.  21.) 
they  add  if  all  would  join  together  &  take  up  the  Hatchet  against 
the  French  we  should  be  strong  enough  to  destroy  the  Enemy  & 
live  in  Peace  afterwards.  — 

It  is  an  Antient  Custom  to  renew  the  Covenant  Chain,  and  we 
that  are  left  of  the  5  Nations  are  now  come  to  renew  the  same,  to 
Scour  it  clean  &  bright  that  it  may  shine  like  Silver,  and  we 
promise  that  it  shall  be  kept  on  our  part  so  Strong  &  Inviolable 
that  the  Thunder  itself  shall  not  break  it.  - 

We  have  been  disobedient  to  your  Commands  in  going  to 
Canada  to  Treat  with  the  French,  and  thought  because  our 
Bretheren  of  New  England  had  treated  with  the  Enemy  the 
French  to  the  Eastward,  we  might  go  &  see  whether  any  Peace 
or  Treaty  was  concluded  to  our  Prejudice. 

They  present  a  Belt  of  Wampum  as  a  Testimony  that  They 
now  renew  the  Covenant  Chain  with  all  the  aforesaid  Colonies, 


26  WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

&  exhort  them  upon  every  occasion  to  act  with  unanimity  against 
the  common  Enemy  the  French.  - 

Albany  the  i6th  day  of  August  1694. 

Persons  present  as  yesterday  - 

Dekanissor  a  Sachem  of  the  Onondagos  rose  &  up  &  addrss8  him 
self  to  the  Govr  said  he  was  the  principal  Agent  employed  to  go  to 
Canada  to  treat  of  Peace  &  he  would  now  give  a  faithful  Account 
of  what  Passed  there  - 

He  recited  in  Distinct  Articles  his  Proposals  to  the  Govr  of 
Canada  most  of  them  in  Substance  as  hath  been  already  men 
tioned —  the  9th  Article  runs  thus.  "  Onionda  (a  name  they 
give  the  Govr  of  Canada)  We  will  admit  of  no  Settlement  at 
Cadaraqui,  You  have  had  your  Fire  there  Twice  wch  we  have 
Quenched,  and  therefore  will  not  consent  to  any  rebuilding  there, 
We  clear  the  River  that  we  may  have  a  Clear  Passage  thro  it  & 
come  freely  to  Onondaga."  (P.  22.)  Dekanissor  then  related 
what  the  Govr  of  Canada  Answered  to  his  Propositions  —  That 
he  began  with  saying  he  could  not  make  Peace  with  the  Govr 
of  New  York,  upon  wch  Dekanissor  Said  it  would  not  then  do,  & 
this  point  was  debated  between  them  for  three  Days,  when  the 
Govr  of  Canada  promised  he  would  not  make  war  upon  the  Govr 
of  New  York  this  Summer.  The  Govr  of  Canada  insisted  upon 
2  Hostages,  Dekannissor  would  not  give  them,  but  Two  Indians 
agreeing  to  Stay  that  Point  was  settled.  Then  the  Govr  of 
Canada  made  Answer. 

I  accept  of  the  Peace  as  you  have  offered.  He  then  delivered  a 
Belt  of  Wampum  to  Dekanissor  for  the  Govr  of  New  York  to  send 
Deputies  to  treat  with  who  he  said  should  have  safe  Conduct. 
This  Belt  Dekannissor  now  threw  down  before  Govr  Fletcher  to 
take  up,  wch  the  Govr  rejected  &  said  if  the  Govr  of  Canada  had 
anything  to  say  to  him  he  might  send  Messengers.  - 

Albany  the  17.  Aug*  1694.  - 

Sadekawahtie  Sachem  of  the  Onondages  related  to  the  Govr  the 
particulars  of  the  Peace  wch  the  5  Nations  had  concluded  with 
the  Dowangeshaws  &  the  Deonondas  — • l 

1  The  same  as  the  Waganhaes  and  Dionondadies.  —  ED. 


WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  27 

Albany  20  Aug*  1694  - 

There  is  a  long  Conference  recorded  (with  many  erasements  & 
very  imperfect)  between  Govr  Fletcher  &  the  5  Nations  in  the 
presence  of  Govr  Hamilton  of  the  Jerseys,  Commiss"  from  N. 
Engd  &  Conneticut. 

It  chiefly  turn'd  upon  their  Negotiations  of  Peace  at  Canada, 
the  Govr  left  them  to  proceed  therein,  but  told  them  to  beware 
of  the  French  for  they  would  find  'em  a  perfidious  People.  The 
Govr  told  them  he  finds  the  Govr  of  Canada  intends  to  rebuild 
Cadarqui,  &  demands  of  them  what  they  say  to  that  matter, 
they  Answer,  that  they  have  (p.  23)  already  told  the  Govr  of 
Canada  that  he  shall  not  rebuild  Cadarqui,  and  when  they  dis 
course  him  again  they  will  tell  him  plainly  they  will  not  admit  it. 
The  Govr  tells  them  if  they  suffer  the  French  to  build  that  Fort 
or  any  other  on  this  side  the  Lake  it  will  bring  them  &  their 
Posterity  into  perpetual  Slavery.  - 

Albany  28  Augfc  1695. 

Ten  principal  Sachems  of  the  Mohawks  were  sent  from  the  upper 
Nations  with  Intelligence,  that  the  French  who  had  deluded  the 
5  Nations  with  Negotiations  for  Peace,  had  now  unmasked  them 
selves  &  were  come  with  a  large  Body  &  were  rebuilding  the  Fort 
at  Cadaraqui.  And  they  desire  the  assistance  of  all  the  Colonies 
with  Cannon  to  dislodge  them.1 

To  wch  no  Answer  from  the  Commissioners  is  recorded.  But 
the  1 8  Sepr  1695.  Govr  Fletcher  met  the  5  Nations  at  Albany  & 
Spoke  to  them  to  the  following  purpose. 

As  to  the  Govr  of  Canada's  taking  possession  of  Cadaraqui 
Fort,  he  was  much  surprized  at  it,  having  forewarned  them  to 
keep  Scouts  upon  the  River  to  prevent  any  such  Attempt,  says 
further,  "  I  must  tell  you  since  I  have  had  the  honour  to  serve 
the  Great  King  of  England  my  Master  in  this  Province,  all  your 
misfortunes  have  been  occasioned  by  your  own  Drunken,  supine, 
Negligent  &  Careless  humours." 

That  it  is  now  too  late  in  the  year  to  get  together  &  march  a 
proper  Body  of  men  Amunition  &c.  in  order  to  disposess  the 

1  Here  the  author  had  a  reference  to  a  footnote,  but  none  was  inserted.  —  ED. 


28  WRAXAWS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

French  of  Cadaraqui,  but  directs  them  to  post  Parties  on  the 
Carrying  Places  to  cut  off  any  supply  the  French  may  send  of 
Men  or  Provisions  to  Cadaraqui  by  wch  means  they  may  force 
them  to  desert  the  Place. 

the  next  day  the  5  Nations  Answered  the  Govr  That  they 
acknowledged  he  had  warned  them  to  keep  out  Scouts  to  watch 
the  Enemies  Motions  towards  Cadaraqui.  that  accordingly  in 
the  Spring  they  sent  out  100  Men  to  lay  upon  the  River  Cadara 
qui,1  who  met  with  a  Party  of  Wagenhaws  engaged  them  &  took 
'em  all  Prisoners  &  burnt  them  2  in  the  meantime  came  the  Govr 
of  Canada  &  took  possession  of  Cadaraqui. 

(P.  24.)  Between  the  aforesaid  Meeting  of  Deputeys  from  the 
5  Nations  with  Govr  Fletcher  the  18  Sepr  1695  —  And  the  follow 
ing  Meeting  of  the  5  Nations  with  The  Earl  of  Belmont,  I  find 
no  Indian  Transactions  Recorded.  — 

Albany  20  July  1698  - 

The  Earl  of  Belmont  met  the  5  Nations,  who  felicitated  him  on 
his  &  His  Ladys  safe  Arrival  tois  this  Gov*  after  a  tedious  & 
Dangerous  Voyage,  &  expressed  their  Concern  at  his  Lordships 
Indisposition.  His  Lordship  thanked  them  &  asked  them,  if 
they  had  any  Grievances  or  Comptlaints  wch  he  could  redress, 
or  do  anything  for  their  Good,  to  let  him  know.  They  Answered 
they  would  Speak  after  his  Lordship  had  spoke  to  Them. 

My  Lord  said  he  would  speak  to  them  to  morrow  if  his  Health 
would  permit  him.  - 

The  21.  is  a  Title  of  a  Speech  made  by  the  Earl  of  Belmont 
to  the  5  Nations,  but  nothing  more  of  it  recorded. 

It  is  only  recorded  that  the  5  Nations  thanked  his  Lordship  for 
his  Speech  wch  they  repeated  &  said  they  would  answer  thereupon 
when  his  Lordship  was  able  to  hear  them  — 

At  this  time  3  Praying  Indians  from  Canada  were  at  Albany  to 
whom  the  Earl  of  Belmont  directed  a  Speech  to  be  made  by  Col 

1  The  Saint  Lawrence.  —  ED. 

2  These  Sachems  gave  also  an  Account  that  the  upper  Nations  that  is  the 
Sennekas  Onondagas  &c.  had  taken  10  Prisoners  of  Wagenhaws  &  burnt  9.     how 
this  came  to  pass  after  so  Solemn  a  Peace  recorded  to  be  concluded  with  said  Na 
tion  the  3d  Febry  1689/90  I  cannot  learn  from  the  Records. 


WRAXALLS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  29 

Peter  Schuyler  &  others.  They  accordingly  welcomed  them  to 
their  native  Country  1  invited  them  to  return  &  live  amongst 
their  Bretheren  &  promised  them  Houses  &  every  other  Necessary 
&  gave  them  some  Presents. 

The  Indians  replied  that  on  their  return  to  Canada  they  would 
accquaint  their  Sachems  with  their  Reception  &  the  Invitation 
given  them.  — 

Albany  22  July  1698  — 2 

(P.  25.)     Albany  22d  July  1698.  - 

Speeches  of  the  5  Nations  to  His  Excellency  Richard  Earl  of 
Bellemont  Govr  &c  - 

a  Mohawk  Sachem  said  —  That  they  had  several  Affairs  wch 
concerned  them  all  in  General  to  lay  before  his  Lordship,  that 
also  they  must  accquaint  him  with  an  Affair  wch  concerned  the 
Mohawk  Nation  in  particular  —  that  it  related  to  their  Land 
about  wch  a  certain  Writing  had  been  drawn  up,  which  they 
desired  might  be  annulled  &  burnt  &  that  they  might  remain 
Masters  of  their  own  Land. 

An  Onondago  Sachem  then  rose  up  &  said  —  That  they  had 
been  accquainted  that  a  Peace  was  made  between  the  Great 
King  of  England  &  the  French  King,  by  wch  they  had  regulated 
themselves  &  sat  still,  but  since  the  Peace  had  been  made  known 
to  them,  they  had  lost  94  People  by  the  Indians  in  Alliance  with 
the  French — he  repeats  the  rise  &  progress  of  the  Covenant 
Chain  as  is  usual  to  very  new  Govr  &  repeated  in  former  Speeches, 
They  renew  it  with  His  Lordship  &  hope  he  will  keep  the  Chain 
bright  &  that  the  Tree  of  Welfare,  that  is  Peace  &  Unanimity 
between  them  &  all  his  Majesty9  Subjects  in  these  parts  may 
flourish  &  subsist  under  his  Lordships  Administration. 

They  complain  Goods  are  so  dear  at  Albany  that  the  Indians 
go  to  Canada  where  they  buy  Cheaper,  that  they  ought  rather 
to  be  at  such  a  Price  as  to  draw  the  Indians  from  Canada 
hither.  - 

1  The  Praying  Indians  are  Deserters  from  the  5  Nations  particularly  the  Mo 
hawks  to  the  French. 

2  Dr  Coldens  Extracts  from  the  Indian  Records  or  History  of  the  5  Nations 
Ends  here. 


30  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

the  23  July  is  minuted  that  his  Lordship  made  them  an  Answer 
&  gave  them  presents,  but  the  particulars  of  neither  is  recorded. 
And  it  is  further  minuted,  that  they  sung  a  Song  of  Peace,  & 
thanked  his  Lordship  for  what  he  had  said  to  them  &  for  the 
Presents.  - 

Albany  the  27  July  1698  - 

Is  recorded  a  Conference  between  My  Lord  &  the  Mohawk 
Sachems  about  a  Deed  of  Sale  wch  the  Dutch  Priest  one  Dellius 
had  fraudelently  obtained  from  some  Mohawks  for  a  large  Tract 
of  Land  belonging  to  that  Nation  in  General.  [He]  it  appears  by 
evidence  upon  Oath  that  the  (p.  26)  Priest  drew  them  in  to  sign 
this  deed,  under  Colour  of  preserving  their  Land  to  them,  & 
told  them  it  was  a  deed  of  Trust  to  him  &  some  others  to  prevent 
some  Designing  People  from  getting  Grants  of  their  Land.  The 
Affair  appears  from  the  Records  to  be  an  Infamous  Cheat  & 
most  iniquitous  Imposition  —  My  Lord  told  them  he  would 
engage  to  write  home  &  have  the  Grant  vacated,  &  that  he 
doubted  not  in  6  months  time  to  have  an  Order  from  his  Great 
Master  to  have  it  burnt  &  he  would  cause  it  to  be  done  with  all 
the  Solemnity  imaginable.  - 

A  Speech  of  the  5  Nations  to  My  Ld  Bellmont  follows  the  above 
Record  bearing  date  the  25  July. 

In  wch  they  say  his  Excellency  has  forbidden  them  to  hold  any 
Correspondance  or  underhand  Dealings  with  the  French  of 
Canada,  for  that  such  Proceedings  will  destroy  the  Covenant 
Chain  between  them  &  us. 

They  answer,  be  not  affraid  of  the  least  Alliance  on  our  side 
with  French,  we  shall  keep  ourselves  firm  to  the  Covenant 
Chain.  - 

Albany  26  Day  of  December  1698  — 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Commissioners  for  Indian  Affairs  Informa 
tion  was  given  that  some  French  Gentlemen  who  passed  thro 
that  City  from  Canada  in  their  way  to  New  York  in  order  to  take 
Shipping  for  France,  had  said  that  some  of  the  5  Nations  sent  a 
Messenger  with  Belts  of  Wampum  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  to 
treat  with  him  — 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  31 

As  this  is  contrary  to  their  Faith  promise  &  Engagem*  to  My 
Ld  Bellmont  last  Summer,  it  was  proposed  &  agreed  to  send  up  to 
the  Indians  to  know  the  Truth  of  this  Matter,  &  that  such  Castles 
as  have  done  this  may  send  down  Sachems  to  give  an  Account  of 
their  Negotiations. 

(P.  27.)     Albany  27  Decr  1698  - 

Is  recorded  a  Message  from  Ornechte  the  first  Castle  of  the 
Mohawk  Indians  where  the  Praying  Indians  live  - 

It  was  to  accquaint  the  Commissioners  that  the  People  of 
Schenectady  had  of  late  brought  Rum  to  their  Castles  &  bo*  with 
it  their  Corn  whereby  they  were  in  Danger  of  Starving.  They 
desire  this  may  be  forbid  &  that  they  may  have  leave  to  break 
the  Cegs  when  any  Rum  is  bro*  there. 

They  were  answered  that  Care  should  be  taken  to  prevent  any 
Rum  being  brought  to  them,  and  that  they  should  bring  the  Rum 
Traders  to  Albany. 

Albany  3d  Febry  1698/9. 

An  Onondaga  &  Oneida  Sachem  came  to  Albany  &  Informed  the 
Commiss"  that  an  Onondaga  Indian  had  been  to  Canada  to  see 
his  Father,  and  was  there  informed  that  the  Prisoners  belonging 
to  the  5  Nations  were  detained  at  the  request  or  by  the  Instiga 
tion  of  one  Capt  John  Schuyler  of  Albany  who  had  been  trading 
in  Canada;  they  were  reproached  with  their  being  Slaves  to  the 
English,  who  neglected  &  despised  them  &c  were  invited  to  send  a 
Deputation  of  their  Sachems  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  &  that  by 
their  Application  to  him  they  would  get  their  Prisoners  returned. 
Upon  this  Indians  arrival  in  his  own  Country  he  informed  his 
People  of  what  he  had  learnt  in  Canada,  who  resolved  to  send  a 
Deputation  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  with  Belts  of  Wampum  in  the 
name  of  the  Sennekas,  Onondagos,  Oneida  &  Caiuga  Nations,  but 
not  to  impart  their  Design  either  to  the  Mohawks  or  any  of  the 
Christians  of  this  Government,  (wch  was  according  to  the  Direc 
tion  given  the  aforesaid  Indians  when  in  Canada)  &  accordingly 
a  Deputation  was  preparing  to  be  sent  to  Canada. 

The  Commissr3  resolved  to  send  imediately  some  of  their  Body 
to  Onondaga  to  Stop  this  Embassy  &  Three  Persons  were  accord- 


32  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

ingly  dispatched  thither,  &  if  the  Embassy  was  set  out  to  send 
after  &  bring  them  back.  - 

The  12  June  1699.  I  find  Recorded  Instructions,  to  the  Corn- 
miss"  of  Albany  from  Lieu*  Govr  Nanfan  who  commanded  (p.  28) 
in  the  Earl  of  Bellmonts  absence,  (who  was  gone  to  Boston  to 
take  possession  of  his  Gov*  there)  to  this  Effect  — 

That  if  the  Indians  do  insist  upon  going  to  Canada  to  release 
their  Prisoners  &  to  make  a  seperate  Treaty  with  the  French,  to 
tell  them,  that  as  they  are  Subjects  of  the  Crown  of  England, 
this  Gov*  will  take  care  of  that  matter. 

But  if  notwithstanding  they  will  go  to  Canada  to  send  Two 
Gentlemen  along  with  them,  &  that  the  Indians  make  known 
what  they  will  say  to  the  French,  &  that  the  matter  of  the  Con- 
ferrence  be  digested  &  fixt  before  they  set  out. 

The  Commissra  being  informed  by  Two  Gentn  who  lately 
returned  from  Canada  that  the  Two  Indian  Prisoners  were  set 
at  Liberty  &  were  coming  back  to  their  Castles,  agreed  that  it 
was  not  Expedient  that  any  Deputation  of  Indians  should  now 
go  to  Canada  —  And  therefore  they  convened  the  Sachems  of  the 
5  Nations  &  made  a  Speech  to  them  — 

In  which  they  severely  reproach  them  for  going  to  Canada  last 
Winter  contrary  to  their  Faith  &  Promise  given  to  the  Earl  of 
Belmont  &  their  Allegiance  due  to  this  Gov* 

The  Commissra  tell  them  they  must  have  some  bad  Intentions 
in  being  so  earnest  in  wanting  to  go  again  to  Canada,  for  now  their 
Prisoners  are  released;  They  forewarn  them  against  the  Intrigues 
of  the  French  who  want  to  seduce  them  from  their  Obedience  to 
this  Gov*  They  add  —  Consider  you  are  the  Subjects  of  the  Great 
King  of  England  under  whose  Gov*  you  have  been  time  out  of 
Mind,  and  the  Covenant  Chain  hath  been  so  often  renewed  with 
this  Gov*  that  there  is  none  living  can  remember  the  beginning  of 
it.  Cleave  firm  then  to  this  Government  &  lay  aside  all  thoughts 
of  Correspondance  with  the  French,  for  we  shut  up  that  Path.  — 

The  13  June  the  5  Nations  Answer. 

You  told  us  yesterday  that  you  had  shut  up  the  Path  to  Canada 
from  all  the  5  Nations,  We  are  glad  of  it,  but  let  it  be  also  shut  up 
to  the  Bretheren  of  this  Government. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  33 

(P.  29.)     Albany  23  August  1699. 

A  Deputation  from  the  5  Nations  accquainted  the  Commissrs  at 
Albany  that  a  Party  of  the  Sennekas  had  been  at  Conostoga  a 
Place  upon  the  Susquahanna  River  belong8  say  they  to  Wm  Penn, 
from  whence  they  had  bro*  Two  Letters  wch  they  now  came  to  lay 
before  the  Commissra  —  and  desire  that  the  Govr  of  New  York 
will  give  an  Answer  thereto.  These  Two  Letters  or  Writings  are 
of  the  same  Tenor  &  date,  setting  forth  That  certain  Indians 
therein  named  had  been  with  Wm  Markam  Esqr  Lieut  Govr  of 
Pensilvania  in  behalf  of  the  5  Nations  &  requested  a  free  Trade 
&  Amity  with  that  Gov*  wch  is  accordingly  kindly  accepted  & 
Govr  Markam  promises  they  shall  be  protected  whenever  they 
have  a  mind  to  come  Peaceably  into  that  Gov*  — 

The  Commiss1"3  tell  them,  They  are  surprized  to  see  such  a 
Treaty  &  Negotiation  made  between  the  5  Nations  &  our  Neigh 
bours  of  Pensilvania  without  the  least  notice  given  or  leave 
Obtained  from  the  Govr  of  New  York,  who  will  undoubtedly  take 
it  very  ill ;  that  they  will  send  the  Two  Letters  to  him  &  let  them 
know  his  Answer  when  they  receive  it.1 

Albany  the  27  Aug*  1700  — 

The  Earl  of  Bellmont  met  the  5  Nations  &  made  a  Speech  to 
them  but  it  is  not  recorded.  By  their  Answer  it  turned  upon 
Two  principal  Points.  Ist  to  forewarn  them  against  the  Scanda 
lous  Artifices  &  lying  reports  made  use  of  by  the  French  to  seduce 
them  from  their  Allegiance  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain.  2dly 
To  warn  them  against  encouraging  or  harbouring  any  French 
Jesuits  or  Missionaries  amongst  them,  &  that  they  should  have 
Protestant  Ministers  sent  amongst  them  to  instruct  them  in  the 
Christian  Religion  —  To  the  first  they  Answer,  they  are  from 
repeated  Experience  sensible  of  the  Designs  of  the  French  &  of 
their  false  &  artful  Instigations,  But  they  (p.  30)  are  fully  & 
firmly  detirmined,  to  hold  fast  on  the  Covenant  Chain  made 
with  the  English,  &  that  if  the  Great  King  of  England  will  defend 

1  It  appears  that  the  Design  of  the  Sennekas  going  to  Conostoga  was  to  try  if 
they  could  get  Goods  Cheaper  there  than  at  Albany,  where  they  had  frequently 
complained  how  very  dear  Goods  were. 


34  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

them  against  the  Dowagenhaws  the  Twich  Twees  &  other  Nations 
over  whom  the  French  have  an  Influence  &  who  have  murdered 
several  of  their  People  since  the  Peace,  They  will  have  no  further 
Correspondance  with  the  French.  - 

As  to  the  Second  Point.  They  are  very  Glad  to  hear  that 
Protestant  Missionaries  will  be  sent  amongst  them,  whom  they 
are  very  willing  to  receive  &  to  embrace  the  same  Religion  that  is 
professed  by  their  Bretheren  the  English,  And  they  desire  that  a 
Missionary  may  be  placed  at  Onondago  wch  is  the  Center  of  the  5 
Nations  — 

They  say  the  French  give  their  Converts  Victuals  &  Cloathing 
wch  tempts  many  of  the  Indians  to  embrace  their  Religion.  - 

Albany  the  28  Aug1 

The  Earl  of  Bellmont  had  a  further  Conference  with  the  5 
Nations,  &  told  them,  that  no  Missionary  would  live  at  Onondaga 
unless  a  Fort  was  built  there  to  protect  him  —  They  readily 
agreed  to  have  a  Fort  there,  &  My  Lord  promised  to  send  the 
Egineer  to  look  out  for  a  proper  Place  &  form  a  Plan  for  one.  - 

Albany  29  August  1700  — 

The  Earl  of  Bellmont  had  a  Private  Conference  with  Two  of  the 
principal  Sachems  of  each  of  the  5  Nations,  wherein  he  told  them. 

You  must  needs  be  sensible  that  the  Dowagenhaws,  Twich- 
twees,  Ottowawas  &  Diondedees  and  the  other  Remote  Indians 
are  vastly  more  numerous  than  you  5  Nations,  and  that  by  their 
continual  Warring  upon  you  they  will  in  a  few  years  totally 
destroy  you;  I  should  therefore  think  it  prudent  &  good  Policy 
in  you  to  try  all  possible  Means  to  fix  a  Trade  &  Correspondance 
with  all  those  Nations,  by  wch  means  you  would  retain  them  to 
yourselves,  and  with  my  Assistance  I  am  in  hopes  in  a  short  time 
they  might  be  brought  to  be  united  with  us  in  the  Covenant 
Chain,  and  then  you  might  at  all  times  go  a  hunting  into  their 
Country  without  any  sort  (p.  31)  of  hazard  wch  I  understand  is 
much  the  best  for  Bever  hunting. 

I  wish  you  would  try  to  bring  some  of  them  to  speak  with  me, 
perhaps  I  might  prevail  with  them  to  come  &  live  amongst  you 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  35 

and  I  should  think  myself  obliged  to  reward  you  for  such  a  peice 
of  Service. 

Desires  they  will  use  their  Influence  to  get  200  of  their  Young 
Men  to  help  with  200  English  to  build  the  Fort  at  Onondago, 
&  that  they  shall  have  the  same  Wages  as  the  Christian  Work 
men,  and  says  he  hopes  to  finish  it  in  3  Months,  when  they  will 
have  no  reason  to  be  affraid  of  the  Garrison  at  Cadaraqui  — 

Warns  them  against  the  seducing  Artifices  of  the  French 
Jesuits,  who  if  they  should  fail  to  make  them  Proselytes  are  bad 
enough  to  take  them  off  with  Poison.  And  says  the  only  effec 
tual  way  to  prevent  them  from  coming,  is  to  make  Prisoners  of 
the  first  that  comes  &  send  him  down  to  Albany  &  for  every  such 
Priest  they  shall  be  paid  100  peices  of  8.  —  and  that  there  is  a 
Law  in  the  Province  for  the  taking  up  &  securing  all  Popish 
Priests  &  Jesuits. 

The  next  Morning  the  Sachems  who  were  convened  yesterday 
with  a  Protestant  Mohawk  Indian  waited  upon  Ld  Bellmont  & 
brought  one  more  from  each  Nation  with  them,  saying  it  was 
their  Custom  to  transact  all  Buisness  of  Moment  by  the  3  Tribes 
or  Ensigns  that  the  5  Nations  consisted  of  viz.  the  Bear,  the  Wolf 
&  the  Turtle,  one  from  each  of  these  Ensigns  in  each  Nation  was 
to  be  present. 

Then  rose  up  one  of  the  Sachems  &  told  his  Lordship.  - 

You  desire  us  to  make  Peace  with  the  remote  Nations  &  [at  the 
same  time]  to  draw  our  Indians  back  from  Canada,  at  the  same 
time  to  bring  the  Jesuits  who  may  come  to  our  Country  Prisoners 
hither.  These  Three  heads  do  not  well  consist  &  agree  together 
therefore  we  are  of.  Opinion  it  will  be  more  Advisable,  first  to 
conclude  a  firm  Peace  with  the  Dowagenhaw  &  remote  Indians, 
and  then  see  to  draw  back  our  Indians  from  Canada  that  are 
debauched  thither  before  we  meddle  with  or  disturb  the  Jesuits, 
for  there  are  to  the  Number  of  16  Nations  l  who  have  already 
agreed  to  come  &  Live  amongst  us.  And  if  they  hear  we  (p.  32) 
commit  any  Rudeness  to  the  French  Jesuits  it  will  put  a  Stop  not 
only  to  the  said  Treaty  but  exasperate  our  People  that  are  at 
Canada  &  'obstruct  their  coming  over  to  us,  therefore  we  conclude 

1  I  imagine  the  Word  should  have  been  Traslated  Tribes 


36  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

to  wait  the  coming  of  the  sd  far  Indians  before  we  put  your  Lord 
ships  desire  about  the  French  Jesuits  in  Execution. 

As  to  that  head  relating  to  our  Childrens  being  instructed  to 
read  &  write  English  &  Indian  at  New  York.1  the  Sachems  who 
are  now  on  the  hill  are  consulting  about  it,  and  we  will  when  we 
are  all  convened  together  return  your  Lordship  an  Answer  to  it 
as  also  concerning  those  Matters  you  have  spoke  of  about  the 
the  French  at  Onondago.  - 

His  Lordship  asked  them  whether  the  Sachems  who  were  con 
vened  on  the  Hill  would  give  him  an  Ace*  what  Message  was 
brought  to  them  by  Monsr  Morriceur  the  Jesuit  &  the  rest  of  the 
French  from  Canada  to  Onondaga  — 

They  Answered  Yes.  - 

He  told  them  that  As  he  designed  the  Fort  at  Onondago  so  big 
as  to  receive  200  Men  in  weh  there  should  be  always  100  English, 
whether  the  5  Nations  in  case  of  a  War  would  send  100  Men  to 
assist  in  keeping  the  Fort  — 

They  said  when  all  the  Sachems  were  convened  together  they 
would  answer  that  Point,  but  a  little  After  a  Sachem  rose  up  & 
said,  as  to  that  Matter,  we  desire  to  be  excused  from  giving  any 
positive  Answer,  because  it  is  the  Young  Men  that  must  do  the 
Service  &  they  must  be  consulted  about  it.  - 

His  Lordship  replyd  that  he  thought  the  Sachems  had  the  sole 
Command  of  their  Young  Men  without  any  con  troll. 

They  answered,  We  have  often  proposed  something  to  you  & 
you  have  told  us  you  would  write  to  the  King  our  Great  Master 
about  it,  wch  gave  us  (p.  33)  Satisfaction  and  we  never  importuned 
you  any  more  about  it,  therefore  pray  be  satisfied  with  what  we 
have  now  answered. 

After  a  while  a  Sachem  came  from  the  Hill  from  the  Sachems  of 
the  5  Nations,  the  Speeker  said  as  follows.  - 

It  is  concluded  by  all  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  that  each 
Nation  do  send  12  Men  to  assist  at  the  making  the  Fort  in  the 
Onondago  Country. 

1  I  dont  find  any  mention  of  this  Article  made  in  his  Lordships  Speech,  &  sup 
pose  it  was  omitted. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  37 

As  to  our  Children  to  be  sent  to  New  York  to  be  instructed  to 
read  &  write,  We  answer,  that  we  are  not  Masters  or  disposers  of 
them  that  is  a  matter  wch  relates  to  our  Wives  who  are  the  sole 
disposers  of  our  Children  whilst  they  are  under  Age.  - 

Albany  31.  Aug* 

The  Earl  of  Bellmont  had  a  further  Conference  with  the  Onon- 
dago  Sachems  about  the  Fort  to  be  built  in  their  Country.  —  viz. 
i.       he  desired  a  Guard  for  the  Engineer  who  was  to  go  & 

look  out  for  a  proper  Sittuation  for  it  - 
It  was  imediately  granted  — 

2d       He  desired  to  know  if  they  would  now  name  the  Sachems 
who  were  to  be  joined  with  the  Engineer  to  Agree  upon 
a  proper  Sittuation  for  the  Fort. 
They   answered   when    the   Engineer   arrived   at   Onondago 

Sachems  would  be  there  appointed  — 

3dly  If  the  would  supply  the  Christians  whilst  they  were 
building  the  Fort  with  Provisions  &  hereafter  when  it 
should  be  Garrisoned  - 

They  answered  the  English  should  want  for  no  Provisions 
niether  whilst  they  were  building  the  Fort  nor  afterwards 
and  that  at  reasonable  rates.  - 

In  the  afternoon  he  had  a  Conference  with  the  whole  Assembly 
of  the  5  Nations  then  at  Albany.  — 

My  Lord's  Speech  is  not  recorded.  I  find  by  their  Answer  he 
recommended  them  to  stand  firm  in  their  Resolution  of  (p.  34) 
being  instructed  in  the  Protestant  Religion  —  to  wch  they  an 
swer,  that  they  are  firmly  determined  so  to  do. 

They  say,  We  desire  that  our  Bror  Corlaer  (the  Govr)  will 
write  to  the  Great  King  of  England,  that  the  Limits  &  Bounds 
may  be  established  between  us  &  the  French  of  Canada  to  pre 
vent  all  Disputes  &  Controversies,  that  each  may  know  their 
Bounds  and  when  we  are  upon  our  Land  &  when  we  are  upon  the 
French  Kings  Land.  — 

They  pray  that  there  may  be  a  good  regulation  of  the  Trade 
&  Goods  sold  Cheap  that  the  Remote  Indians  may  see  what 
Pennyworths  there  is  here  wch  will  draw  them  hither.  — 


38  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

The  Indians  gave  my  Ld  Bellmont  an  Ace*  of  what  Jesuit 
Bruyere  had  said  to  them  at  Onondago,  His  Discourse  appears  to 
have  been  calculated  to  [alleinated]  alienate  them  from  their 
Submission  to  this  Government,  to  admit  of  Priests  &  embrace 
the  Roman  Catholic  Religion. 

The  Cannada  Praying  Indians  of  Cackanuaga  had  also  sent  a 
Belt  of  Wampum  ([that  is]  with  an  Embassy)  to  the  5  Nations 
telling  them  that  as  their  respective  Kings  had  made  Peace  they 
desired  all  hostilities  might  cease  between  Them  &c  —  and  desired 
their  Belt  of  Wampum  might  be  hung  up  in  Onondaga  Castle  in 
token  of  a  good  Correspondance  to  be  kept  up  between  them  & 
the  5  Nations,  &  further  desired  the  Govr  of  New  York  might 
not  know  anything  of  this  Belt  of  Wampum  — 

This  being  looked  upon  as  only  an  Artifice  to  introduce  the 
French  &  their  Priests  amongst  the  5  Nat3  in  order  to  debauch 
them  from  this  Gov*  —  My  Lord  gave  them  another  Belt  of 
Wampum  in  the  room  of  this  to  hang  up  at  Onondaga  as  a  Testi 
mony  of  their  Fidelity  &  Obedience  to  the  Crown  of  England  — - 
wch  they  accepted  —  and  promised  to  return  Answer  to  these 
Praying  Indians,  that  they  were  resolved  they  would  never  carry 
on  any  Negotiation  (p.  35)  with  them  or  any  other  Persons  what 
soever  without  the  Privity  &  good  liking  of  the  Great  King  of 
Englands  Govr  of  New  York. 

Albany  14  July  1701.  - 

The  Lieu*  Govr  John  Nanfan  Esqr  met  the  5  Nations  &  made 
a  Speech  to  them  wch  is  not  recorded.  - 

They  Answer  — 

They  condole  with  him  on  the  Death  of  the  late  Govr  The 
Earl  of  Bellmont  &  congratulate  him  on  his  Accession  to  the 
Gov*- 

They  say  we  shall  all  have  our  Eyes  fixed  upon  you  because 
we  daily  meet  with  great  difficulties  from  the  French  of  Canada. 
We  doubt  not  but  you  will  be  careful  to  keep  the  Covenant  Chain 
firm  as  the  late  Govr  has  done  whose  Soul  is  now  in  heaven.  — • 

We  do  with  all  sincereity  acknowledge  the  great  kindness  that 
his  Majesty  the  Great  King  has  for  the  5  Nations,  we  will  en 
deavour  to  behave  ourselves  as  such  that  may  merit  his  Majestys 


WRAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  39 

Esteem  by  our  faithfulness  to  the  English  Crown.  We  con- 
not  sufficiently  express  our  Gratitude  to  so  Gracious  a  Prince, 
and  we  shall  never  fail  to  Obey  your  Commands  who  are  his 
Lieutenant 

You  desire  to  know  what  the  French  Agents  have  done  in  our 
Country,  their  Principal  Buisness  was  to  settle  a  Priest  among 
us.  but  we  have  so  often  had  Experience  of  their  Wickedness  & 
Falacy  that  we  have  positively  denied  him  any  Access.  They 
have  been  the  Occasion  of  a  great  Breach  in  our  Country  by 
seducing  many  of  our  People  to  Canada. 

As  to  the  satisfying  you  what  Treaties  we  have  made  with  the 
Dowagenhaes  &  the  far  Indians  —  They  say  they  sent  a  Skin 
with  Two  of  the  principal  Castles  painted  thereon,     the  names  of 
y6  7  Nations  we  have  made  peace  with  are 
Skighquan 

Estjage  some    of    these   I    suppose    are 

Assisagh  divisional  Names  of  the  Dow- 

Karhadage  agenhaes   nation  —  more    prop- 

Adgenauwe  erly  called  Castles. 

Karihaet 
Adirondax. 

(P.  36.)  As  to  our  Indians  debauched  to  Canada  by  the  French, 
We  have  used  all  Endeavours  imaginable  to  get  them  back,  but 
cannot  prevail,  the  Jesuits  have  a  great  Influence  upon  them  that 
they  stop  their  coming  to  their  own  Country  and  the  Govr  of 
Canada  has  them  now  devoted  wholly  to  his  Service.  - 

The  Govr  told  them  he  was  glad  to  hear  they  had  made  Peace 
with  so  many  nations  &  hoped  it  might  be  lasting,  &  desired  to 
know  how  many  Nations  they  were  still  at  War  with.  They  say 
there  are  6  Nat3  who  still  make  war  upon  us,  besides  those  we  do 
not  know.  They  name  none. 

Albany  19  July  1701. 
The  Lieu*  Govr  had  a  further  Conferrence  with  the  5  Nats. 

His  Speech  is  not  recorded.  - 

They  say.  We  complain  of  the  French  of  Canada  [incroaching] 
incroaching  upon  our  Territories  &  that  they  go  &  build  Forts 
upon  our  Land  without  our  Consent.  We  pray  the  Great  King 


4O  WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

of  England  may  be  accquainted  with  it  &  that  he  will  be  pleased 
to  take  care  to  prevent  it. 

We  do  renew  the  Covenant  Chain  &  make  it  bright  &  clear  &  we 
fasten  it  to  the  Hills  wch  lye  round  this  City,  for  They  may  rot 
&  decay,  but  the  Hills  will  remain  immoveable. 

Let  the  Covenant  Chain  reach  from  New  York  to  the  Sennekas 
Country  that  all  the  People  that  are  under  it  may  be  secure  from 
all  Attempts  of  an  Enemy. 

We  would  remove  the  End  of  it  to  Troich  Sachronde  1  or  Waw- 
yacktenok  if  it  were  in  our  Power,  but  the  French  would  mock  at 
it  for  they  have  taken  it  in  Possession  already  against  our  Wills 
sending  People  thither  to  make  Forts,  but  hope  they  will  be 
removed  speedily  away.  (P.  37.)  If  the  French  make  any 
Attempts  or  come  into  our  Country  to  delude  us,  we  desire  you 
to  send  Men  of  Wisdom  &  Understanding  to  Countermine  them, 
for  they  are  too  Subtle  &  Cuning  for  us  &  if  you  can  convince 
them  that  will  be  a  means  to  stop  their  designs  &  so  prevent 
their  ill  Intentions.  - 

We  desire  that  our  Secry  Rob1  Livingston  may  be  sent  to  the 
Great  King  of  England  to  accquaint  him  that  the  French  of 
Canada  incroach  upon  our  Territories  by  building  a  Fort  at 
Tejughsakrondie  2  &  to  pray  that  our  Great  King  may  use  all 
Means  to  prevent  it.  we  shall  be  tied  up ;  we  shall  not  be  able  to 
live,  they  will  come  nearer  to  us  every  day  with  their  Forts.  We 
do  give  &  render  up  all  that  Land  where  the  Bever  hunting  is 
wch  we  won  wjth  the  Sword  8o-years  ago  &  pray  that  He  (the 
King)  may  be  our  Protector  &  Defender  there;  And  desire  that 
our  Secretary  may  write  an  Instrument  wch  we  will  Sign  &  Seal 
that  it  may  be  carried  by  him  to  the  King.3 

They  desire  Goods  may  be  sold  Cheap  &  say  the  French  draws 
many  Indians  to  himself  by  selling  better  Pennyworths  than  we 
do. 

1  The  Straits  between  Lake  Huron  &  Lake  Errie. 

2  The  5  Nations  Name  for  Lake  Erie  &  is  I  suppose  Fort  [Cad]  w1*  the  [marked  in 
Poppli's  map]  French  had  at  the  West  End  of  Lake  Erie. 

3  In  the  Contents  of  this  Meeting  is  minuted  the  [Title]  Deed  of  Surrender 
of  this  Land  to  the  King  dated  the  19  July  1701.  but  no  such  Deed  appears 
recorded. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  41 

Concerning  the  French  Priests,  it  is  a  general  Conclusion  of 
all  the  5  Nations  to  Expel  them.  We  desire  to  be  Instructed  by 
your  Ministers  in  the  Christian  Faith  &  rely  on  you  for  doing  it. 
the  French  Priests  have  been  the  ruin  of  our  Country  &  therefore 
we  have  no  cause  to  suffer  them  any  more  - 

The  Govr  of  Canada  hath  sent  a  Party  of  Men  who  are  gone 
behind  our  Country  privately  to  build  a  Fort  at  Tejughsag- 
krondie  —  you  desire  to  know  what  we  have  done  in  that  Case. 
The  People  that  have  been  at  Onondago  can  tell  you.  We 
thought  this  Government  would  have  done  something  in  the 
Matter,  &  to  have  found  you  buisy  in  your  Books  &  Maps  con 
cerning  it,  that  the  Line  should  be  run  between  the  Two  Govern 
ments  we  can  do  nothing  in  the  Case,  you  know  we  have  not 
Power  to  resist  such  a  Christian  Enemy,  therefore  we  (p.  38)  must 
depend  upon  you  Bror  to  take  this  Case  in  hand  &  accquaint  the 
Great  King  with  it  for  what  will  become  of  us  at  this  rate.  Where 
shall  we  hunt  Bever  if  the  French  of  Canada  take  Possession  of 
our  Bever  Country. 

We  cannot  omit  to  accquaint  you  of  the  Deceit  of  the  Smiths 
who  take  our  Money  &  instead  of  putting  Steel  into  our  Hatchets 
put  Iron,  so  that  as  soon  as  we  come  into  our  Country  to  use  them 
they  fall  to  pieces.  - 

The  Traders  have  a  bad  Custom  to  trust  our  People  and  when 
the  Men  are  Dead  come  upon  their  Widows  &  when  they  bring 
Bever  take  it  from  them  for  Debt.  - 

Albany  the  21  July  1701.  - 

A  Private  Conference  between  the  Lieu*  Govr  &  the  principal 
Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  — 

They  say  when  the  late  Govr  the  Earl  of  Bellmont  brought 
them  the  News  of  a  Peace,  he  told  them  the  Prisoners  on  both 
sides  should  be  set  at  Liberty,  but  they  have  not  hitherto  been  so 
happy  to  find  this  true,  for  the  Govr  of  Canada  &  the  Priests 
detain  the  Prisoners  taken  from  them  upon  Pretense  to  make 
them  Christians.  They  desire  the  Govr  to  get  them  back  to 
Albany  &  make  Christians  of  them  there. 

What  shall  we  do  if  the  French  continue  to  draw  away  our 
People  &  encroach  upon  our  Country,  they  build  Forts  round 


42  WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

about  us  &  pen  us  up.  It  is  now  Peace  we  cannot  hinder  them, 
niether  is  it  in  our  Power  to  resist  them ;  they  have  drained  us  of 
our  People  they  all  go  to  Canada  &  that  upon  pretence  of  Relig 
ion  &  to  be  converted,  We  see  it  is  only  to  enslave  us.  We 
know  very  well  how  they  did  at  Cadaraqui,  &  so  they  come  nearer 
&  nearer.  They  are  going  about  to  make  a  Fort  at 1  Keenthee 
on  the  side  of  Cadaraqui  Lake  another  Principal  Passage  wch  our 
Indians  cannot  Shun  when  they  come  from  their  Hunting.  We 
hear  that  one  of  (p.  39)  our  Indians  called  Oraja  Dicka  that  has 
been  2  years  amongst  the  French  in  Canada  &  is  there  still, 
has  given  Consent  to  build  this  Fort,  but  We  5  Nations  know 
nothing  of  it  neither  will  we  give  leave,  for  by  such  means  the 
French  possess  themselves  of  our  Territorys. 

They  repeat  their  desire  that  their  Secretary  Rob1  Livingston 
may  be  sent  forthwith  to  his  Majesty  upon  all  these  Points.  - 

The  Lieu*  Govr  told  them  he  would  consider  of  their  Proposals 
&  would  do  anything  that  was  proper  for  him  to  do  for  their  Ease 
Satisfaction  &  future  Tranquility 

N.B.  From  this  Conferrence  to  the  13  Decr  1704.  There  are 
no  Records  entered  of  Indian  Affairs.  - 

Albany  13  Decr  1704.  - 

Information  by  a  Messenger  is  bro*  to  the  Commissr3  for 
Indian  Affairs,  that  a  French  Man  &  an  Indian  were  come  to  the 
5  Nat8  &  desired  a  Meeting  with  them  at  Onondago.  That  the 
5  Nations  had  deferred  that  Meeting  until  they  had  accquainted 
their  Bretheren  of  Albany  with  it,  that  they  might  send  up  some 
of  their  Body  to  be  present  at  it  — 

The  Commiss1*  agreed  to  dispatch  Two  or  three  Persons  thither 
with  proper  Instructions  for  their  Behaviour.  — 

The  17th  those  Persons  returned  back,  having  met  on  their  way 
2  of  our  Indians  who  are  returned  from  Canada  lately,  and  bring 
Intelligence  that  the  Govr  of  Canada  was  so  much  provoked  at 
the  Govr  of  New  York  for  sending  Two  Belts  of  Wampum  to 
the  Cachnawaga  Praying  Indians  in  Canada  Inviting  them  to 
return  and  live  amongst  their  Bretheren  the  Mohawks,  that  he 

1  Probably  at  the  Place  now  called  Osswego. 


WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  43 

declared  he  would  raise  a  force  &  fall  upon  the  Govr  of  New  York 
for  so  doing,  &  that  Amunition  had  been  delivered  out  &  prepara 
tions  making  accordingly. 

The  Commiss"  directed  the  Messengers  to  proceed  on  (p.  40) 
their  Journey  to  Onondago,  &  to  send  the  Two  Indians  to  them 
to  be  further  Examined.  And  if  they  should  hear  a  Confirmation 
of  this  News,  that  they  should  apply  for  the  assistance  of  the 
5  Nations  to  march  Down  to  Albany  - 

A  French  Praying  Indian  arrived  at  Albany  &  informs,  that 
the  Two  Belts  of  Wampum  that  [the  Two]  the  Govr  had  sent  to 
Canada  to  the  Praying  Indians  in  the  Castle  of  Cachnawaga,  had 
effected  such  a  Disposition  in  many  of  them  to  return  &  live 
amongst  the  Mohawks  that  three  of  the  Chief  Sachems  were  on 
their  way  to  Albany  &  this  Indian  was  come  with  an  Intention 
to  remain  among  our  Indians  —  That  this  Affair  made  a  great 
noise  in  Canada  &  put  the  People  there  into  a  Consternation. 

Albany  8  Janry  1704/5  - 

The  Messengers  dispatched  to  Onondago  arrive  at  Albany  & 
Say  that  the  French  said  to  be  arrived  at  Onondaga  as  Ambassa 
dors  from  Canada  had  only  been  in  the  Sennekas  Country  &  left 
a  Priest  there  —  but  had  sent  the  French  Interpreter  to  Onondago 
to  desire  a  meeting  there  wch  was  granted  before  our  Messengers 
arrived.1  that  the  Messenger  told  them  to  be  on  their  Guard 
against  the  Wagenhaw  Indians  &  to  stay  at  home,  (this  seems 
to  be  a  false  Alarm  in  order  to  keep  the  Indians  from  acting 
against  the  Party  designed  from  Canada) 

That  the  Interpreter  laid  down  the  Two  Belts  of  Wampum  wch 
had  been  sent  to  the  Praying  Indians  of  Canada,  &  said  sd  Indians 
would  not  accept  it.  but  desired  the  Govr  would  take  no  notice 
of  their  Refusal.  - 

1  I  find  in  several  Instances  when  the  5  Nat8  receive  a  Request  from  the  French 
for  a  Meeting  at  Onondago,  tho  they  send  our  Govr  word  to  dispatch  Deputies 
thither,  they  [always]  generally  take  care  to  make  an  end  of  the  Meeting  before 
our  Deputies  can  arrive,  w°h  is  a  peice  of  Policy  to  conceal  from  us  what  they 
think  proper. 


44  W  RAX  ALL9  S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

the  15  Janry  1704/5. 

A  Message  from  the  5  Nations  that  they  keep  their  Warriors  at 
home  in  readiness  to  send  them  down  to  Albany  whenever  they 
shall  be  required.  - 

(P.  41.)  I  find  by  the  Records  about  this  Time  this  Govr  &  that 
of  Canada  were  sending  Invitations  to  each  others  Indians  to 
gain  them  over  —  with  this  difference,  We  sent  to  induce  those 
who  had  left  us  to  return,  the  French  to  debauch  more  from 
us  —  in  the  former  we  dont  appear  to  have  succeeded,  in  the 
latter  the  French  in  some  Measure  did  — 

Albany  29  May  1705  - 

A  Message  from  the  Sennekas  Country,  that  the  said  Sennekas 
have  received  Information  that  4  Nations  of  the  farr  Indians 
have  taken  up  the  Hatchet  against  the  5  Nations,  and  to  advise 
them  to  be  on  their  Guard,  upon  wch  a  Meeting  is  summoned  at 
Onondaga  &  the  Indians  desire  the  Commiss"  to  send  Deputies 
thither  to  consult  for  the  preservation  of  their  Country  &  the 
Good  of  the  Province.  —  The  Commissrs  accordingly  dispatch 
Lawr8  Classe  the  Interpreter.  - 

Albany  6  June  1705  - 

Six  of  the  Chief  Sachems  of  the  Cacknawaga  Castles  in  Canada 
arrived  at  Albany.  And  make  a  Short  Speech  —  that  they  are 
come  in  a  friendly  &  Peaceable  Manner  —  And  give  Strings  of 
Wampum  to  wipe  away  all  Blood  wch  hath  been  shed  by  them. 
And  make  an  Apology  that  they  could  not  come  before  having 
been  hindered  by  Matters  of  great  importance. 
[Its]  —  They  are  civilly  answered,  invited  to  come  and  live 
amongst  their  Bretheren  the  Mohawks  &  told  that  Col.  Schuyler 
will  go  down  with  them  to  the  Govr  at  New  York  —  gth  day. 
They  Answer  that  they  have  concluded  to  observe  the  Corn- 
miss1'8  Orders  &  go  down  with  Col.  Schuyler  to  New  York  but 
did  not  expect  they  should  have  been  ordered  thither. 

Albany  n  August  1705  - 

D.  Waderhoe  an  Englishman  who  hath  lived  amongst  the 
Cayouge  Nation  (one  of  the  5)  from  a  Child  &  now  a  Sachem  a 
Serious  Man  &  very  true  to  this  Government,  came  to  Albany  & 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  45 

accquainted  the  (p.  42)  Commissioners  that  Two  Companies 
of  Toegsagrondie  Indians  were  lately  arrived  in  the  Sennekas 
Country,  One  Company  whereof  were  designed  to  Albany  &  the 
other  to  Canada,  but  by  the  instigation  of  Jonkeur  the  French 
Interpreter  who  lives  in  the  Sennekas  Country,  the  Party  designed 
for  Albany  were  prevented  from  fulfilling  their  Intentions  - 
He  says  Bretheren  I  must  tell  you  that  you  may  blame  yourselves 
for  want  of  Commerce  with  those  Indians  of  Toegsagrondie  & 
others  of  the  farr  Nations,  by  reason  that  you  have  not  a  man  or 
two  in  the  Sennekas  Country  continually,  for  had  there  been 
anybody  to  represent  this  Government  as  there  is  from  Canada, 
those  had  not  gone  to  Canada.  I  desire  you  will  consider  this 
Matter. 

If  you  do  not  send  up  some  Person  to  represent  this  Govern 
ment  you  will  be  apt  to  loose  most  of  your  Indians  by  reason  of 
the  great  Influence  the  Govr  of  Canada  gains  upon  them  by  the 
Jesuits  &  the  Interpreter  continually  amongst  them. 

Upon  this  it  was  resolved  by  the  Commiss"  to  dispatch  the 
Indian  Interpreter  up  to  the  Sennekas  Country  with  proper 
Instructions.  — 

Albany  the  20  Novr  1705  - 

The  Commiss"  received  Information  that  the  French  Gov*  [has] 
had  recalled  the  French  from  the  Fort  of  Toegsagrondie  &  the 
Wood  Scouts  about  Ottowawa  &  had  ordered  all  his  Indians  to 
stay  at  home  this  Winter  —  from  hence  they  Suggested  he  de 
signed  some  Attack  upon  Albany  or  the  Settlements  there 
about —  In  consequence  whereof  they  wrote  a  Letter  to  the 
Govr  desiring  he  will  fall  upon  proper  measures  to  secure  them. 

Albany  23  febry  1705/6. 

The  Commiss"  receive  Intelligence  that  the  French  have  pre 
vailed  upon  the  Cayouge  Nation  (one  of  the  5  &  always  very 
(p.  43)  faithful  to  this  Gov*)  to  receive  a  French  Priest  amongst 
them  whom  they  are  to  fetch  next  Spring  &  with  him  comes 
another  to  releive  the  French  Priest  at  Onondago.  — 

The  Commiss"  dispatch  two  Persons  to  reside  amongst  the 
Indians,  one  to  Onondaga  the  other  to  the  Cayouge  Natn  to  pre- 


46  WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

vent  if  they  can,  these  destructive  Measures  of  the  French 
whereby  they  debauch  our  Indians  from  us.  - 

Albany  10  April  1706.  — 

The  Messengers  just  now  mentioned  returned  from  Onondaga 
&  the  Cayouge  Castles,  and  say  they  diswaded  &  forewarned  the 
Cayouges  from  receiving  any  french  Jesuit  amongst  them,  &  that 
it  would  be  prejudicial  to  the  5  Nations  &  their  Bretheren  of  this 
Gov*  —  The  Sachems  told  them,  that  the  French-affected  Indians 
at  Onondaga,  had  inspired  many  of  the  Cayouge's  with  this 
Inclination  for  a  French  Priest,  &  that  the  only  way  to  prevent 
its  taking  Effect  would  be  for  the  English  as  they  had  been  often 
desired,  to  send  some  Men  up  with  a  capable  Man  for  their  Officer 
to  reside  at  the  Cayouge  Castles,  wch  would  keep  the  Indians 
steady  in  their  Attachment  to  the  English  &  prevent  the  Machina 
tions  of  the  French. 
This  Proposal  was  sent  down  to  N.  york  to  the  Govr 

Albany  3d  June  1706  — 

A  Messenger  who  was  dispatched  to  the  Sennekas  Country 
returns  &  accquaints  the  Commissrs  —  that  in  his  way  home 
amongst  the  Cayouga  Nation  he  found  the  Majority  inclined  to 
receive  a  French  Priest  amongst  them,  but  that  with  great 
difficulty  he  prevailed  on  them  to  defer  their  final  Detirmination 
till  they  would  hear  from  our  Govr  —  that  the  Sennekas  & 
Onondages  had  each  one,  &  that  unless  proper  Persons  were  sent 
to  reside  amongst  the  5  Nations  they  would  all  probably  receive 
French  Priests  amongst  them  wch  would  be  of  the  most  fatal 
Consequence  to  this  Gov*  — 

(P.  44.)     Albany  18  June  1706  — 

Advice  comes  to  the  Commiss1"8  from  the  Interpreter  at  Onon- 
dago.  That  the  Cayouge  Nation  have  given  him  assurances 
that  the  will  not  receive  any  French  Priest  amongst  them  if  the 
Govr  will  send  a  Man  of  respect,  an  Interpreter,  a  Smith  &  a 
Brazier  to  reside  amongst  them.  Intelligence  hereof  was  sent 
down  to  the  Govr 

I  find  that  this  Time  tho  the  Indians  had  several  Shirmishes 
amongst  themselves,  that  is  to  say  [among]  betwixt  the  5  Na- 


WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  47 

tions  &  some  far  Nations  of  Southward  Indians,  &  that  the 
Canadians  &  French  Indians  made  inroads  upon  New  England 
&  Scalpt  over  that  Country,  yet  the  5  Nations  established  a 
neutraility  in  favour  of  this  Gov*  by  wch  means  Peace  &  Trade 
flourished  at  Albany.  - 

24  July  1706. 

The  Commiss"  send  advice  to  the  Govr  that  unless  proper  Men 
are  sent  to  reside  amongst  the  Five  Nations  the  French  by  their 
Priests  &  their  Presents  will  probably  succeed  in  Debauching 
them  from  our  Alliance. 

Albany  the  14  of  Aug*  1706.  - 

At  a  General  Meeting  between  the  Commissrs  of  Albany  &  the 
Representatives  of  the  5  Nations  — 

The  Indians  They  [complain]  accquaint  the  Commissr3  of  sundry 
Matters  relating  to  their  own  Wars  &  Alliances,  wherewith  they 
say  they  have  also  sent  to  accquaint  the  French  &  to  desire  their 
Advice  as  they  now  do  ours.  - 

They  complain,  that  tho  they  have  so  often  sollicitated  for  a 
Smith  to  be  nxt  at  Onondaga  whom  they  will  satisfy  for  his 
Labour,  yet  they  can  get  none  sent  to  them,  &  say  the  French  are 
daily  offering  them  their  People  whom  they  decline  accepting, 
And  that  unless  we  send  them  an  Interpreter  &  such  People  as 
they  want  amongst  them  the  Govr  must  not  blame  them  if  they 
take  Men  from  (p.  45)  the  French. 

They  complain  of  the  Dearness  of  Gun  Pouder  wch  being  so 
essential  an  Article  they  desire  it  may  be  sold  Cheaper.  - 

They  complain  that  when  they  have  a  general  Meeting  at 
Onondaga  (when  all  the  Indian  Politicks  are  Discussed)  &  send 
word  to  the  Govr  to  send  up  a  Representative  for  this  Gov*  none 
is  sent  up,  &  desire  it  may  not  be  so  any  more.  — 
The  Commissrs  Answer 

That  they  do  very  ill  to  consult  with  the  Govr  of  Canada  upon 
their  Affairs  who  is  underhand  contriving  their  Ruin. 

That  as  to  a  Smith  they  will  write  the  Govr  about  it,  but  that 
the  Christians  complain  when  they  are  in  the  Indian  Country, 
the  Indians  get  Drunk  &  put  them  in  fear  of  their  Lives. 


48  WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

That  the  Gun  Pouder  belongs  to  the  Private  People  &  they 
cannot  put  a  price  upon  it,  but  they  believe  it  is  sold  as  Cheap 
as  can  be  afforded.1  — 

I  find  in  Novr  1706.  An  Interpreter  from  this  Gov*  was  sent 
to  reside  at  Onondaga  &  Cayouga  to  watch  the  Motions  of  the 
French  &  to  prevent  their  Influence  to  the  prijudice  of  this 
Government. 

Albany  29  Sepr  1706.  —  Vol.  2d  of  the  Records. 
My  Lord  Cornbury  Govr  &  Command1"  in  Chief  met  the  Indians 
at  Albany  wch  is  the  first  meeting  there  held  by  a  Govr  or  Lieufc 
Govr  [from]  that  appears  in  the  Records  from  [the]  July  1701. 
in  the  intermediate  Time  everything  was  managed  by  the  Corn- 
miss"  a  Neutrality  subsisted  between  the  Govr  of  Canada,  whilst 
a  Hot  War  was  carried  on  by  the  French  against  New  England, 
&  it  appears  from  the  Records  that  the  Commiss1"3  used  their 
Endeav"  with  the  5  Nations  to  exert  their  Influence  with  the 
Indians  in  Canada  &  elsewhere  not  to  make  war  upon  New  Eng 
land — but  (p.  46)  this  had  little  or  no  Effect.  The  French  dur 
ing  this  Time  were  practising  every  Art  in  their  Power  to  increase 
their  Influence  amongst  the  5  Nations,  [&]  also  to  distress  &  dis 
turb  them  by  fomenting  Wars,  Feuds  &  Misunderstandings  be 
tween  them  &  the  farr  Nations  [that]  wch  lye  to  the  Southward  & 
Westward  of  the  Sennecas  Country,  &  did  engage  them  in  a  War 
with  the  Flat  Heads  who  live  at  back  of  Carolina  —  And  tho  the 
Commissioners  did  at  several  times  lay  open  to  the  5  Nations  this 
Perfidious  Conduct  of  the  French  yet  such  was  their  Attachment 
to  the  French  or  such  was  their  Fear  of  them,  that  the  5  Nations 
kept  up  a  friendly  commerce  with  the  Govr  of  Canada  &  har 
boured  the  Jesuits  amongst  them 

However  Numbers  of  the  farr  Nations  came  down  to  Albany 
&  Traded  with  the  Inhabitants,  wch  created  a  great  Jealousy  in 
the  French  &  set  them  at  work  to  endeavour  to  disturb  the 
Tranquility  [of]  amongst  the  Indians  &  by  engaging  them  in 

1  The  Commissioners  at  Albany  always  were  &  are  Indian  Traders  &  Dutch 
Men,  who  by  all  impartial  Accounts  Cheat  the  Indians  &  impose  upon  them  to  the 
utmost  of  their  abilities,  &  few  if  any  [of]  ever  lived  in  that  Town  but  what  are 
Indian  Traders. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  49 

Civil  Warrs  amongst  one  another  to  prevent  their  continuing  a 
Trade  with  Albany,  &  this  in  a  great  Measure  they  Effected.  - 
They  French  sent  Pouder  &  Shot  Gratis  amongst  the  5  Nations 
to  induce  them  to  go  out  &  fight  wch  was  a  great  means  of  prevail 
ing  on  them  —  I  find  at  this  Time  it  was  very  justly  apprehended 
that  one  great  Design  of  the  French  seducing  our  Indians  to 
march  to  the  Southward,  was  to  take  from  us  their  assistance  & 
whilst  they  were  gone  out  to  war  the  French  might  more  easily 
make  an  Attack  upon  this  Govfc  wch  was  expected  &  feared  at 
Albany.  — 

From  the  beginning  of  the  Records  to  the  End  of  the  first  Vol. 
The  Indians  are  constantly  pressing  in  the  strongest  manner  to 
obtain  the  Three  following  Points  — 

1.  That  a  Prudent  &  Capable  Person  who  understands  their 
Language  &  invested  with  proper  Powers  from  the  Gov*  may 
reside  at  Onondago  the  Place  of  their  Grand  assemblys  &  oc 
casionally  make  a  Progress  thro  the  several  Castles  as  the  State 
of  Affairs  may  require. 

2.  That  a  Gun  Smith  with  proper  Tools  good  Steel  &  Iron 
may  be  fixt  at  Onondago,  to  repair  their  Guns  Hatchets  &c 

(P.  47.)  3.  That  Powder  &  Shot  may  be  kept  at  such  prices 
that  they  can  afford  to  buy  such  Quantities  as  may  be  neces 
sary  for  War  &  Hunting.  — 

As  these  Three  Articles  are  at  almost  every  Public  Conference 
pressed  in  the  warmest  manner  upon  the  Govr  &  the  neglect  of 
them  complained  of,  it  seems  to  evince  but  from  what  Cause  I 
know  not,  that  they  were  neglected  —  From  the  Indians  constant 
earnestness  on  these  Points  &  from  their  own  Nature,  they  seem 
to  appear  to  be  of  material  Consequence  &  the  neglect  of  them 
very  impolitic  *  — 

(P.  49.)     Albany  22d  Febry  1706/7.  - 

The  French  Jesuits  at  Onondaga  &  Cayouge  stir  up  the  5 
Nations  to  go  out  a  fighting  against  the  Farr  Indians  in  order  to 
prevent  those  farr  Indians  from  coming  to  Trade  at  Albany,  and 
raise  several  false  reports  among  them  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
English. 

1  Here  a  blank  space  over  a  page  in  length  occurred  in  the  MS.  —  ED. 


50  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

21  June. 

The  French  Emissarys  instigate  the  Mohawks  to  go  out  a  fighting 
against  a  Nation  of  Indians  who  live  at  the  back  of  South  Caro 
lina  — 

The  Commissrs  inform  the  Indians  that  these  Measures  of  the 
French  are  only  to  destroy  &  weaken  the  Indians  in  our  Alliance, 
who  [want]  want  by  these  Means  to  reduce  them  so  low  that  they 
may  be  able  by  &  by  to  fall  on  them  &  totaly  destroy  them, 
they  therefore  advise  &  desire  them  to  keep  Peace  with  the 
Farr  Nations  &  mind  their  own  hunting. 

I  do  not  find  recorded  what  answer  the  Indians  made  nor  what 
measures  they  took.  - 

Montour  an  Indian  who  came  over  from  the  French  to  this 
Gov*  brings  several  farr  Indians  to  Trade  at  Albany  &  receives 
a  Reward  for  the  same,  tho  I  think  not  equal  to  his  Service, 
(being  but  £5).  however  he  promises  to  go  among  the  farr  Nations 
again  &  bring  down  more  Indians.  - 

1 6  July  1707.  - 

The  5  Nations  send  a  Message  to  the  Commissrs  that  they  want 
to  communicate  some  Matters  to  the  Govr  an  Express  is  sent 
down  to  Ld  Cornbury  who  returns  Answer  that  the  Queens  service 
calls  him  another  way  &  that  he  will  meet  them  in  Sepr  next.  25 
July,  the  Indian  Sachems  arrive  &  are  told  Ld  Cornburys  Answer, 
they  say  the  time  mentioned  is  too  long  for  them  to  stay  &  there 
fore  they  will  communicate  to  the  Commissr3  what  they  have  to 
say.  Viz. 

That  they  cannot  prevail  upon  the  Praying  Indians  of  Canada 
to  stay  at  home  &  not  fight  against  New  Engd  (p.  50)  that  sd 
Indians  must  be  obed*  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  — 

That  the  Govr  of  Canada  would  not  accept  of  the  Mediation 
of  the  5  Nations  between  him  &  New  Engd  but  answered  if  the 
People  of  New  England  had  anything  to  say  to  him  they  might 
come  themselves. 

That  according  to  the  request  of  this  Govr  last  year,  They  had 
made  a  Peace  with  the  Tjucksakrondie  Indians  But  that  they  had 
now  several  Warriours  gone  out  against  the  Flat  Heads  who  live 
at  the  back  of  South  Carolina,  And  if  this  Gov*  wanted  to  pre- 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  51 

vent  their  going  to  Warr  thither  they  must  send  a  fit  Person  with 
Belts  of  Wampum  to  each  of  the  5  Nations  — 

To  all  wch  the  Commiss™  Answered  they  would  lay  what  the 
Sachems  had  said  before  His  Excellency. 

i  Aug*  I  find  the  Interpreter  was  dispatched  [among]  to  the 
Indians  in  order  to  persuade  the  Sennecas  &  Onondagas  not  to 
let  the  French  Interpreter  build  any  house  in  their  Countrys  & 
to  disswade  the  Indians  from  making  war  upon  the  Flat  Heads. 

Albany  29  Sepr  1707.  - 
Lord  Cornbury  Govr  meets  the  Indians  at  Albany  - 

Two  Onondaga  Sachems  accquaint  him  that  some  Nations  of 
Indians  who  live  towards  Maryland  called  in  the  Mohawk  Lan 
guage  *  Cagnawassage  to  the  Amount  of  Ten  Castles  were  inclined 
to  come  &  settle  amongst  the  5  Nat3  &  live  under  their  Protec 
tion  &  that  Two  of  their  Sachems  were  now  residing  in  the  Mo 
hawks  Country  to  learn  their  Language.  They  present  his 
Lordship  with  a  Belt  of  Wampum  from  those  Indians  — 

They  complain  that  the  People  of  Virginia  Maryland  &  Pensil- 
vania  do  not  come  &  renew  the  Coven*  Chain  — 

His  Lordship  answers.  That  as  to  those  Indians  who  are 
desirous  of  settling  under  their  Protection,  he  approves  (p.  51)  it 
&  that  they  whilst  they  behave  themselves  with  that  Duty  & 
Obedience  to  this  Gov*  wch  becomes  them  they  shall  live  in  full 
Security  &  Protection. 

That  as  to  Virginia,  Maryland  &  Pensilvania's  not  coming  to 
renew  the  Cov*  that  at  his  first  coming  to  Albany  (wch  I  find  no 
record  of,  this  being  the  first  meeting  of  his  Recorded)  he  had 
renewed  the  Cov*  in  behalf  of  those  Colonies,  but  since  they 
suspect  their  withdrawing  from  the  Cov*  Chain  he  will  enquire 
about  it  &  give  them  an  ace*  next  time  he  comes  to  Albany.2 

1  Shawawnees  who  now  live  amongst  the  Sennecas.  — 

2  The  Indians  expect  Periodical  Meetings  from  all  the  Colonies  in  their  Alliance 
or  Cov*  Chain  &  to  have  presents  made  them.     And  this  ought  not  to  be  neglected 
or  too  long  postponed.     And  if  a  Triennial  Meeting  at  Albany  between  all  the  Brit811 
Colonies  &  the  Indians  was  to  be  held,  it  might  be  very  useful. 


52  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Albany  4  October  1707. 

The  Information  of  Laurence  Claasse  Interpreter  to  the  Com- 
miss"  who  is  arrived  from  a  progress  amongst  the  5  Nations  — 

That  great  Numbers  of  the  5  Nations  are  out  fighting  against 
the  Flat-Head  Indians  who  live  at  the  back  of  Carolina  (the 
Cattabaw's). 

That  the  French  have  engaged  them  in  this  War,  &  that  Govk 
supplies  them  with  Arms  &  Amunition  gratis. 

That  several  of  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  are  uneasy  at 
this  War  as  it  drains  them  of  their  People  &  leaves  their  Country 
in  so  defenceless  a  Condition  that  they  are  affraid  the  French 
may  put  some  Treacherous  Designs  in  Execution  against  them 
now  their  Young  Warriors  are  absent.  They  therefore  applied 
to  Laur.  Claasse  that  he  would  desire  &  advise  this  Gov*  to  send 
Belts  of  Wampum  thro  the  5  Nations  to  dissuade  them  from  going 
out  to  fight  against  the  Flat  Heads.  - 

That  the  Sennekas  are  very  much  inclined  to  the  (p.  52)  French 
Interest.  The  French  Interpreter  is  lately  come  from  Canada 
&  brought  another  Priest  with  him  in  the  room  of  him  that  was 
there  before  who  is  gone  to  Canada  — 

Albany  31  Janry  1707/8 

Four  Oneida  Sachems  as  Deputies  from  the  5  Nations  are  sent  to 
the  Commiss1"3  to  accquaint  this  Gov*  that  ye  Two  chief  Sachems 
of  a  Nation  of  Western  Indians  called  Wississachoos  l  were  come 
to  the  Sennecas  Country  &  accquainted  the  5  Nations,  that  there 
were  Three  Castles  of  their  Countrymen  come  to  settle  at  a  place 
about  8  Miles  above  Jagare,  &  hoped  that  the  Sennecas  who  were 
their  nearest  Neighbours  would  bear  the  same  Friendly  &  peac- 
able  Heart  towards  them  as  they  did  towards  the  Sennecas,  & 
desired  they  might  be  in  all  respects  united  with  the  5  Nations  - 
This  was  accepted  by  the  5  Nations  &  the  proposed  Union  ratified 
with  all  the  Solemnities  usual  amongst  the  Indians. 

The  sd  Sachems  tell  the  Commiss™  further,  that  tho  their 
Nation  have  in  a  distinguishing  Manner  complied  with  the 
desires  &  Directions  of  this  Gov*,  yet  their  so  earnest  &  frequent 

1  These  were  probably  the  Missisagas,  a  tribe  living  to  the  east  of  Lake  Huron.  — 
ED. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  53 

Request  for  a  Smith  is  not  regarded  &  they  once  more  beg  they 
may  have  one. 

It  is  only  recorded  that  the  above  Sachems  were  thanked  for 
their  News  wch  should  be  transmitted  to  the  Govr  —  a  triffling 
Present  was  given  them 

Albany  20  May  1708  - 

The  Commissra  dispatch'd  a  River  Indian  last  year  with  a  Belt  of 
Wampum  to  the  Sawanoe  Indians  (who  live  upon  some  of  the 
Branches  of  the  Susquehannah)  to  invite  them  with  their  Wives 
&  Children  to  come  &  live  in  this  Gov* —  The  Messenger  re 
turned  this  day  with  their  Answer,  wch  was  that  they  were 
inclined  to  come. 

22  May. 

Five  Sachems  of  Canada  Cacknawaga  Indians  come  to  Albany 
in  consequence  of  a  Belt  of  Wampum  sent  to  them  from  this 
(p.  53)  Government  &  tell  the  Commiss"  that  tho  it  is  true  they 
have  made  Warr  upon  New  England  for  3  years  past,  yet  they 
now  bury  the  Hatchet  &  are  resolved  never  to  take  it  in  hand 
again  against  the  People  of  New  England. 

They  desire  they  may  have  Goods  Cheap  &  a  good  price  for 
their  Bever.  - 

The  Commissrs  Answer  them  —  That  they  are  very  glad  to 
hear  they  are  come  to  a  resolution  to  lay  down  the  Hatchet 
against  the  Bretheren  of  New  England,  &  that  they  hope  neither 
they  nor  any  other  Indians  in  their  Interest  will  take  It  up  again. 

They  tell  them  the  only  way  to  have  goods  cheap  is  not  to 
take  any  Fees  from  such  Persons  as  go  out  of  Town  to  meet 
them  in  order  to  bring  them  to  their  Houses  where  they  sell 
'em  goods  at  a  dearer  rate  to  answer  the  Fees  or  presents  made 
them,  but  to  come  directly  into  the  City  &  see  where  they  can 
buy  cheapest.1 

1  It  is  a  custom  in  Albany  to  this  day  that  when  any  Indians  are  expected  down 
Hudson's  River  from  Canada  with  Bever,  for  the  Traders  to  go  themselves  or  send 
Scouts  waiting  for  some  days  many  Miles  from  Albany  to  lay  hold  of  the  Indians 
&  secure  their  Bever.  These  People  keep  with  the  Indians  &  on  their  Arrival  at 
Albany  lay  hold  of  their  Packs  of  Bever  &  carry  them  into  their  own  Houses  where 
they  make  the  Indians  Drunk  &  cheat  them,  some  have  Waggons  ready  5  or  6 
Miles  from  Albany  unload  their  Cannoes  &  carry  the  Bever  to  their  Houses  in  the 
City. 


54  WRAXALUS  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Albany  28  May  1708  — 

This  day  Laurence  Classe  the  Interpreter  arrives  from  Onon- 
daga  with  a  Message  from  the  Sachems  of  that  Castle  to  accquaint 
their  Brother  Corlaer  that  they  have  Intelligence  the  Gov*  of 
Canada  is  going  to  build  Two  Forts  &  to  post  Garrisons  therein. 
The  One  to  be  at  the  Place  called  by  the  Indians  Tweegasie  (this 
I  take  to  be  [that  Place  where  Fort  Osswego  is  now  built]  Iron- 
dequat  or  thereabouts 1  &  the  other  at  Oghjagere  or  the  Great 
Falls  (Fort  Niagra  belonging  to  the  French)  being  the  Two 
chief  Places  where  the  5  Nations  generally  hunt  their  Beavers, 
— -which  design  they  see  is  not  only  to  disturb  their  hunting 
but  to  draw  off  as  many  of  the  5  Nations  as  they  can  &  to 
Debauch  the  rest  &  then  to  fall  upon  them  with  their  own 
Men,  when  they  will  be  in  no  Capacity  or  Strength  to  withstand 
them;  (p.  54)  therefore  think  themselves  obliged  to  give  their 
Bror  Corlaer  timely  notice  hereof,  earnestly  desiring  that  to 
secure  &  keep  the  5  Nations  firm  &  steady  to  this  Gov*  the  only 
way  is  to  take  Possession  &  settle  a  Garrison  or  two  at  the  most 
convenient  Places  to  prevent  any  such  Settlement  of  the  French 
wch  if  made  by  them  will  surely  tend  to  the  ruine  of  the  5  Nations. 
Do  further  desire  that  their  Bror  Corlaer  will  forthwith  send  them 
word  what  he  will  do  in  this  Matter  &  whether  he  will  so  lay  it  to 
heart  &  consider  of  it  that  a  Settlement  may  be  made  for  the 
Quiet  &  Ease  of  the  5  Nations  who  otherwise  in  all  Likelihood 
will  be  scattered  abroad  — 

Say  further  they  are  in  doubt  whether  their  Bror  Corlaer  will 
take  heed  hereof  since  they  have  been  so  long  slighted  &  no  care 
taken  of  the  Covenant,  It  having  been  but  once  renewed  by  their 
Bror  Corlaer  in  Person  since  his  arrival  to  this  Gov*  Therefore 
desire  he  will  take  notice  of  this  their  Request  &  not  slight  them 
it  being  a  Matter  of  great  Consequence  whereon  the  welfare  of 
the  5  Nations  &  their  Castles  depend.  They  would  have  their 
Bror  Corlaer  to  consider  when  the  5  Nations  are  removed  or 
scattered  what  will  become  of  him,  therefore  it  is  best  to  join 
hand  &  hand  as  Bretheren  for  the  safety  of  both  sides. 

1  In  reality  at  the  mouth  of  the  Oswegatchie  River,  the  site  of  Ogdensburg. 
Irondequat  was  on  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  considerably  westward  of 
Oswego.  —  ED. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  55 

The  Interpreter  further  informs  the  Commiss™  that  the  French 
Jesuit  in  Onondaga  hath  a  Considerable  Store  of  Goods  wch  he 
daily  distributes  to  the  Indians  to  gain  their  affection  &  that  the 
French  Interpreter  is  daily  expected  with  great  Presents  for  the 

5  Nations. 

Hereupon  the  Commiss™  wrote  the  following  Letter  to  My 
Lord  Cornbury  then  Govr 

Albany  29  May  1708. 
May  it  please  Your 
Excellency 

Inclosed  is  the  Report  of  a  Message  sent  from 
the  Sachems  of  Onondaga  by  Laurence  Claasse  the  Interpreter 
who  comes  Express  to  give  an  Ace*  thereof  we  perceive  thereby 

6  are  humbly  of  Opinion  that  if  the  French  be  admitted  to  settle 
at  the  places  the  Inclosed  mentions  (p.  55)  it  will  not  only  delude 
most  of  [the  5  Nations]  our  Indians  to  the  French  but  also  in  time 
totally  ruine  the  5  Nations.     We  hope  your  Excellcy  —  will  con 
sider  the  Matter  &  lay  it  before  the  Council  that  Means  may  be 
used  to  prevent  any  such  Settlement  of  the  French.      We  cannot 
but  accquaint  your  Excellcy  that  we  find  the  [French]  Five  Nations 
very  cool  in  their  Fidelity  &  truly  no  Wonder  since  the  French  are 
daily  with  them  making  their  Bretheren  here  Odious  &  gaining 
their  Affection  by  Gifts  &  presents  by  wch  means  they  gain  great 
Influence  as  may  be  seen  by  Canachquenjie  cheif  Sachem  of 
Oneyde  whereon  all  the  Castle  depends  who  with  others  as 
reported  are  gone  to  Canada  its  much  feared  the  Jesuits  will 
debauch  him. 

We  are 
YrExcellcya  &c 

Albany  20  July  1708  - 
My  Lord  Cornbury  present. 

Some  far  or  Western  Indians  settled  about  Lake  Erie  or  Tugh- 
sackrondie  come  to  Albany  &  accquaint  his  Excellcy  Viz. 

We  are  come  here  from  our  own  Country  to  see  you  tho  much 
against  the -persuasions  of  the  Govr  of  Canada  who  ordered  us 
to  the  Contrary. 


56  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

We  are  not  come  about  any  Land  or  public  affairs  but  only 
to  Trade  &  Traffick,  &  there  are  a  great  number  of  our  Neigh 
bours  &  Country  Men  would  come  hither  to  Trade  but  the 
Govr  of  Canada  doth  hinder  them  but  we  are  broke  thro  not 
withstanding. 

We  pray  you  to  have  pity  on  us  that  we  may  have  goods  cheap, 
that  our  Bretheren  may  see  when  we  return  home  what  good 
pennyworths  we  can  buy  here  &  then  they  will  break  thro  & 
come  here  to  buy  Merchandise  cheap  as  we  have  done. 
(P.  56.)  My  Lord  answered  them  —  That  he  was  glad  to  see 
them  —  and  when  they  come  home  desired  em  to  tell  their 
Bretheren  that  they  had  seen  him  at  Albany  &  that  he  would 
have  been  glad  to  have  seen  more  of  them  &  that  as  often  as 
they  come  they  shall  bee  civily  treated,  &  in  token  whereof  he 
gives  them  a  Belt  of  Wampum. 

That  all  imaginable  Care  shall  be  taken  that  they  may  have 
Goods  as  cheap  as  possible,  but  that  they  are  somewhat  dearer 
because  the  Ships  expected  from  England  are  not  yet  arrived, 
but  that  they  may  accquaint  their  Bretheren  when  they  come 
home  that  they  will  always  find  Goods  cheaper  here  than  at 
[Alba]  Canada. 

Albany  26  July  1708  - 

A  Mohawk  Indian  lately  arrived  from  Canada  is  examined  what 
news  there,  he  says  the  Govr  was  making  great  Preparations  for 
some  Expedition  but  he  could  not  learn  whither,  that  he  had 
applied  to  the  Cacknawaga  Indians  to  join  him,  but  they  semmed 
very  tardy  &  unwilling  to  join  in  any  undertaking  against  the 
Indians.  That  he  had  also  applied  to  some  of  the  5  Nations  who 
were  then  in  Canada  but  they  had  absolutely  refused  &  said  they 
wondered  he  would  ask  them  such  a  Question  - 

Albany  26  July  1708  — 

All  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  not  being  [arriv]  yet  arrived  Ld 
Cornbury  summoned  a  cheif  Sachem  of  Onondaga,  One  d°  of 
Oneyde,  Two  Mohawk  Sachems  &  Two  Sachems  of  the  Sennekas 
wch  were  aii  the  Sachems  in  Town,  &  spoke  to  them  to  the  follow 
ing  Purpose.  — 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  57 

That  he  [was]  came  up  to  Albany  at  this  Juncture  (tho  the 
Queens  Affairs  called  him  another  way)  at  the  request  of  the  5 
Nations  who  earnestly  desired  the  same,  wch  he  would  not  refuse 
being  unwilling  that  the  5  Nations  should  at  any  time  want  an 
opportunity  to  represent  anything  wch  they  might  think  fit  to 
offer  to  the  Queen.  That  he  had 

now 

(p.  57)  staid  Eleven  days  in  expectation  the  other  Sachems  would 
come  down,  but  finding  no  probability  of  their  coming  &  the 
Queens  Affairs  requiring  his  Attendance  at  New  York  he  was 
about  returning  thither. 

That  he  designs  to  return  to  Albany  by  the  20  Sepr  following 
&  desires  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  will  then  meet  him,  having 
many  things  to  communicate  to  them  by  the  Queens  Command. 
That  if  in  the  meantime  they  have  anything  to  communicate  to 
do  it  to  the  Commissioners  who  will  transmit  an  Account  thereof 
to  him,  &  they  shall  have  a  speedy  answer,  gives  them  7  Strings 
of  Wampum  to  accquaint  the  5  Nations  when  he  intends  to  be  up 
again  &  that  they  may  meet  him. 

That  he  was  glad  some  of  the  principal  Sachems  were  present 
to  bear  Witness  that  he  had  come  according  to  appointment. 

The  Indians  answered 

That  they  were  very  well  satisfied  his  Excellcy  had  Staid 
here  with  a  great  deal  of  Patience,  that  there  was  no  certainty 
when  the  other  Sachems  would  be  down.  - 

That  they  would  deliver  his  Message  to  the  5  Nations  to  meet 
his  Lordship  precisely  at  the  day  appointed. 

Albany  26  July  1708. 

Dekansor  chief  Sachem  of  the  Onondagas  waited  upon  his  Lord 
ship  to  take  his  leave  of  him  &  spoke  as  follows. 

When  you  hear  that  the  French  have  made  a  Fort  at  Ochjagare 
(now  Fort  Neagra)  you  may  conclude  that  we  are  an  undone 
People  &  Lost  &  when  we  are  gone  &  dead  you  may  expect  it  to 
be  your  turn  next,  for  we  look  upon  ourselves  to  be  one  People 
with  you,  One  heart,  One  Head,  One  Flesh  One  Blood  &  must 
declare  that  we  ourselves  are  not  able  to  put  a  stop  to  the  French 
Designs. 


58  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

his  Lordship  answered,  that  he  was  very  sorry  the  Indians  had 
neglected  meeting  him  at  the  appointed  time  when  necessary 
Measures  might  have  been  concected  between  them,  &  Matters 
have  been  laid  before  the  Great  Council  of  (p.  58)  Government 
(meaning  I  suppose  the  Assembly)  however  that  he  would  lay  it 
before  that  Council  &  against  he  comes  up  again  shall  take  such 
Methods  as  will  be  most  convenient,  in  the  meantime  he  desired 
the  5  Nations  would  use  all  the  possible  means  in  their  Power  to 
prevent  the  French  settling  there. 

Dekanser  returned  his  Lordship  thanks  &  with  all  told  him 
with  Regret  that  the  Sennecas  &  Onondagas  formerly  frequently 
advertised  this  Gov*  when  a  storm  threatened  them  from  the 
French  but  could  never  obtain  any  Relief  or  Assistance  &  hopes 
that  better  care  may  be  taken  for  the  future.  - 

Albany  2d  Aug*  1708. 

Further  Intelligence  comes  to  the  Commissra  of  a  great  Armament 
in  Canada  but  whither  designed  could  not  be  learnt,  however  the 
Commiss"  sends  notice  thereof  to  New  England  to  advise  them 
to  be  on  their  Guard.  - 

The  5  Nations  in  conjunction  with  the  Cachnawaga  Indians  of 
Canada  &  with  the  concurrence  of  this  Gov*  procured  a  kind  of 
tacit  Neutrality  between  the  Colony  of  New  York  &  Canada, 
[so  that  no  war  was  made  further  but]  by  which  means  Peace 
was  enjoyed  in  this  Colony  &  all  the  designs  of  the  Govr  of 
Canada  were  bent  upon  New  England,  who  were  greatly  har- 
rassed  &  suffered  much,  however  the  Commissr3  of  Albany  by 
means  of  the  5  Nations  learnt  most  of  the  Motions  of  the  French 
&  sent  advice  thereof  to  New  England  —  during  this  time  they 
appear  to  have  had  a  flourishing  Trade  at  Albany  as  well  from 
Canada  as  the  Westward  but  according  to  the  Genius  of  those 
People,  intent  upon  getting  money  but  careless  in  Political  System 
with  regard  to  Futurity.  Whereas  the  French  were  securing 
their  Influence  extending  their  Settlements  &  building  Forts  at 
very  important  Passes  in  the  Indian  Countries  to  the  Westward 
wch  promised  &  hath  procured  them  more  solid  Advantages,  than 
the  imediate  profits  in  Trade  wch  took  up  the  Attention  of  this 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  59 

Gov*  [who  submitted  themselves  to]  wch  was  under  the  Manage 
ment  of  the  Albany  Commissioners  who  in  general  have  ever 
been  a  set  of  Weak,  Mercenary,  mean  Spirited  People  every 
way  unfit  for  the  Trust  reposed  in  them  — 

(P.  59.)     Albany  5  Aug*  1708  - 

The  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  arrive  at  Albany  &  finding  Lord 
Cornbury  gone  they  speak  to  the  Commissr3  in  Substance  as 
follows. 

when  we  were  here  last  [fall]  Autumn  to  treat  with  My  Lord 
Cornbury  we  were  then  informed  of  the  Death  of  his  Lady,  &  we 
beleive  he  has  been  much  grieved  thereat  as  he  hath  not  treated 
with  us  of  any  public  Affairs  since  — 

They  then  make  their  presents  of  Condolance  upon  her  Death. 

They  say,  the  Nation  called  Twich  Twicks  have  proposed  to 
the  5  Nations  &  do  the  same  to  this  Gov*  that  there  may  be  a  free 
Passage  for  em  thro  the  5  Nations  to  this  Town,  &  that  if  thro 
Drunkenness  or  any  inadvertency,  misconduct  should  happen, 
Matters  may  be  amicably  composed,  —  upon  wch  Article  the 
5  Nations  present  a  belt  of  Wampum  thereby  proposing  that  a 
Conferrence  may  be  held  between  them  &  us  what  answer  shall 
be  made  to  the  TwichT wicks  — 

Also  that  the  Wagenhaws  have  had  their  Agents  in  the  Sen- 
necas  Country  who  say  a  Path  was  formerly  opened  for  them 
down  to  Albany.  - 

No  Answer  from  the  Commissrs  follows  in  the  Records  to  the 
above  very  important  Articles  relating  to  the  Twich  Twicks  & 
Wagenhaws.  - 

The  next  article  is  that  at  8  aClock  the  same  Night  the  Sachems 
proposed  that  His  Excellcy  might  be  sent  for,  because  not  only  all 
their  Chief  Sachems  were  arrived  but  many  of  their  Young  Men 
were  upon  their  way  hither  upon  whom  the  whole  Nations  did 
very  much  depend,  &  since  strange  reports  came  every  day  it 
would  be  necessary  that  good  Measures  should  be  taken  for  the 
public  Good  by  both  Christians  &  Indians  — 

All  the  Answer  from  the  Commiss"  recorded  is,  that  they 
desired  the  Indians  would  choose  out  some  brisk  young  Men  from 
each  Nation  to  go  as  Spies  to  Canada.  — 


60  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

To  wch  the  Sachems  replyed  that  when  they  had  an  Ansr  to 
their  proposals  ab*  his  Excellcys  coming  up  they  would  answer 
ab*  their  sending  Spies  to  Canada  - 

(P.  60.)     Albany  6  Aug*  1708  - 

The  Commiss"  accquaint  the  Indians  in  Answer  to  their  Proposal 
to  send  for  the  Govr  that  he  had  been  up  here  according  to  their 
desire  &  staid  Eleven  days  expecting  their  arrival  &  was  obliged 
to  return  to  New  York  but  would  be  up  again  in  45  days  from 
this  day.  — 

The  Indians  answered  that  they  had  learnt  this  much  from 
Dekanssor  &  were  very  well  satisfied  in  the  Matter. 

That  as  to  their  sending  out  Spies  to  Canada  It  is  a  very  uncus 
tomary  thing  among  them  when  they  come  to  treat  of  public 
Affairs  to  be  desired  to  undertake  the  office  of  Scouts  or  Spies, 
&  that  if  the  Christians  were  to  come  to  treat  in  their  Country 
&  they  were  apprehensive  of  any  Danger  fron  an  Enemy,  they 
should  send  out  some  of  their  own  People  &  not  expect  Protection 
from  those  who  were  come  to  treat  with  them.  They  desire  if 
they  want  Spies  to  send  out  some  of  the  River  Indians.  And 
with  this  Sarcastic  Answer  they  give  a  bunch  of  Wampum. 

The  Commissrs  answer  that  they  thought  their  Proposal  for 
some  of  them  to  go  out  as  Spies  would  be  agreable  to  them  as  it 
manefested  the  Confidence  they  had  in  them,  and  that  several 
Skaticook  Indians  had  offered  their  Services  to  go  out.  — l 

Albany  9  Aug*  1708  - 

A  Speech  of  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  to  the  Commissrs  — 
You  desired  us  last  Winter  with  several  hanks  of  Wampum 
that  we  should  not  go  out  to  fight  against  the  Odadioenes 2 
Indians  &  Flat  heads  but  to  stay  at  home  &  secure  our  own  Wives 
&  Children,  but  when  such  a  Message  is  sent  you  ought  to  have 
sent  Belts  not  hanks  of  Wampum,  and  you  ought  not  to  have 
sent  it  by  a  common  Messenger  but  by  one  of  your  own  Body  - 

1  These  Indians  had  come  from  New  England  and  settled  in  the  eastern  part 
of  the  province  toward  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century.  —  ED. 

2  These  were  probably  the  Cherokees,  called  Oyadagaono  by  the  Iroquois.  —  ED. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  6 1 

Such  Proceedings  look  as  if  you  were  not  very  eager  to  have 
your  Requests  complied  with  —  however  we  have  done  it  & 
remained  at  home  &  we  shall  continue  to  observe  yr  Directions. 

Tho  we  so  frequently  desire  to  have  Powder  &  Lead  cheaper 
(p.  61)  yet  they  grow  Dearer  &  Dearer  &  the  Bags  of  Powder 
are  now  less  than  ever.1  This  is  the  last  time  we  shall  make  our 
Complaints  &  if  we  do  not  meet  with  Success  we  shall  run  Mad. 
Consider  Bretheren  if  by  the  dearness  of  Pouder  &  Shot  of  such 
great  importance  to  us,  we  fall  a  Prey  to  the  French,  Your  turn 
will  be  next. 

Another  thing  we  complain  of.  When  we  come  to  this  Town 
the  Traders  are  all  ready  to  receive  us  into  their  Houses  &  lodge 
us,  but  as  soon  as  they  have  got  all  our  Bever  from  us  then  they 
turn  us  out. 

You  have  desired  that  we  should  not  disturb  the  Indians  who 
live  near  Maryland.  Five  years  ago  we  desired  a  Time  &  place 
might  be  appointed  for  us  to  meet  some  of  those  Indians  to  make 
an  Everlasting  Peace  with  them,  but  all  our  Requests  to  you 
prove  abortive. 

By  our  keeping  at  home  at  your  Desire  &  in  order  to  be  ready 
to  march  to  yr  Protection,  We  are  become  Poor  therefore  desire 
you  will  order  our  Guns  &  Axes  to  be  mended. 

The  Commissra  answered  that  they  would  Transmit  to  His 
Excellcy  what  they  had  said  &  that  their  Guns  &  Axes  should  be 
mended. 

ii  Aug*  The  Commiss"  having  intelligence  that  Great  Warlike 
Preparations  were  making  by  the  Govr  of  Canada  sent  out  Spies 
to  learn  their  Motions  who  returned  with  an  Ace*  that  an  Army 
was  marching  &  had  got  as  far  as  the  Wood  Creek,  that  the  Govr 
had  in  a  manner  forced  some  Cagnawaga  Indians  to  join  him, 
but  when  they  were  got  to  the  Wood  Creek  recollecting  their 

1  I  suppose  Pouder  was  sold  by  the  Bag  &  the  Albany  People  according  to  their 
general  &  usual  Principle  of  Action  had  cheated  the  Indians  &  made  their  Bags  less. 
It  was  by  such  Mean  &  dishonest  Methods  that  they  became  Odious  &  Contempt 
ible  to  the  Indians,  lost  their  Esteem  &  Confidence,  &  that  great  improvement  of 
their  Trade  with  the  Western  &  farr  Indians  w°h  might  have  fallen  into  their  hands 
&  by  that  means' secured  those  Indians  to  our  Interest.  Trade  is  the  best  &  surest 
foundation  to  secure  their  Alliance  &c. 


62  WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Engagements  with  us  not  to  join  in  War  against  New  England 
wch  they  supposed  was  to  be  Attacked,  threw  away  all  their 
Provisions  &  left  the  other  Forces  who  were  thereupon  returned 
&  that  the  Govr  of  Canada  was  highly  exasperated  at  this  Con 
duct.  And  that  the  Indians  offered  him  to  pay  for  the  Guns  he 
had  given  them  &  for  the  Provisions  they  had  thrown  away.  - 

Albany  25  Sepr 

The  Indian  Sachems  &  several  others  attending  upon  them  having 
waited  in  Town  for  My  Lord  Cornburys  coming  up  according  to 
his  (p.  62)  appointment  His  Lordship  sent  up  Col  Peter  Schuyler 
to  tell  them  that  the  Queens  Affairs  obliged  him  to  remain  at 
New  York  &  therefore  he  had  sent  Col  Schuyler  to  make  them  a 
Speech  in  his  Name  &  to  give  the  Presents.  - 

Col  Schuyler  made  them  a  Short  Speech  the  cheif  part  of  wch 
is  to  recommend  them  to  encourage  the  farr  Nations  to  come  thro 
their  Countrys  down  to  Albany  &  Trade. 

he  tells  them  also  that  their  Complaints  of  the  Dearness  of 
Pouder  cannot  be  wholly  redressed  during  the  present  War  [by] 
wch  occasioned  it. 

The  Sachems  Answer  the  following  Day  - 

And  say  that  to  several  Articles  wch  they  formerly  proposed  they 
have  received  no  Answer.  As  one  Instance  they  say,  They  pro 
posed  that  a  fixt  Place  should  be  appointed  for  the  Bretheren  of 
New  England ,  Maryland  &  Virginia  to  meet  the  Indians  as  occa 
sion  may  offer,  and  that  they  had  pitched  upon  Albany  as  the 
proper  Place.1  We  yesterday  received  Presents  for  wch  we  are 
thankful,  but  are  concerned  that  several  Material  Things  wch  we 
formerly  proposed  to  the  Govr  are  taken  no  notice  of.  for  Instance 
the  Peace  with  the  Maryland  Indians  —  but  we  find  that  what 
we  say  is  not  regarded.  (N.B.  a  Belt  of  Wampum  had  been  sent 

1  It  would  in  my  Opinion  be  a  great  Advantage  to  the  Colonies  of  N.  America 
that  a  proper  Place  was  fixt  on  (And  Albany  seems  to  be  the  fittest)  where  Triennial 
Meetings  might  be  held  with  all  the  Indians  in  the  British  Alliance  who  could  be 
convened  &  Representatives  from  the  several  Colonies  —  here  the  Indian  Affairs 
might  be  carried  on  in  a  general  Manner,  the  real  Welfare  of  his  Majes^8  Colonies 
consulted,  at  present  each  distinct  Coloney  pursue  tempory  Expedients  with  the 
Indians  without  any  regard  to  a  general  Interest.  They  now  act  with  a  Jealousy 
of  each  other  &  a  sort  of  independant  Interest. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  63 

from  the  Maryland  Indians  to  the  5  Nations  to  desire  they  might 
be  joined  in  the  Covenant  Chain  with  them  &  this  Gov*  this 
Belt  the  5  Nations  sent  to  the  Govr  Ld  Cornbury  but  they  now 
complain  this  Belt  was  never  returned  them  nor  any  Notice  taken 
of  this  Affair. 

Col.  Schuyler  makes  a  short  reply  to  the  Indians  takes  no 
Notice  of  anything  Material  they  had  said.  Only  that  they  shall 
have  a  Smith  sent  them  —  And  thanks  them  for  proposing  Al 
bany  to  be  the  Place  of  public  Meeting.  - 

(P.  63.)  From  the  25  Sepr  1708  to  the  17  March  1708/9.  The 
Commiss1"8  at  Albany  were  alarmed  at  the  Warlike  Preparations 
of  the  Govr  of  Canada  &  kept  constant  Spies  out  to  watch  his 
Motions — The  French  raised  several  false  &  Scandalous  Reports 
amongst  the  5  Nat3  in  order  to  debauch  them  from  our  Alliance, 
&  created  a  civil  Dissention  amongst  the  Sennecas.  The  5 
Nations  send  frequent  Complaints  of  the  Dearness  of  Pouder 
&  Shot  &  represent  the  fatal  Consequences  wch  may  arrise 
from  it.  - 

Albany  the  17  March  1708/0. 
Ld  Lovelace  Govr 

Lawrence  Claasse  Interpreter  who  had  been  amongst  the  5 
Nations  for  some  Months  past  being  returned  to  Albany  & 
Examined  by  the  Commiss"  says  as  follows.  - 

That  the  Sennekas  are  in  a  great  Confusion  amongst  themselves 
&  that  most  of  them  have  a  design  to  leave  their  Country  but 
know  not  as  yet  where  they  shall  go  to  settle. 

That  a  French  Cap*  is  posted  at  Cadaraqui  who  told  our  Inds 
that  the  Queen  of  Great  Britain  had  desired  the  French  King  to 
join  with  her  &  to  Cut  off  the  5  Nations  &  settle  their  Land  with 
the  French  &  Engh  —  That  the  more  they  desired  Pouder  &  Lead 
might  be  Cheaper  the  Dearer  it  was,  by  wch  they  might  see  how 
little  we  regarded  them.  —  And  that  the  Gen1  Assembly  wch  sat 
at  New  York  every  year  were  consulting  on  Methods  to  destroy 
them.  And  that  these  Insinuations  had  such  Effects  upon  the 
5  Nat8  that  the  Interpreter  could  not  persuade  them  [of]  to  the 
contrary.  - 

That  there  are  5  French  Priests  among  the  5  Nations  who  daily 
give  great  Presents  to  the  Indians  to  debauch  them  from  their 


64  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Covenant  with  us.  That  there  is  a  French  Smith  in  the  Sennekas 
Country  who  works  for  the  Indians  Gratis. 

That  the  Onondaga,  Cayouge  &  Oneide  Indians  desire  to  have  a 
Smith  in  their  Country. 

Albany  6  April  1709.  - 

A  Message  arrives  from  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  that  4 
Nations  (or  Castles)  of  the  farr  Nations  called  Wagunhaes  had 
desired  a  Meeting  with  them  in  order  to  conclude  a  Peace,  that 
Onondagu  was  the  Place  appointed.     They  desire  the  Govr  to 
send  some  fit  Person  to  appear  at  the  Meeting  on  his  Behalf  - 
And  if  he  has  anything  to  propose  or  desire  of  those  Indians  he 
must  send  proper  Presents  according  to  the  Indian  Custom  — 
wch  presents  they  enumerate.  - 

The  Commissra  answer,  they  shall  send  this  Intelligence  to 
the  Govr  whose  answer  they  shall  be  accquainted  with  — • 

(P.  64.)     Albany  2d  May  1709. 

The  Commissr3  by  the  Gov™  order  appoint  Mr.  David  Schuyler  & 
Laurence  Claasse  the  Interpreter  to  go  to  the  Meeting  before 
mentioned  at  Onondaga  on  behalf  of  this  Gov*  &  with  the 
necessry  Presents  for  the  Wagenhaes  Indians  — 

They  are  instructed  that  if  the  Peace  takes  place  they  do 
insist  that  it  may  be  an  Article  of  it  that  the  Wagenhaes  Indians 
may  have  a  free  &  unmolested  Passage  thro  the  5  Nats,  to  Albany. 

Albany  8  May  1709.  - 

Three  Onondaga  Indians  arrive  with  a  Message  from  the  5 
Nations  Authenticated  with  7  hands  of  Wampum. 

They  bring  an  Account  that  the  Castle  of  Cayouge  was  by 
accident  burnt  down  wherein  was  a  considerable  Quantity  of 
Goods.  They  desire  that  a  Smith  may  be  imediately  be  sent  up 
with  them,  &  as  all  the  Smiths  Tools  were  burnt  in  Cayouge  they 
desire  some  Steel  &c 

They  further  say  that  about  1 2  days  ago  Montour  the  Indian  l 

1  Tho  the  Records  do  not  say  who  this  Montour  was,  yet  from  various  circum 
stances  I  gather,  that  he  was  an  Indian  who  had  formerly  been  in  the  Service  of 
the  French  &  was  by  them  deemed  one  of  their  Indians,  (of  what  particular  Nation 
I  cant  find  but  I  believe  either  a  Senneca  or  Mohawk  Indian  who  had  been  made  a 


WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  65 

in  company  with  10  Sachems  of  the  Fan*  Nations  met  the  French 
Interpreter  called  Jaen  Ceur  &  some  French  Men  at  a  place 
called  by  the  Indians  Ossaroda  being  upon  the  Creek  that  lyes 
opposite  Cayouge.  The  sd  French  Interpreter  Jean  Ceur 
advised  Montour  to  turn  back  again  otherwise  he  would  oblige 
the  5  Nations  to  kill  him,  upon  wch  he  replied  he  would  perform 
his  Journey  to  this  Place.  Jean  Ceur  then  desired  him  to  smoak, 
he  replied  he  had  no  Tobacco,  Jean  Ceur  then  gave  him  a  little, 
Montour  took  out  his  knife  to  cut  it,  Jean  Ceur  then  asked  what 
he  did  with  such  a  little  Knife  &  desired  Montour  to  give  it  him 
&  he  would  give  him  one  that  was  better,  as  soon  as  Jean  Ceur 
had  the  Knife  he  flung  it  away  at  the  same  time  there  stood  a 
French  Man  behind  [Jean  Ce]  Montour  with  a  Hatchet  under 
his  Coat  who  cut  the  sd  Montour  into  his  Head  &  killed  him, 
whereupon  the  10  Sachems  come  to  Cayouge  with  Montour 
would  have  killed  the  French  Interpreter  Jean  Ceur  &  all  his 
Company  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  sd  Montours  Brother  in  Law 
who  prevented  it.  Notwithstanding  the  great  Misfortune  of  the 
Death  of  Montour  the  said  10  Sachems  (p.  65)  of  the  farr  Na 
tions  will  come  to  see  their  Bror  Corlaer. 

The  Sackems  of  the  5  Nations  desire  that  the  said  Sachems  of 
the  farr  Nations  may  be  well  used  when  they  come  here  &  have 
goods  at  a  Reasonable  Rate  &  not  be  Cheated  as  they  have  been 
from  Time  to  time  that  their  Bretheren  may  see  at  their  return 
what  good  Penny sworths  they  buy  here. 

All  the  answer  hereto  that  I  find  Recorded,  is  that  a  Smith 
was  ready  to  go  with  them,  that  they  were  desired  to  stand  firm 
to  the  Covenant  made  with  us.  that  they  received  7  hands  of 
Wampum  to  [bring]  carry  to  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nat3  from  one 
Castle  to  another  to  condole  the  Death  of  Ld  Lovelace  late  Govr 
&  to  accquaint  them  that  Col  Richd  Ingolsby  is  the  present 
Command11  in  Chief. 

convert  by  the  Jesuits)  but  had  now  come  over  to  this  Gov*  &  was  employed  to 
Negotiate  our  Interest  with  the  Western  or  farr  Indians. 

(There  are  numerous  references  in  the  contemporary  documents  to  this  half- 
breed  interpreter.  See  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  Index.  The  Montours  were  later  impor 
tant  Indian  interpreters  in  Pennsylvania,  especially  Andrew  Montour.  —  ED.) 


66  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Albany  17  May  1709.  - 

Yesterday  arrived  here  a  Sachem  called  Kaqucka  of  the  Mes- 
sasaga  Nation  commonly  called  by  the  Name  of  the  farr  Nations 
with  4  Indians  of  the  same  Nation  who  came  with  Montour  to 
the  5  Nations  &  were  conducted  hither  by  Montours  Sister. 

The  sd  Sachem  spoke  as  follows 

We  are  come  to  this  Place  upon  the  word  of  Montour  the  Govr 
Gen1  said  that  we  should  always  be  welcome  &  hoped  that  we 
should  come  often. 

We  are  come  upon  the  word  of  Montour  who  was  sent  to  us  last 
year  by  this  Gov*  to  open  the  Path  from  our  Country  to  this  Place 
&  if  we  are  well  treated  here  we  shall  always  keep  the  Path  clean 
&  open  &  forget  the  old  Path  to  Canada  wch  we  have  hitherto 
used. 

Have  pity  on  us  Fathers,  we  are  come  into  yr  Place  with  Noth 
ing  (meaning  without  Presents)  we  hope  you  shall  treat  Civily 
with  us  &  give  us  Merchandise  at  a  reasonable  rate.  You  see  our 
company  is  but  small,  but  there  shall  come  such  a  Company  from 
our  Nation  hereafter  as  you  will  wonder  at.  As  we  said  before 
we  shall  wholly  forget  the  Path  to  Canada.  We  have  had  a  great 
Loss  having  lost  the  Man  who  guided  us. 

We  were  yesterday  taken  into  the  Traders  houses  against  our 
Inclination  &  they  have  taken  our  Furrs  &  we  are  not  Masters  of 
our  own  things,  We  therefore  pray  we  may  have  our  Furrs  to  go  & 
Trade  where  we  can  find  the  best  Markett.1 

(P.  66.)     Albany  18  May  1709. 
The  Commissrs  Answered  the  foregoing  Speech 

That  they  were  heartily  Welcome  &  they  hoped  to  see  more  of 
their  Country  Men  in  a  short  time. 

assured  them  care  should  be  taken  that  they  should  have  Goods 
as  cheap  as  possible  tho  they  might  perhaps  at  present  find  them 
dearer  than  usual. 

and  ordered  them  to  be  bro*  to  the  City  Hall  to  Lodge.   (N.B.) 

1  Here  is  a  Specimen  of  the  Albanian  Spirit  &  how  little  the  true  welfare  of  the 
publick  is  considered  by  that  worthless  Crew!  probably  some  or  most  of  these 
wretches  complained  of  were  themselves  Commissra  — 


WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  67 

nothing  was  said  to  them  in  relation  to  Montours  Death  nor  of 
their  Goods  being  laid  hold  of.  — 

There  arrived  also  at  Albany  Three  Indians  of  a  Nation  called 
Nequequent  among  whom  there  was  one  Sachem  who  made  the 
following  Speech.  — • 

We  are  come  here  upon  the  word  of  Montour  to  open  yr  Door 
with  this  Key  (meaning  n  Bevers  wch  they  presented)  we  have 
had  a  great  Loss  by  Montours  Death,  however  we  are  come  to 
see  you. 

We  were  sent  hither  by  our  Fathers  to  see  this  Place  &  to  bring 
them  News  from  hence,  if  we  are  well  treated  next  year  there 
shall  come  great  Numbers  of  our  Nation. 

They  also  desire  to  have  their  Bever  &  Peltry  out  of  the  Trad 
ers  hands  who  yesterday  refused  to  let  them  go  &  to  lye  in  the 
City  Hall,  wch  was  granted  them.1 

The  Commissrs  sent  for  Montours  Wife  &  asked  her  if  she  had 
anything  of  her  Husbands  to  return  to  them.  She  sd  she  had  a 
Belt  of  Wampum  wch  was  sent  by  him  &  wch  he  did  not  deliver 
because  the  Sachems  of  that  Nation  it  was  intended  for  were  not 
at  home.  They  desired  her  to  fetch  the  Belt  wch  she  did  &  gave 
it  to  them. 

No  present  or  recompence  is  recorded  to  be  made  to  this  poor 
Widow  whose  Husband  fell  a  Sacrifice  to  the  Interests  of  this  Gov*. 

the  31  May  the  far  Indians  came  to  take  their  Leave,  the 
Belt  returned  by  Montours  Widow  was  given  them  to  carry  to 
their  Sachems  to  invite  them  to  come  to  Albany  &  Trade.  — 
They  ended  the  whole  Transaction,  &  a  favorable  oportunity 
wch  well  improved  might  might  have  been  of  infinite  Advantage 
to  this  Colony  seems  to  have  been  lost  by  falling  under  the  Man- 
agment  of  a  set  of  Ignorant  Mercenary  Pedlars,  and  to  such  the 
Conduct  of  Indian  Affairs  has  been  always  submitted. 

1  The  Traders  at  Albany  to  this  day  when  any  Indians  are  expected  to  arrive 
there  with  furrs  keep  on  the  watch  &  lay  hold  of  the  Indians  as  Custom  house 
officers  would  of  Smugglers,  convey  them  into  their  houses,  make  them  Drunk  & 
then  Cheat  'em.  The  Traders  are  as  Jealous  of  each  other  &  mortally  hate  one 
another  when  their  Interest  is  concerned  as  the  Greatest  Enemies  can  do,  But  all 
join  ia  Cheating  — 


68  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

(P.  67.)     Albany  23  May  1709.  - 

Orders  arrive  from  Col  Ingolsby  Lieu*  Govr  to  send  Expresses  to 
order  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  to  meet  him  at  Albany  the  6 
day  of  June  ensuing  with  their  fighting  Men  in  order  to  engage 
the  whole  Body  in  the  intended  expedition  against  Canada 

Albany  31  May  1709. 

Mr  David  Schuyler  who  was  sent  the  2d  Inst  on  the  part  of  this 
Gov*  to  Onondaga  to  be  present  at  the  Meeting  between  the  5 
Nations  &  the  Deputies  of  the  Wagenhaes  Indians,  returns  & 
says  he  found  none  of  those  Indians  at  Onondaga.  that  the  French 
stop  all  the  Farre  Indians  at  Tjouchsackrondie  &  will  not  permit 
them  to  pass  hither,  that  the  French  Interpreter  Jean  Ceur  had 
desired  the  Sennecas  to  kill  &  Plunder  all  the  farr  Indians  who 
may  come  to  their  Country,  but  they  refuse  to  do  it. 
Albany  9  June.  Six  Indians  more  of  the  Farr  Nations  arrive  & 
say  they  were  induced  to  come  hither  at  the  persuasions  of 
Montour.  they  desire  Trade  &  civil  usage.  They  are  answered  & 
encouraged  by  the  Commiss" 

The  Traders  at  Albany  having  learnt  from  the  above  Indians 
that  a  Report  was  spread  &  prevailed  among  the  farr  Nations 
that  Montour  was  killed  by  the  Eng.  they  apply  to  the  Commiss" 
who  accquaint  the  said  Indians  that  Montour  was  killed  by  the 
French  from  a  Jealousy  that  he  would  bring  over  the  Farr  Na 
tions  to  Trade  with  us,  and  they  give  them  a  Belt  of  Wampum 
to  carry  into  their  Country  to  assure  the  Indians  that  the  Path 
hither  shall  be  free  &  safe  for  them. 

Albany  15  July  1709. 

The  Lieu*  Govr  Col  Richd  Ingoldsby  meets  the  Mohawk,  the 
Cayouge  the  Oneidas  &  Onondaga  Indians  (the  Sennakas  did  not 
come  down  being  willing  to  keep  Neuter  in  the  intended  Expedi 
tion  against  Canada  influenced  thereto  by  the  French  Emis 
saries  amongst  them)  makes  very  considerable  Presents  &  orders 
the  Sennacas  fifth  part  thereof  to  be  laid  by  for  them  till  they  had 
positively  decalared  one  way  or  another,  however  after  Col 
Ingoldsby  had  made  his  Speech  (in  wch  there  is  nothing  material 
to  be  noted)  &  the  presents  were  given,  Two  Sennaka  Indians 


WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  69 

accquainted  the  Govr  &  the  4  Nations,  that  as  they  had  now  been 
witnesses  of  what  passed  they  were  convinced  the  French  had 
told  them  Lyes  &  doubted  not  but  their  Countrymen  would  be 
willing  to  join  the  4  Nations  in  the  present  Expedition,  and  that 
they  would  go  &  accquaint  their  Countrymen  with  all  that  had 
passed.  — 

The  following  Day  the  Lieu*  Govr  spoke  to  the  River  Indians  on 
the  Subject  of  the  Expedition  &  gave  them  Presents. 

[No  Answers  are  recorded  either  from  the  4  Nations  or  the 
River  Indians,  but  it  appears  they  are  satisfied  &  engaged  to 
assist  us.] 

(P.  68.)     Albany  16  July  1709. 

The  4  Nations  Answer  Col  Ingoldsbys  Speech  &  say  they  are 
pleased  with  the  intended  Expedition  &  will  join  with  us  therein. 
And  the  Numbers  of  their  Men  as  follows 

105  Oneidas 

100  Cayouges 

150  Mohawks 
88  Onondagas 

443  ^0  these  were  added  60  River  Indians  Capt. 
Abraham  Schuyler  with  5  more  Christians  were  dispatched  to  the 
Sennecas  Country  in  order  to  disprove  the  Lyes  which  the  French 
had  propagated  amongst  them,  &  to  counteract  their  Artifices  & 
to  keep  them  from  being  debauched  by  the  French. 
From  the  above  date  to  the  4  May  1710.  the  Records  contain 
various  transactions  relating  to  the  Expedition,  Exchange  of 
Prisoners,  &  Negotiations  of  our  Indians  with  the  French  for  a 
Cessation  of  all  Hostilities  wch  seems  to  have  last  been  concluded 
upon.  — 

Albany  4  May  1710. 

Laurence  Claasse  the  Interpreter  returns  from  the  Indian  Coun 
try  &  among  other  Reports  says.  The  5  Nations  desire  that  the 
Queen  of  Great  Britain  may  now  take  Possession  of  their  Land  at 
Onondaga  with  such  officers  &  Men  as  are  willing  to  stay,  & 
build  a  Fort  there  &  [insure]  Cultivate  their  Land  to  the  end  the 
French  may  be  kept  out  of  it  because  they  incroach  on  them 


70  WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

from  time  to  time  for  they  cannot  keep  their  Land  longer  without 
Assistance 

The  Interpreter  was  sent  back  with  Two  Smiths  &  Instructions 
to  support  our  Interest  amongst  the  Indians,  to  use  all  his  In 
fluence  to  prevent  their  receiving  French  Priests  &  to  counter 
act  the  French  Emissaries,  to  gain  a  free  Passage  for  the  Farr 
Nations  to  come  &  Trade  here,  &c  but  no  Answer  ab*  the  Fort  at 
Onondaga. 

15  May  the  5  Nations  give  Notice  of  a  general  Meeting  to  be  held 
at  Onondaga  with  the  Deputies  from  the  Uttawawa's  that  we 
may  send  Agents  thither.  Accordingly  the  Commissra  dis 
patched  two  Persons  thither. 

15  June  Mess"  Schuyler  &  Banker  return  from  the  Gene1  Meeting 
at  Onondaga  &  make  the  following  Report.  - 

Passing  thro  Oneida  in  their  way  to  Onondaga  the  Sachems  of 
that  Nation  applied  for  a  Smith  &  said  they  must  have  One  & 
that  if  we  would  not  send  one  they  would  apply  where  they 
should  not  be  denied  meaning  to  the  French.  — 

In  their  way  to  Onandaga  in  Compy  with  the  representative 
Sachems  (p.  69)  of  Oneida,  those  Sachems  asked  them  in  what 
manner  they  intended  to  Act  at  the  gen1  Meeting,  whether  they 
would  consult  jointly  or  seperately  Our  Agents  answered  jointly 
with  the  5  Nations  wch  with  the  Oneide  Sachems  were  well 
pleased.  — 

4  June  early  in  the  Morning  being  near  to  Onondaga  we  sent  Wm 
Printop  the  Smith  before  us  to  Accquaint  the  Sachems  that  we, 
the  Mohawks,  Cayugas  &  Oniedas  were  coming  to  their  Castle, 
upon  wch  Message  they  came  out  to  meet  us  &  made  us  Welcome. 
When  we  came  into  the  Castle  we  were  sent  for  into  the  Genr 
Assembly,  Where  we  found  3  Wagenhaes  or  Uttawawas  singing 
the  Song  of  Joy.  They  had  long  Stone  Pipes  in  their  hands  & 
under  the  Pipes  hung  Feathers  as  big  as  Eagles  Wings.  When 
they  left  off  singing  well  we  filled  their  Pipes  &  let  them  smoak, 
when  They  had  done,  They  filled  the  Pipes  for  us  to  Smoak  - 
this  is  the  Token  of  Friendship.  We  then  spoke  &  said  we  were 
glad  to  see  them  at  the  Appointed  Place,  that  we  heard  they  had 
been  with  our  Bretheren  the  Sennecas  but  were  all  returned 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  Jl 

hither.  They  answered  that  at  first  they  had  been  onlypticularly 
invited  by  the  Sennecas  &  therefore  came  at  first  no  further. 
But  being  since  invited  by  the  Govr  of  New  York  &  all  the  5 
Nations  they  were  come  accordingly  to  Onondaga,  And  we  are 
now  here  Bretheren  to  speak  of  Peace.  One  of  the  5  Nations 
then  stood  up  &  spoke,  "  Bretheren  we  being  now  to  speak  of 
Peace  I  desire  we  may  lay  aside  all  heart  burnings  against  each 
other  &  behave  with  that  Meekness  wch  becomes  Bretheren. 

5  June.     The  Sennecas  relate  to  the  Assembly  what  they  said  to 
the  Wagenhaes  when  they  were  sent  [by]  in  the  name  of  this  Gov* 

6  the  5  Nations  to  propose  a  Peace  to  them.  viz.    "  Go  with  us  to 
your  Brother  Corlaer,  The  Doors  stand  open  for  you,  the  Beds  are 
made  for  you  from  the  Sennecas  Country  to  the  Habitation  of 
Corlaer,  the  Path  is  secure  &  there  is  no  111  in  our  Country." 
Then  the  Wagenhaes  spoke  to  the  whole  House  &  said.    "  Breth 
eren  here  I  am,  you  have  told  me  the  Door  stood  open,  the  Beds 
made,  yr  Pots  boiled  &  the  Path  was  secure  from  the  Sennecas 
Country  to  the  Habitation  of  Corlaer.     Let  it  be  so."  and  gave  a 
Belt  of  Wampum. 

6  June.  News  came  that  the  Mohawks  were  in  Oneide  farther 
Proceedings  were  deferred  till  their  Arrival. 

In  the  Evening  several  Indians  who  were  averse  to  the  Treaty 
(p.  70)  of  Peace  with  the  Wagenhaes  got  Rum  &  went  to  Drinking. 
We  therefore  desired  the  Sachems  to  order  the  Rum  Casks  to 
be  put  away  &  that  none  might  be  drawn.  They  replied  it  was 
our  own  fault.  They  had  so  often  desired  that  Rum  might  not 
be  sold  to  the  Indians,  that  the  Bevers  they  had  given  to  enforce 
that  request  if  they  were  laid  on  a  heap  would  almost  reach  to  the 
Clouds,  and  we  must  think  you  sell  it  with  no  other  Design  than 
in  order  to  destroy  us,  the  only  reason  you  want  a  Passage  for  the 
Wagenhaes  is  to  sell  them  Rum.  Our  Young  Indians  are  ungov 
ernable  when  they  get  Drunk,  unspeakable  are  the  Mischiefs  wch 
arise  from  Rum.  We  again  beg  you  will  have  Compassion  on  us 
&  that  no  Rum  may  be  hereafter  sold  upon  any  Ace*  Last  year 
your  Traders  gave  Bevers  to  our  young  Indians  that  they  might 
Petition  to  have  Rum  sold.  — 


72  WRAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

7  June.  The  Sennecas  proceed  to  give  an  Ace*  of  their  Em 
bassy  &  say  they  addressed  themselves  to  the  Wagenhaes  Nation 
as  follows. 

First.  I  desire  a  fast  &  everlasting  Peace  wch  may  be 

Inviolable  for  us  &  our  Children.  If  you  keep  it 
our  Children  shall  grow  up  together  in  Joy  &  if 
you  do  to  the  Contrary  so  shall  you  &  we  repent, 
gave  them  a  Belt. 

2dly  With  this  Second  Belt  we  purify  your  Minds  from 

all  past  evil  thoughts. 

3d]y  We  desire  &  do  reconcile  our  young  Soldiers 

together.  If  any  other  Nation  make  war  upon 
you  or  us  we  will  both  join  against  them.  If  any 
of  our  People  should  call  in  your  Country  naked  or 
Hungry,  help  them  with  victuals  &  Cloaths 

4.  If  any  difference  should  arise  between  any  partic 
ular  Persons  of  our  respective  Nations.     Let  not 
Revenge  be  taken  before  you  know  whether  it  has 
the  general  Consent,  come  therefore  first  here  & 
enquire  into  the  Matter,  it  shall  be  ever  free  for 
you  to  come.      We  will   do   the   same  towards 
you. 

5.  We  desire  that  we  may  Sojourn  &  Trade  with  one 
another  without  Hatred  or  Malice. 

6.  It  is  the  Govr  of  New  York  all  the  5  Nations  &  the 
River  Indians  who  now  speak  to  you.     We  give 
you  a  Road  from  your  Dwellings  to  Albany  wherein 
you  shall  meet  with  us  no  Molestation.     You  have 
free  Liberty  to  walk  or  Trade  therein  &  no  Body 
shall  Molest  you  — 

(P.  71.)  Seventhly.  We  hear  you  have  lately  lost  a  great 
Sachem  who  was  well  affected  to  the  Govr  of  New 
York  we  desire  another  good  Man  may  be  put  in 
his  Room  —  Then  a  young  Sachem  was  cloathed 
by  the  Deputies  of  this  Gov*  &  put  in  his 
Room. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK   INDIAN  RECORDS  73 

8  June.     The  Wagenhaes  Answer 

Bretheren  &  Govr  of  New  York. 

Last  Summer  we  entered  upon  a  Treaty  of  Peace,  We  now  desire 
it  may  be  compleatly  ratified  — 

First.  We  take  the  Hatchet  out  of  your  hands  as  you  have 

now  consented  to  Peace,  give  to  the  whole  House 
4  Bevers. 

2dly  You  have  taken  us  into  your  Covenant  Chain  wch 

you  say  shall  be  kept  inviolable  that  no  Ax  can 
cut  it  to  peices.  We  promise  on  our  sides  to  keep 
the  Covenant  forever.  In  Testimony  whereof 
they  give  a  Bever  Coat. 

3dly  Govr  of  New  York  We  are  resolved  to  visit  your 

Habitations  to  see  how  the  Trade  goes  there  &  if 
we  are  well  treated  we  shall  come  again  in  the 
Spring. 

4ly  Now  Govr  of  New  York  &  Bretheren    We  accept 

the  Peace  in  the  Manner  you  have  offered  it  to  us 
&  promise  we  will  be  governed  by  it.  And  they 
gave  Two  Stone  Pipes  to  remain  at  Onondaga  as 
a  Memorial  of  this  Treaty  for  each  Party  to  smoke 
out  of  whenever  they  hereafter  met  there  upon 
public  Buisness.  - 

9  June.  The  Sennecas  spoke  to  the  whole  Assembly  &  said.  It 
is  reported  of  us  that  we  are  inclined  to  the  French,  but  what 
would  you  have  us  do.  If  we  keep  not  ourselves  Neuter  the  Govr 
of  Canada  makes  use  of  his  Instruments  to  destroy  us,  &  assis 
tance  as  you  well  know  we  cannot  get.  how  shall  we  behave  ? 
If  there  is  anything  to  be  done  for  the  general  Good  are  we  not 
always  ready  to  do  our  utmost  ?  do  we  not  endeavour  to  bring 
the  distant  Nations  into  our  Alliance  ?  have  we  not  spoke  in 
Behalf  of  you  all  to  the  Wagenhaes  ? 

The  Onondagas  answer.  This  meeting  was  [not]  appointed 
not  only  to  speak  with  the  Wagenhaes,  but  to  Weigh  all  Matters 
for  the  general  Good.  But  what  can  we  undertake  (p.  72) 
whilst  our  Soldiers  who  are  our  Strength  leave  us  &  go  out  a 
fighting  (by  the  instigation  of  the  French)  our  Attempts  to  keep 
them  at  home  are  fruitless. 


74  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

The  Wagenhaes  spoke  next  &  sd 

We  are  not  regarded  in  our  own  Country  where  we  live, 
we  are  continually  threatened  &  Beaten  by  the  Govr  of  Canada, 
not  with  the  Sword  but  by  the  secret  practice  of  Poison  in  our 
Liquor.  We  are  therefore  inclined  to  come  &  live  amongst  you 
Bretheren,  but  we  desire  this  matter  may  be  kept  private  from 
the  Govr  of  Canada  or  any  who  are  in  his  Interest. 
10  June.  Early  in  the  Morning  the  whole  Assembly  met  & 
spoke  to  the  Wagenhaes  as  follows. 

Bretheren  You  have  given  us  your  Heart  &  we  promise  to  keep 
it  in  good  Esteem  &  lay  it  next  to  our  Own.  What  you  have  told 
us  shall  faithfully  be  kept  Secret  on  our  part  from  the  Govr  of 
Canada,  We  desire  that  you  will  take  care  to  keep  it  so  on  your 
side.  And  we  desire  Bretheren  that  you  will  leave  yr  Country 
where  you  now  live  &  come  nearer  to  us  for  the  Heart  &  Body 
must  not  be  far  from  each  other.  We  shall  then  be  able  to  with 
stand  the  Govr  of  Canada  or  any  other  who  may  rise  up  against 
us.  We  desire  you  may  depart  with  all  speed  to  your  own  Coun 
try  when  you  have  visited  Albany  &  let  us  have  a  speedy  answer 
from  you. 

The  Assembly  then  broke  up  &  put  an  End  to  their  Meet 
ing. 

2 1  June  a  Senneca  Sachem  arrives  at  Albany  with  the  Wagenhaes 
Indians  &  makes  a  Speech  to  the  Commissr3  accquainting 
them  that  the  Sennecas  do  renew  the  Covenant  with  our 
Gov*  &  they  desire  we  will  put  the  Covenant  Chain  in  a 
Box  that  it  may  be  kept  clean  &  continue  to  them  &  their 
Children  after  them  forever.  —  he  speeks  also  in  Behalf 
of  the  Wagenhaes  Indians  recommends  them  to  Protection 
&  good  usage  in  our  dealings  with  them  and  that  they  are 
now  become  one  with  the  5  Nations.  — 
The  Commissr3  reply  that  they  are  well  pleased  the  Sen 
necas  renew  the  Covenant  Chain  and  that  it  shall  be 
inviolably  kept  by  this  Gov*  —  They  address  themselves 
to  the  Wagenhaes  &  tell  them  that  thay  join  them  in  the 
Covenant  Chain  &  accept  of  them  [as]  the  same  as  the 
5  Nations,  exhort  them  to  keep  firm  to  the  Covenant  &  to 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  75 

come  &  live  nearer  to  the  5  Nations  &  to  appear  when  the 
Indians  shall  be  summoned  by  the  Govr  —  1 

(P.  73.)  Schannectady  2d  July  1710  —  The  Commiss"  by  Govr 
Hunters  Orders  convened  the  Sachems  of  the  Mohowks  to  this 
Town  &  there  appeared  about  20  of  them  of  the  Three  Tribes  the 
Bear,  Wolf  &  Turtle. 

The  Commissrs  accquainted  them  that  the  Queen  had  sent  over 
several  Families  with  Govr  Hunter  to  be  settled  on  the  Lands  at 
Scooheere  wch  had  been  purchased  form  them,  but  if  they  had  any 
Pretensions  to  said  Lands  not  yet  satisfied,  that  it  shall  not  be 
settled  till  they  are  duly  satisfied  for  the  same. 

They  answer  that  My  Lord  Belmont  late  Govr  of  this  Province 
had  broke  the  Deed  of  Sale  &  therefore  it  devolved  upon  them 
again,  and  that  they  would  not  suffer  it  to  be  surveyed  till  Hend- 
rick  &  the  other  Indians  returned  from  Great  Brittain.  But  the 
12  July  the  Commissra  received  a  Message  from  the  Mohawks 
by  2  of  their  Sachems,  that  they  had  had  a  general  Meeting  of 
their  whole  Nation  &  had  agreed  the  Lands  at  Scoheere  should  be 
surveyed  &  these  Two  Sachems  were  dispatched  to  go  with  the 
Surveyor  Gen1  &  assist  him  in  laying  out  the  same. 

Albany  9  Aug*  1710.  Govr  Hunter  being  there  to  meet  the 
Indians  Laurence  Claasse  the  Interpreter  who  had  been  3  Months 
among  the  5  Nations  reports  to  his  Excellcy  that  when  he  was  at 
Onondaga  the  French  Interpreter  with  10  or  12  other  French 
Men  arrived  there  &  accquainted  the  Indians,  4  Sachems  of 
Oneida  being  present,  that  the  Govr  of  Canada  had  sent  him  to 
forewarn  them  not  to  assist  the  English  in  any  attempt  upon  the 
French  Settlements  for  if  they  did  he  would  come  &  destroy  them 
Root  &  Branch  &c  —  that  the  French  Faction  among  the  Indians 
so  far  prevailed  that  they  would  not  suffer  our  Interpreter  to  hear 
what  answer  they  returned  to  the  French,  but  told  him  they  would 
accquaint  the  Govr  of  New  York  with  it  when  they  met  him  at 
Albany.  — 

The  Sachems  told  the  Interpreter  plainly  that  unless  the  Selling 
of  Rum  to  the  Indians  was  absolutely  forbid  &  realy  complied 

1  Govr  Hunter  arrived  about  this  Time  &  Notice  thereof  was  given  to  the  5 
Nations. 


76  W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

with,  they  would  not  live  any  longer  in  Peace  in  their  Castles  but 
must  be  obliged  to  seperate,  &  that  this  is  the  opinion  of  the  all 
the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  - 

The  Sachems  of  Onondaga  said  they  hoped  the  English  would 
now  build  a  Fort  &  garrison  it  well  at  their  Settlement  wch  would 
be  the  only  means  to  disconcert  all  the  French  Intrigues. 

They  desire  a  Smith  may  be  settled  there  &  at  Oneida.  - 

(P.  74.)  Albany  16  Aug*  1710  —  The  5  Nations  having  made 
their  Congratulatory  address  to  Govr  Hunter  on  his 
Arrival  to  his  Gov*  —  His  Excellcy  makes  his  Speech  to 
them.  — 

And  tells  them,  that  he  is  informed  that  the  French  have  been 
long  &  frequently  endeavouring  by  their  Jesuits  &  other 
Intriguing  Methods  to  debauch  them  from  their  Covenant 
with  us,  &  that  they  had  lately  received  their  Agents  & 
would  not  accquaint  our  Interpreter  with  the  Negotia 
tion,  wch  his  Excellcy  desires  they  will  now  explain.  - 

That  He  is  glad  to  find  they  are  sensible  how  much  it  is  for  the 
General  Interest  to  extend  our  Alliances  among  the  farr 
Nations  &  to  give  them  a  free  Passage  thro  their  Countrys 
to  Albany.  - 

That  the  Great  Queen  of  England  desirous  of  Strengthening  this 
Province  had  sent  over  several  Families  to  settle  in  it. 

That  their  Countrymen  who  had  been  lately  in  England  had 
supplicated  the  Queen  for  Missionaries  to  instruct  them 
in  the  Christian  Religion,  desires  to  know  whether  they 
approve  of  this  &  will  be  satisfied  to  have  one  or  more 
Garrisions  fixt  among  them  &  Forts  for  their  Protection. 

That  in  order  to  convince  the  Queen  &  her  Govr  of  their  Alle- 
gience  &  Fidelity  they  must  receive  no  more  French 
Priests  or  Emissaries  among  them. 
Desires  they  will  not  go  out  a  fighting  against  the  Flat  Heads, 

but  go  hunt  for  Bever,  &  be  in  the  Way  to  assist  their  Bretheren 

if  attacked  by  the  French.  - 

The  Govr  renews  the  Covenant  Chain  of  Friendship  &  Alliance 

with  them  in  behalf  not  only  of  this  Province  but  of  all  her 

Majesties  Dominions  in  North  America.  — 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  77 

The  19  Aug*  the  Indians  answer  His  Excellcya  Speech.     And 

say 

That  they  would  willingly  have  Forts  &  Soldiers  at  each  of  their 
Castles  wch  would  tend  to  secure  them  from  the  Insults  of 
their  Enemies  to  which  they  are  now  very  much  exposed  & 
would  wish  some  People  might  now  go  along  with  them  & 
begin  the  work.  They  would  also  rejoice  to  have  Mis 
sionaries  to  instruct  them  in  the  Christian  Religion.  And 
that  it  would  be  a  very  useful  thing  to  have  a  White  Per 
son  of  Character  at  each  of  their  Castles  in  order  to  watch 
&  defeat  the  Intrigues  of  the  French. 

That  they  hope  they  have  given  her  Majesty  suff*  proofs  of  the 
(p.  75)  sincerity  of  their  Intentions  &  of  their  Alegiance  & 
Fidelity,  that  they  will  further  demonstrate  it  by  refusing 
Admittance  to  any  Popish  Priests  or  Jesuits  amongst 
them  —  but  that  the  most  effectual  way  to  root  out  those 
Persons  &  their  Influence  is  by  Building  Forts  &  placg 
Garrisons  at  their  Castles  &  sending  Protestant  Mis 
sionaries  amongst  them. 

That  they  will  obey  the  Govra  Commands  be  near  home  &  not  go 
out  a  fighting  against  the  Flat  Heads. 

That  as  to  bringing  back  those  Indians  wch  have  deserted  to  the 
French  from  the  5  Nations,  this  Gov*  &  themselves  had 
tried  various  Expedients  to  do  it  but  in  vain,  however  they 
will  not  despair  but  still  endeavour  it. 

That  the  Govr  was  pleased  to  commend  them  for  encouraging  & 
giving  a  free  Passage  to  the  Western  Indians  to  come  & 
Trade  at  Albany,  that  they  will  still  continue  their 
Endeavours,  but  that  the  Traders  at  Albany  can  more 
Effectually  compass  this  Matter  they  can  by  selling  their 
Goods  cheap,  whereas  they  find  the  Contrary  &  that  the 
Traders  always  tell  them  Bever  is  a  Drug  —  l 

1  This  would  aford  a  series  of  much  reasoning  &  point  out  one  of  the  Chief 
reasons  why  the  French  have  gaind  that  Superior  &  more  extensive  Influence  over 
the  various  Nations  of  Indians  upon  the  Continent  &  w°h  may  one  day  or  another 
be  of  fatal  Consequence  to  the  British  Colonies  &  give  the  French  that  Extent  of 
Dominion  &  Ballance  of  Trade,  w*  but  for  our  Indolence,  &  impolitic  Selfishness 
they  could  never  possibly  have  compassed. 


78  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

That  as  to  what  the  French  Agents  Who  were  lately  in  their 
Country  had  sd  &  what  passed,  they  would  accquaint  His 
Excellency  with  it  by  &  by. 

That  they  had  now  nothing  more  to  say  than  to  beg  that  His 
Excellcy  would  interceed  with  her  Majesty  that  Goods 
might  be  cheaper  &  Bever  dearer  for  the  Traders  gave  so 
little  for  Bever  that  it  was  scarce  worth  their  while  to  go 
out  a  hunting  for  it. 

When  the  Govr  went  into  his  Lodgings  from  the  Conferrence 
some  Indians  Sachems  came  to  him  &  told  him  the  Message  the 
French  Govr  had  sent  to  them  (wch  was  the  same  reported  by  the 
Interpreter  above)  that  they  had  answered  by  desiring  the  Govr 
of  Canada  to  be  quiet,  but  did  not  say  anything  whether  they 
would  or  would  not  hold  themselves  Neuter  if  the  Govr  of  New 
York  demanded  their  assistance  against  the  French. 
The  Govr  directed  the  Commissrs  of  Indian  affairs  to  send  for 
the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  &  to  accquaint  them  that  the 
French  &  their  Indians  were  daily  murdering  the  Bretheren  of 
New  England  &  to  know  if  they  could  think  (p.  76)  of  any  Expe 
dient  to  prevent  it.  They  answered  that  the  French  treated  them 
in  the  same  Manner,  &  kept  by  their  Management  the  Farr 
Indians  in  perpetual  War  against  them:  that  they  had  often 
complaind  of  this  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  but  without  redress, 
that  they  had  sent  a  Solemn  Embassy  to  him  to  desire  that  he 
would  interpose  &  get  a  Cessation  for  them  from  the  Western  or 
Farr  Indians,  but  he  answered  he  could  not  without  orders  from 
the  King  his  Master.1 

Albany  22d  Aug*  1710. 

The  Mohawk  Sachems  of  the  Three  Tribes  wait  upon  Govr 
Hunter  &  accquaint  him. 

That  they  are  informed  the  Queen  hath  sent  over  a  con 
siderable  Number  of  People  to  settle  upon  the  Land  called  Scho- 
here,  &  tho  that  Land  as  hath  appeared  to  his  Excellcy  doth  belong 
to  them  yet  as  he  desires  it  for  Christian  Settlements  they  do  now 

1  This  Conduct  of  the  French  in  a  great  measure  lays  open  their  Political  Sys 
tem  with  regard  to  the  Indians  to  those  who  may  peruse  this  abstract  of  Indian 
Negotiations. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  79 

surrender  up  &  convey  to  the  Queen  her  heirs  &  Successors 
forever  all  that  Tract  of  Land  called  Skohere  begining  at  the 
uppermost  peice  of  Land  wch  lyes  on  Skohere  River  &  so  down 
both  sides  of  the  River  till  you  come  to  the  Path  wch  goes  out 
to  the  Mohawks  Castle  [called]  at  Tiondoroge  wch  Path  is  called 
by  the  Natives  Caniowarageinade  wch  is  about  5  English  Miles 
above  the  Falls,  reserving  to  themselves  only  one  Flat  or  Plain 
where  the  Indians  now  Plant  near  the  Hill  called  Onisstachraga- 
rawe  &  Woodland  suff*  for  Fire  Wood  for  the  Indians. 

We  Pray  that  henceforth  no  Land  may  be  bo*  in  a  Clandestine 
Manner  from  any  Idle  Drunken  Indians,  but  let  it  be  done  in 
Public  as  this  is  with  proper  Deputies  from  each  Tribe. 
N.B.  The  Indians  left  Albany  without  signing  the  Deed  for  the 
above  Land,  but  Messengers  were  sent  after  them  to  get  it  signed 
but  whether  they  did  or  no  is  not  recorded.  The  Mohawks 
afterwards  refused  the  Presents  wch  Govr  Hunter  left  for  sd  Land 
as  not  being  suff1  The  Commissrs  sd  they  would  write  the  Govr 
about  it  —  but  I  find  nothing  further  of  the  Matter  recorded  — 

I  suppose  according  to  our  System  of  Politics  they  were  Cheated. 

I 1  June  1711.     Govr  Hunter  had  a  further  Conference  with  the 
Mohawks  ab1  this  Land,  wherein  he  asserts  they  had  signed  the 
Deed  &  reproaches  them  for  re-assuming  their  Gift.  29  Sepr  they 
say  there  had  been  underhand  Dealings,  but  however  they  con 
sent  to  give  up  the  Land 

(P.  77.)  29  Sepr  1710.  The  Commiss"  receive  Information  that 
a  French  Smith  was  seen  going  from  Canada  to  the  Sen- 
necas  Country  in  Company  with  Two  of  that  Nation  & 
that  the  Sennecas  had  promised  to  protect  him  against  the 
English. 

14  Octor  Wm  Printop  a  Smith  is  sent  to  the  Oneidas  who  earnestly 
requested  one  they  being  about  to  rebuild  their  Castle. 
But  as  this  Printop  was  lately  married  the  Commissrs 
write  to  the  Govr  that  they  had  much  ado  to  prevail  on 
him  to  go,  &  that  they  were  of  opinion  it  would  be  better 
for  the  Gov*  to  hire  one  at  New  York.1 

1  How  often  &  how  earnestly  the  5  Nations  requested  Smiths  to  be  sent  into 
their  Countrys  these  abstracts  sufficiently  show,  this  Occurs  in  almost  every  Page 


80  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

15  Octor  the  Indians  sent  by  Govr  Hunter  with  a  Belt  of  Wampum 
to  the  Caynawaga  Indians  in  Canada  to  desire  them  to 
lay  down  the  Hatchet  against  the  Bretheren  of  New  Engd 
return  &  accquaint  the  Commissra  that  they  had  executed 
the  Message  &  the  sd  Indians  had  promised  they  would 
no  more  join  in  any  Excursions  upon  New  Engd  &  as  a 
Sanction  of  their  Sincerity  had  sent  a  Belt  of  Wampum. 
ii  Decr  Laurence  Claasse  the  Interpreter  is  sent  among  the  5 
Nations  to  watch  the  Motions  of  the  French  &  their  Agents 
&  to  support  the  Interests  &  Influence  of  this  Gov*  against 
the  French  Intrigues. 

24  Janry  1710/11.      a  Deputation  from  the  5  Nations  to  the 
Commiss"  at  Albany  that  they  had  sent  some  chosen  Men 
to  the  Caynawagas  at  Canada  to  endeavour  to  prevail  on 
those  Indians  to  return  to  their  Native  Country  to  live. 
That  the  Wagenhaes  had  at  several  Times  murdered  sundry  of 
their  People  &  offered  them  repeated  Insults  &  as  they  are  in  the 
French  Interest  tis  not  to  be  doubted  but  the  French  have  instiga 
ted  them  thereto,     the  5  Nations  are  therefore  detirmined  to  take 
Revenge  &  are  going  out  to  War  against  them. 
(N.B.     These  Wagenhaes  I  cannot  believe  to  be  the  same  Indians 
with  whom  so  solemn  a  Peace  &  Coven*  was  made  in  last  June,  I 
rather  take  Wagenhaes  to  be  a  general  Name  for  Indians  dwelling 
to  the  Westward  of  Lake  Errie,  but  as  it  was  so  much  the  Interest 
of  the  French  to  break  this  Peace  they  may  perhaps  have  effected 
it,  but  as  the  Indians  are  remarkably  faithful  to  their  Treaties, 
I  am  at  a  loss  what  to  determine.  .  .  .) 

(P.  78.)  They  desire  to  have  a  Smith  settled  at  Onondaga  &  that 
Ammunition  may  be  given  them. 

26  Janry  1710/11  The  Commiss"  Answered,  that  they  were 
very  well  pleasd  that  they  had  fallen  upon  measures  to 
prevail  on  the  Cacknawaga  Indians  to  return  &  live  in 
their  Native  Country.  That  they  would  not  have  them 

of  the  Records,  whether  Smiths  could  not  be  got,  or  whether  it  was  owing  to  neg 
lect,  I  cant  say,  but  I  am  persuaded  the  not  supplying  them  has  been  a  great 
Prejudice  to  the  Interest  of  this  Colony.  One  is  frequently  sent  to  Onondaga  & 
Onieda  but  seldom  stays  long. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  8 1 

go  out  a  fighting  against  the  Wagenhaes,  for  as  Port  Royal 
was  already  [reduced]  conquered  by  the  Queen's  Arms  & 
a  Fleet  next  Spring  expected  from  Great  Britain  the  Govr 
would  not  be  pleased  that  they  should  be  now  engaging  in 
a  War  of  their  Own  &  that  when  once  Canada  was  de 
stroyed  the  Wagenhaes  would  fall  an  easy  prey  to  them. 

That  they  could  not  get  a  Smith  to  go  with  them,  but 
would  write  to  the  Govr  about  it,  in  the  Meantime  they 
might  get  their  Axes  mended  in  Oneida  where  there  was  a 
Smith. 

i.  March  1710/11.  A  Message  from  the  Mohawks  that  all  the 
Sachems  of  their  Nation  were  to  hold  a  general  Meeting 
upon  a  Matter  of  great  Importance  &  they  desire  Mr 
Hansen  with  the  Interpreter l  may  be  present  at  it  in  behalf 
of  this  Gov* 

4  April  1711.  Laurce  Claasse  the  Interpreter  is  sent  amongst  the 
Five  Nations  to  dissuade  them  from  going  out  to  fight 
against  the  Wagenhaes  or  far  Indians  &  to  tell  them  that 
tis  the  French  Policy  to  provoke  them  to  War  in  order  to 
destroy  &  weaken  them  so  that  at  last  they  may  put  a  total 
End  to  them. 

21  April.  Advice  is  sent  to  the  Commissra  from  the  Mohawks 
that  a  French  Interpreter  with  an  Officer  &  30  Men  are 
arrived  at  Onondaga  &  they  desire  that  Col  Peter  Schuyler 
may  be  imediately  dispatched  to  Onondaga  to  see  what 
the  French  have  to  say  &  overlook  their  Managment. 
Col  Schuyler  declines  going  till  he  receives  the  Govr8 
orders. 

30  April  He  receives  a  Letter  from  the  Govr  that  the  Council 
are  of  Opinion  he  should  go. 

4  May  The  Commiss"  receive  a  letter  from  Col  Schuyler  dated 
from  one  of  the  Mohawk  Castles,  he  accquaints  them  that 
Monsr  Longeville  &  the  French  in  Company  with  him,  are 
sawing  Boards  &c  to  build  a  House  at  Onondaga  &  that  the 
Indians  of  that  Castle  have  granted  him  a  Lot  of  Land  in 
the  Center  of  their  Settlem* 

1  No  further  Ace*  of  this  Meeting  appears  from  the  Records. 


82  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

(P.  79.)  The  same  day  the  Commiss™  write  Govr  Hunter  an  Ace* 
of  the  aforesaid  News,  &  say  that  it  is  of  the  utmost  Importance 
to  the  Welfare  of  this  Colony  to  prevent  the  French  from  making 
any  Settlement  at  Onondaga,  and  that  if  effectual  Methods  be  not 
taken  to  prevent  the  French  Designs  it  they  will  prove  very 
Dangerous  to  all  the  British  Settlements  on  the  Continent. 

Albany  7  May  1711.  Laurence  Claasse  returns  from  Onondaga 
&  says  that  he  heard  Monsr  Longeville  speak  to  the  In 
dians,  That  he  put  them  in  Mind  that  they  had  been  last 
year  with  the  Govr  of  Canada  &  assured  him  they  would 
live  in  Peace  &  Unity  with  him,  &  hoped  they  would  keep 
their  Promise  inviolable. 

Forewarns  them  not  to  take  the  Hatchet  from  the  Govr  of  New 
York  to  war  against  the  French,  and  threatens  them  with 
the  fatal  Consequences  if  they  do.  — 

Admonishes  their  Young  Men  to  be  obedient  to  the  Old  Sacherns. 
Calls  upon  the  Squaws  or  Women  to  give  good  Advice  to 
their  Young  Men  &  Husbands. 

Desires  that  Two  Sachems  of  each  Nation  may  go  to  Canada  with 
him  to  be  present  at  a  great  Meeting  between  the  Govr  & 
all  his  Indians. 

Laurence  Claasse  sd  that  Monsr  Longeville  had  made  a 
Present  of  near  £600  —  in  value  mostly  in  Amunition. 
That  he  had  built  at  Onondaga  a  Block  House  ab*  30  foot 
Long  with  Loop  holes  &  that  his  Son  was  to  take  the  Com 
mand  of  it  with  some  French  Soldiers. 

Extract  from  Col.  Peter  Schuylers  Journal  of  his  Journey  to 

Onondaga  given  to  the  Commissra  some  time  in  May.1 

The  7  May  in  the  Evening  arrived  at  Onondaga  where  the  Sa 
chems  friendly  received  us. 

8  May.  The  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  met  in  Council  &  sent  for 
Col  Schuyler  &  the  other  Gentn  who  went  with  him  & 
when  they  came  they  [made  the  following  Speech]  spoke 
to  them  in  purport  as  follows. 

1  Monsr  Longeville  with  the  French  when  they  heard  that  Col  Schuyler  was  on 
his  way  to  Onondaga  left  that  Place  &  went  to  the  Lake  where  his  Cannoes  were 
leaving  word  if  Col  Schuyler  wanted  to  speak  to  him  he  would  wait  there  for  him. 


W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  83 

(P.  80.)  That  a  Nation  of  Indians  called  Minquasse  l  amongst 
whom  some  of  their  Indians  had  lately  been  had  informed  them 
that  the  Govr  of  New  York  &  the  Govr  of  Canada  had  entered 
into  a  mutual  Agreement  to  destroy  the  5  Nations  &  to  settle 
their  Lands  because  Land  is  very  scarce  in  Europe.  And  that 
they  were  the  more  inclined  to  believe  this  Report  because  French 
men  were  permitted  to  pass  unmolested  last  Winter  thro  Albany 
&  were  now  suffered  to  build  a  Fort  in  their  Settlement.  And 
that  to  this  End  the  Govr  of  New  York  was  to  invite  the  Sachems 
of  the  5  Nations  to  Albany  &  there  kill  them  &  divide  their  Lands 
with  the  French.  That  they  had  accquainted  Monsr  Longeville 
with  this  Matter,  who  assured  them  the  French  would  not  join 
in  such  a  Scheme,  but  that  the  English  would  do  it,  wch  they 
were  the  more  inclined  to  believe  because  Powder  was  kept 
up  so  dear.  That  a  Cachnawaga  Sachem  at  y*  time  present 
was  told  this  peice  of  News  by  an  Eng  Prisoner  taken  from  New 
England. 

They  then  proceeded  to  accquaint  Co1  Schuyler  what  Monsr 
Longeville  had  said  to  them  —  (in  substance  as  follows) 

That  he  was  come  to  speak  to  them  in  behalf  of  all  the  other 
Nations  of  Indians  in  the  French  Alliance ;  that  all  past  Evil  on 
each  side  should  now  be  forgot  &  forgiven,  and  that  they  should 
now  renew  the  Covenant  between  them  &  not  listen  to  any 
Evil  Insinuations  to  the  contrary  from  the  Govr  of  New 
York.  - 

he  then  proceeded  to  tell  them,  that  the  Govr  of  New  York 
had  no  other  regard  for  them  but  on  account  of  their  Bever,  that 
he  hearkend  to  none  of  their  Requests.  he  warned  them  from 
taking  the  Hatchet  from  the  Govr  of  New  York  against  the 
French,  to  remain  Neuter  &  let  the  French  &  English  decide  their 
Quarrells  with  One  Another.  Threatened  them  if  they  did  not 
listen  to  this  Advice  it  would  end  in  their  own  Destruction. 
Called  upon  the  Young  Men  to  be  governed  by  the  Advice  of  the 
Old  &  the  Women  to  dissuade  their  Husbands  &  Sons  from 

1  The  tribe  known  as  the  Minquas  by  the  Dutch  or  Andastes  by  the  French, 
related  to  the  Iroquois,  occupied  parts  of  the  Susquehanna  and  Delaware  valleys.  — 
ED. 


84  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

engaging  against  the  French,  &  uttered  many  Denunciations 
against  them  if  they  did.1 

The  Sachems  then  told  Co1  Schuyler  they  would  repeat  to  him 
what  Answer  they  had  given  to  Monsr  Longeville  wch  in  Substance 
was  thus. 

You  seem  to  take  part  with  us  on  the  Supposition  that 
we  are  treated  uncivilly  by  the  Govr  of  New  York,  wch  he  doth  not 
(p.  81)  but  we  have  been  several  times  ill  used  by  your  Govr  You 
have  made  War  several  times  upon  us  of  yr  own  Accord,  but 
such  a  thing  hath  never  happened  between  us  &  the  Govr  of  New 
York  &  we  hope  never  will,  but  we  have  always  lived  in  Love  & 
Friendship  together.  Our  young  Men  are  generally  obed*  to  us 
&  observe  our  Advice,  altho  the  Wagenhaes  have  Twelve  times 
fallen  upon  us  &  killed  several  of  our  People  (we  suppose  thro  yr 
means  &  for  the  sake  of  the  Bevers)  wch  we  cannot  so  easily  forget; 
And  we  are  Apprehensive  you  have  some  Evil  Designs  by  sending 
for  the  Wagenhaes  to  come  to  Canada,  for  we  know  you  are 
Deceitful  &  not  to  be  trusted.  You  desire  us  not  to  accept  of  the 
Hatchet  from  Corlaer  if  offered  to  us.  We  desire  you  to  take  the 
Hatchet  from  yr  Indians  &  let  Christians  fight  against  Christians 
only.  Otherwise  you  cannot  expect  we  shall  sit  Quiet  whilst 
you  send  out  yr  Indians  whom  you  must  pay  well 2 
The  9th  Col  Schuyler  desired  a  meeting  of  the  Sachems  of  the  5 

Nations  wch  being  granted  he  spoke  to  them  as  follows. 
Bretheren  upon  the  7  hands  of  Wampum  wch  you  sent  desiring  I 

might  come  here  his  Excellcy  the  Govr  directed  me  to 

1  It  is  evident  the  Scheme  the  French  had  in  View  by  this  Embassy  of  Monsr 
Longeville  &  his  harrangue  was  to  prevail  on  the  5  Nations  to  stand  Neuter,  when 
the  French  with  their  Indians  would  have  overun  the  Country  &  scalped  &  taken 
Prisoners  at  will.     To  this  End  they  had  bribed  several  of  the  Sachems  (who  are 
Bribe  equable)  &  stirred  up  a  War  against  the  5  Nations  from  the  remote  Indians. 
And  from  several  of  the  foregoing  Extracts  it  appears  the  Indians  had  played  dis 
ingenuously  with  this  Gov*      These  affairs  were  carried  on  with  great  Skill  by  the 
French. 

2  I  am  doubtful  whether  they  realy  spoke  to  Monsr  Longeville  after  this  manner; 
(for  I  do  not  think  Sincerity  the  Virtue  of  the  5  Nations  at  this  time  &  at  present 
I  am  confident  they  are  the  reverse,  as  they  constantly  Treat  &  receive  presents 
from  each  &  say  what  they  think  will  please  without  any  regard  to  Truth)  I  believe 
Monsr  Longeville  had  only  a  Party  of  the  Sachems  in  his  Interest  so  that  their 
Answer  might  not  have  been  wholly  favorable  to  his  purpose. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  85 

repair  hither  &  to  thank  you  for  the  notice  given  to  this 
Governm*  of  the  Arrival  of  the  French  in  yr  Castles  &  the 
Govr  expects  from  yr  Allegiance  to  her  Majesty  &  yr 
former  promises  that  you  will  not  permit  any  armed  Men, 
Priests  or  Emissarys  from  the  French  to  come  amongst 
you.  he  also  expects  you  will  have  no  private  Consulta 
tions  with  any  of  those  French  who  were  lately  amongst 
you.  And  if  any  Attempt  be  made  upon  you  from 
Cannada  his  Excelly  assures  you.  of  all  the  possible  assis 
tance  this  Gov*  can  give  you. 

The  news  you  mention  to  have  heard  from  the  Minquasse  is 
altogether  False  &  not  worth  making  any  Answer  to.  As  to 
Monsr  Longeviiles  harrangue  you  have  sufficiently  answered 
him,  I  will  therefore  say  no  more  about  it.  But  Bretheren  what  is 
the  meaning  that  the  French  who  have  ever  been  injurious  to  you 
have  not  only  Liberty  to  come  into  yr  Castles  but  to  build  a  Fort 
even  in  the  midst  of  you.  What  blindness !  where  are  yr  thoughts 
that  you  dont  see  or  reflect  on  the  fatal  Consequences  of  what 
they  have  been  doing !  I  am  resolved  not  to  part  from  hence  before 
it  be  broke  quite  down  &  destroyed.  Bretheren  I  have  bro* 
with  me  her  Majestys  Coat  of  Arms  wch  I  desire  you  set  up  here 
as  a  token  that  the  French  have  no  Jurisdiction  in  your  Country 
the  same  I  have  here  (p.  82)  also  to  be  sent  to  the  Cayouge  & 
the  Sennecas  Country  (as  he  passed  thro  the  Mohawks  &  Oneidas 
Country  he  had  left  one  at  each  of  their  Castles)  1 

Co1  Schuyler  says  he  was  informed  that  Monsr  Longeville  had 
given  the  care  of  the  Fort  he  had  built  into  the  care  of  a  Sachem 
who  was  absent  ab*  16  Miles  off,  he  was  at  the  Expense  to  send 
for  him,  he  prevailed  upon  him  to  give  his  consent  for  demolish 
ing  this  Fort  &  Block  House  &  got  the  rest  to  concur  but  not 
without  promising  them  suitable  rewards  for  their  Compliance. 
ioth  May.  the  Sachems  came  to  his  Lodgings  &  told  him  they 
had  forgot  to  mention  that  Monsr  Longeville  sd  to  them  that  if 
they  would  not  consent  to  a  Neutrality  they  had  other  Nations 

1  This  Co1  Schuyler  was  a  Man  of  great  Interest  amongst  the  Indians  had  fought 
with  them  &  was  a  Brave  Man  &  if  this  Speech  was  his  own,  a  Man  of  good  Sense. 
lived  at  Albanv.  rara  Avis! 


86  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

besides  the  Wagenhaes  to  make  War  upon  them,  to  wch  the  5 
Nations  say  they  replyed  they  also  had  more  Nations  in  League 
with  them  &  that  they  despised  such  threatenings  nor  should 
they  ever  induce  them  to  break  their  Alegiance  with  the  Queen 
of  Great  Britain  &  her  Governments  in  America. 

They  further  told  him  that  they  had  determined  to  leave  it  to 
his  Choice  to  demolish  or  not  the  Block  House,  but  if  he  detir- 
mined  to  do  it  they  would  send  Monsr  Longeville  who  was  but 
12  Miles  off  an  Account  of  it. 

he  replyed  to  them  they  might  if  they  pleased  send  him  word 
he  was  pulling  it  down  &  accordingly  he  imediately  ordered  those 
who  were  with  him  to  demolish  it  wch  was  quickly  done, 
ii  May     The  Sachems  Addressed  themselves  to  Co1  Schuyler 
after  y3  manner. 

As  we  are  now  re-convinced  &  have  complied  with  all  your 
desires  so  we  hope  you'l  comply  with  ours. 

First l  we  find  the  price  of  yr  Merchandize  so  exceedingly 
dear  especially  Pouder  without  wch  we  cannot  exist  &  as  our 
Bevers  get  you  a  great  deal  of  Money  we  desire  Pouder  above  all 
things  may  be  Cheaper.  Next  we  desire  as  it  is  in  yr  Power  that 
the  sale  of  Strong  Liquors  may  be  prohibited. 

We  have  always  assisted  you  against  the  French  &  done  good 
Service,  but  when  we  have  been  Attacked  we  have  had  little  or 
no  assistance  from  you. 

(P.  83.)  You  desire  us  to  dissuade  our  Soldiers  from  going  out 
to  fight  the  far  Nations  &  you  have  destroyed  the  Fort  wch  was 
just  now  built,  but  if  Pouder  &  Lead  keeps  so  dear  with  you  how 
shall  we  defend  ourselves  if  Attacked,  with  Bows  &  Arrows  we 
cannot.  Let  us  not  want  Pouder  &  Lead. 

I  told  them  I  would  give  his  Excellcy  an  Ace*  of  all  they  has 
said  and  that  they  must  be  careful  for  the  Future  not  to  Admit 
any  French  into  their  Castles  much  less  to  let  them  erect  any 
Buildings 

1  these  Complaints  had  contributed  to  Aleniate  the  Minds  of  the  5  Nations 
from  this  Gov1  &  assisted  the  French  in  pushing  this  bold  Stroke,  which  seems  to 
me  one  of  the  most  dangerous  &  best  concerted  that  I  have  met  with,  had  it  suc 
ceeded  it  would  probably  have  bro*  on  a  revolt  of  most  of  the  5  Nations  from  yc 
English. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  87 

The  Block  House  Monsr  Longeville  had  built  was  24^  foot 

long  &  i8J  foot  broad  covered  with  Boards  &  nailed,  there  was 

wood  ready  cut  &  prepared  for  a  Chapel  wch  he  also  destroyed. 

Thus  ended  this  remarkable  &  important  Embassy  very 

much  to  the  honour  of  Col.  Schuyler  &  highly  to  the 

Advantage  &  Security  of  this  Colony  &  probably  of  all  his 

Majesties  Dominions  on  the  Continent. 

20  May  17-11.  Came  to  Albany  6  Farr  Indians  from  the  Country 
about  Tuchsakrondie,  and  say  they  are  come  upon  the 
Faith  of  the  Belt  of  Wampum  wch  was  given  them  2  years 
ago,  that  they  are  mindful  of  their  engagments  &  shall 
never  forget  them.  They  were  Answered,  that  the  Govr 
should  be  accquainted  with  this  Visit  who  would  be  well 
pleased  to  hear  of  it  as  he  wanted  to  have  all  their  Nations 
in  the  same  Cov*  with  him  as  the  5  Nations,  &  that  he  did 
his  Endeavour  that  the  5  Nations  should  have  no  differ 
ence  with  the  Far  Nations  &  hoped  they  would  contribute 
to  bring  all  about  them  into  the  Covenant  Chain. 
2  June.  The  Commissra  make  a  Representation  to  Govr  Hunter 
that  the  Public  Monies  in  their  hands  has  been  long 
expended,  that  they  want  to  be  furnished  either  with 
Money  or  proper  Goods  to  make  those  necessry  presents 
wch  are  requisite  to  secure  the  attachment  of  the  Indians 
who  are  daily  receiving  them  from  the  French  &  by  that 
means  are  Subject  to  their  Influence.  That  a  Garrison 
is  necessary  at  Onondaga  wch  has  been  often  promised 
to  the  Indians  who  make  many  Severe  Reflections  upon 
the  neglect  of  it.  That  should  a  French  get  a  Fort  there 
it  would  not  only  ruin  Albany  but  probably  be  of  the  most 
fatal  Consequence  to  this  &  the  adjacent  Colonies.  That 
they  advanced  last  year  to  the  public  near  £200  —  wch 
the  Assembly  hath  not  provided  for. 
10  June.  Govr  Hunter  meets  the  5  Nations  at  Albany  who 

Speak  to  him  to  the  following  Purpose. 

(P.  84.)  They  say  the  French  have  been  with  them  &  desired 
from  them  a  Neutrality  wch  they  have  promised,  and  the 
French  further  proposed  that  Christians  should  fight 


88  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

against  Christians.  They  now  desire  that  no  war  may  be 
carried  on  between  us  &  the  French  because  the  Indians 
must  necessarily  lose  many  of  their  People  by  it. 

That  the  Queens  Arms  were  bro*  up  &  given  them  to  hang  in  their 
Castles,  but  say  they  know  Arms  will  not  defend  us,  the 
Enemy  will  not  be  affraid  of  them,  what  we  want  is  Pouder 
to  defend  ourselves  ag*  the  common  Enemy. 

That  they  have  constantly  requested  of  every  Govr  that  Goods 
might  be  sold  cheaper  wch  hath  never  been  complied  with, 
they  now  renew  their  Request  wch  if  not  granted  will 
render  them  as  poor  as  Dogs.  That  the  Public  Presents 
given  them  are  but  Trifling  when  divided  amongst  them. 
If  he  will  let  Goods  be  sold  cheaper,  their  old  &  young  Men 
will  wholly  devote  themselves  to  her  Majesty. 
They  repeat  this  Request  again  &  again  &  say  unless  Goods 
particularly  Pouder  be  sold  Cheaper  they  must  disperse 
themselves  &  that  the  Sachems  can  no  longer  keep  up  their 
Authority  over  the  young  Men.  They  conjure  the  Govr 
in  the  most  moving  Terms  to  listen  to  &  grant  their 
Request.1 

They  add  there  are  no  French  now  among  the  5  Nations 
&  with  that  Assurance  conclude  their  Speech. 
Govr  Hunter  answered  them  in  purport  as  follows  - 

That  he  understood  their  meeting  him  at  this  time  implied  their 
being  joined  to  this  Gov*  in  one  Interest  &  one  Cov*  Chain, 
that  they  would  keep  true  &  faithful  to  the  same  &  upon 
all  occasions  run  the  same  Fate  with  us  &  Obey  all  such 
Orders  as  they  should  receive  from  him  by  the  Great 
Queens  Commands. 

1  From  the  known  Character  of  the  Traders  at  Albany  there  is  too  much  reason 
to  suspect  they  extorted  an  unreasonable  Price  from  the  Poor  Ignorant  Indians  at 
this  time,  &  preferred  the  Emolument  of  their  private  Fortunes  by  oppression  & 
Injustice  to  the  Vital  Interest  of  their  Country.  And  tho  at  present  by  the  increase 
of  Traders  &  the  dear  bo*  Experience  of  the  Indians  they  are  become  more 
capable  of  dealing  with  these  Christian  Jews,  yet  the  Indians  Trade  is  highly  worthy 
the  Attention  of  the  Legislature  here  &  in  default  of  that  of  some  Interposition  of 
the  Gov*  at  home.  No  Body  of  People  in  the  world  act  more  strictly  up  to  the 
Motto  Bonus  Odor  Lucri  ex  re  Qualibet,  than  the  Albanians. 


WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  89 

That  Whilst  the  French  were  sollicking  them  to  a  Neutrality  & 
proposing  that  none  but  Christians  should  fight  against 
Christ"8  their  Perfidy  was  Evident  by  their  sending  for  all 
the  Far  Nations  of  Indians  to  engage  them  to  their  assis 
tance  &  that  this  was  well  known  to  the  5  Nations,  he 
therefore  desired  they  would  stay  at  home  &  not  engage  in 
needjess  Warrs. 

That  the  Queens  Arms  are  a  Sign  of  her  Sovereignty  wch  he  hopes 
they  will  be  (p.  85)  always  ready  to  defend  against  any 
who  shall  attempt  to  invade  it  &  to  enable  them  so  to  do 
he  has  granted  their  Request  &  ordered  to  each  Nation 
a  good  Quantity  of  Pouder  &  Lead. 

That  he  is  sorry  their  Furrs  bear  so  low  a  price  the  War  is  the 
Occasion  of  the  falling  of  the  price  of  all  such  Goods.1  As  to 
what  they  may  have  occasion  to  purchase  from  the  People  here 
effectual  care  shall  be  taken  for  the  future  that  none  of  them  shall 
be  Cheated  or  overcharged,  so  that  whoever  thinks  himself 
hardly  dealt  with  by  the  Traders,  has  nothing  to  do  but  to  apply 
himself  to  the  Commissrs  2  who  have  orders  to  see  Justice  done 
them  &  to  punish  the  offenders,  and  to  prevent  all  such  abuses 
for  the  Future.  He  desire  they  may  always  incamp  upon  the 
Hill  or  in  some  Common  Place  near  the  Town,  untill  such  time 
as  conveniencys  be  built  for  them,  from  whence  they  can  go  from 
House  to  House  in  the  Town  &  sell  their  Goods  to  the  best  Bidder 
without  lying  under  the  Tyranny  of  their  Landlords  who  says  he 
as  I  have  heard  have  used  them  ill.3 

After  the  public  Conferrence  was  Ended  some  Sachems  of  the 
Mohawks,  the  Oneidas,  the  Cayougas  &  the  Sennekas  waited  on 

1  I  suppose  the  Traders  might  have  given  this  Reason  to  Govr  Hunter  but  it  is 
a  False  &  unmerchantile  one,  for  a  War  raises  the  price  of  Furrs  &  all  Exports  & 
imports  in  this  part  of  the  World. 

2  Most  of  whom  if  not  all  have  been  ever  Traders  &  generally  make  use  of  their 
Employment  as  a  more  ready  means  to  cheat  the  Indians. 

3  It  is  to  this  day  customary  as  I  have  been  informed  by  Gentn  of  undoubted 
Varacity,  that  when  the  Indians  have  received  the  public  Presents  the  Traders  at 
Albany  get  them  into  their  Houses  buy  their  Shares  at  half  price  or  less  &  then  in 
succeeding  course  of  the  year  sell  'em  to  them  again  at  an  exorbitant  Price,  nay  I 
have  been  told  oi  some  so  abominably  Impudent  as  to  sel  the  same  Goods  to  the 
same  Indians  at  an  Advanced  Price  a  day  or  two  after. 


90  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Govr  Hunter  privately  &  told  him  that  tho  they  had  told  the 
French  agents  they  would  keep  Neuter,  yet  they  did  this  out  of 
Fear,  not  with  Sincerity  or  Inclination,  that  the  French  always 
dissemble  with  them  &  they  therefore  returnd  them  the  same 
Conduct,  but  now  assured  him  they  should  follow  his  orders  & 
keep  the  Coven*  Chain  inviolable  with  this  Gov*  with  whom  they 
never  had  any  war  but  with  the  French  several. 

The  Govr  told  them  he  took  this  Declaration  as  being  their 
unfeigned  Sentiments  &  expected  they  would  accquaint  him  with 
all  the  Negotiations  of  the  French  whenever  they  put  any  on 
Foot. 

(P.  86.)  Albany  13  June  1711.  News  arrives  that  Co1  Nichol 
son  was  arrived  at  Boston  from  Great  Britain  &  had 
desired  Govr  Hunter  &  Co1  Schuyler  to  meet  him  at  New 
London.  [Upon  wch  a  Post  was  dispatched  to  the  5 
Nations  with  the  News  &  to  desire]  wch  news  was  commu 
nicated  to  the  Sachems  who  remained  in  Town  &  they  were 
desired  to  influence  their  Young  Men  [might]  to  stay  at 
home  &  not  go  out  a  fighting  against  the  Far  Nations. 
The  1 5 th  Directions  arrived  from  Govr  Hunter  that  Two 
Sachems  of  each  Nation  might  remain  awhile  in  Town  & 
be  subsisted  at  the  public  Expence. 

19  July  1711.  Some  of  the  Mohawks  are  dispatched  with  a  Belt 
of  Wampum  to  the  Susquahannah,  the  New  Jersey  &  the 
Minnesink  Indians  to  desire  them  to  come  here  &  join  her 
Majestys  Forces  in  an  Expedition  against  Canada. 

24  July.  Some  Tuchsagrondie  come  down  to  Albany  to  Trade 
but  desire  as  they  are  young  Men  not  experienced  in 
Buisness  that  the  Commissrs  will  not  talk  to  them  on 
publick  Affairs.  They  complain  that  the  People  of 
Schanectady  imposed  on  them  in  the  price  of  their  Wag 
gons.  Desire  they  may  have  goods  as  cheap  as  the  5 
Nations  as  we  are  all  joined  in  one  Covenant.  — 

They  are  made  welcome,  &  the  Com- 
miss"  tell  them  they  perceive  they  are  affraid  we  should 
want  them  to  join  in  the  War,  but  that  we  have  Men 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  91 

enough  &  only  desire  them  to  stand  Neuter,  that  they 
shall  have  goods  as  cheap  as  the  5  Nations  — 

30  July.  Mess"  Schuyler  who  were  sent  thro  the  5  Nations  to 
engage  them  to  take  up  the  Hatchet  &  engage  in  the 
Expedn  against  Canada  return  &  say  all  the  5  Nations  had 
joyf ully  accepted  the  same  &  were  ready  to  join  us. 

Albany  17.  &  18  Aug*  the  Shachtakook  Indians  &  the  River 
Indians  meet  Govr  Hunter  &  Gen1  Nicholson  &  engage  to 
join  their  Forces  to  ours  on  the  Expedition 

20  Aug*  1711  The  Number  of  Fighting  Men  of  the  several 
Nations  of  Indians  in  Alegiance  to  the  Queen  of  Great 
Britain  who  came  to  Albany  to  march  on  the  Expedition 
against  Canada  — 

From  the  Manner  of  Livingston  ) 
&  the  adjacent  Country  -        /  19.  - 

From  the  High  Land  &  circa  2 1 . 

Schagtakook  Indians    38.. 

River  Indians 54.  132 

of  the  5  Nations  viz. 

Sennekas 182. 

Cayouges    127. 

Onondagas 99. 

Oneidas 93.    r  682. 

Mohawks   155. 

Shawanoes  who  are  Tributary 

to  the  Sennekas 26.  )    total.  —  814  Indians 

(P.  87.)  Albany  26  Aug*  1711.  Two  Praying  or  Christian  or 
rather  Prosylites  made  by  the  Jesuits  fled  from  Canada 
&  came  to  Albany  &  were  examined  upon  sundry  Questions 
by  order  of  Govr  Hunter,  among  other  Ansrs  I  have  judged 
convenient  to  note  the  following  — 

That  the  Jurisdiction  of  Montreal  extends  as  far  as  Trois  Rivieres 
&  that  they  were  informed  the  French  in  that  District 
amounted  to  55oo-Men  but  they  never  told  them.  — 


92  WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

That  the  Number  of  the  Proselite  Indians  in  Canada  (these  are 
Deserters  from  the  5  Nat8)  of  both  Castles  amount  to  ab* 
200  Men.  - 

They  were  asked  how  many  other  Indians  lived  in  Canada 
besides  the  Praying  Indians. 

They  answd  They  answered  there  are  the  Adirondax,  the  Owana- 
gonques,  &  Skachswanaes  who  live  hard  by  S*  Laurence 
River,  that  they  did  not  know  their  whole  Number,  but 
that  the  Owanagonques  were  pretty  many  the  other  2 
Nat8  but  few  in  Number. 

The  Army  with  the  Indians  marched  as  far  as  the  Wood  Creek  1 
where  they  received  Advice  of  the  Destruction  of  our  Fleet 
in  the  River  S*  Laurence,  they  returned  to  Albany  the 
8  Sepr  1711.  —  That  day  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations 
made  a  Speech  to  Gen1  Nicholson  the  Govr  of  Connectecut 
&  the  Commiss"  among  other  things  they  say. 

Bretheren  we  have  now  tried  twice  with  you  to  go  to 

Canada  in  order  to  reduce  it  to  her  Majesties  Obedience, 

We  are  therefore  now  so  ashamed  that  we  must  cover  our 

Faces.     Bretheren  It  is  a  barbarous  thing  that  the  Traders 

are  so  Extravagant  with  their  Goods  &c  &c 

After  this  Fruitless  Armament  against  Canada,  The  French  made 

an  Advantage  of  it  &  strengthened  their  Influence  over  the  5 

Nations  from  our  Disappointment,   they  propagated  a  great 

Number  of  Falshoods  prejudicial  to  the  English  Interest  amongst 

them  &  wch  was  received  by  the  Credulity  of  the  Indians.     They 

told  them  among  other  things  that  the  Queens  Arms  wch  had  been 

given  them  to  put  up  in  their  Castles  was  intended  to  fix  a  Claim 

to  their  Lands,  that  the  Dearness  of  Pouder  at  Albany  was 

intended  to  keep  them  so  bare  of  Amunition  as  might  facilitate 

the  Designs  the  English  had  of  destroying  them.     These  Base 

Artifices  of  the  French  took  Effect;  the  Indians  grew  Suspicious, 

sent  the  Queens  Arms  out  of  their  Country  &  the  whole  5  Nations 

at  length  took  the  Alarm  against   this  Gov*      So  that  the  14 

1  This  was  a  small  stream  flowing  into  Lake  Champlain  on  the  regular  carrying 
route  to  Canada.  It  must  be  distinguished  from  the  stream  of  the  same  name  on 
the  route  to  Oswego.  —  ED. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  93 

June  1712  Canassore  chief  Sachem  of  the  Onondagas  came  down 
to  Albany  &  told  the  Commissr3  he  was  come  to  throw  his  Life 
into  their  hands,  they  asked  him  what  was  the  Matter,  he  said 
he  was  met  by  a  Mohawk  Indian  who  was  sent  by  that  Nation 
with  Seven  hands  of  Wampum  1  (p.  88)  to  all  the  confederate 
Nations  to  accquaint  them  that  the  English  had  killed  several 
Indians,  that  the  Mohocks  were  making  Bullets  &  getting  their 
Warriors  ready  in  order  to  go  &  cut  off  the  Christians  &  to  desire 
the  4  other  Nations  imediately  to  recall  all  their  young  Men 
from  hunting  &  to  march  down  &  join  them  in  their  intended 
Attempt  —  Cannassore  said  that  hereupon  the  other  Indians 
who  were  in  Company  with  him  returned,  but  however  he  was 
determined  at  all  risks  to  come  &  enquire  into  this  Matter. 
Several  Mohock  Sachems  who  happened  at  that  time  to  be  at 
Albany  were  present  during  this  Relation  of  Canassore's,  These 
the  Commissr3  severely  reproached  with  their  inhuman  Inten 
tions,  their  Infidelity  &  Baseness  in  Attempting  to  break  a  sacred 
Covenant  wch  had  so  long  &  so  harmoniously  subsisted  between 
this  Gov*  &  the  5  Nations.  After  a  long  debate  the  Mohock 
Sachems  said  they  were  sorry  for  what  had  been  done,  that  they 
would  heal  up  the  Breach  &  contradict  all  the  Messages  wch  had 
been  sent  from  their  Nation.2  — 

The  Govr  &  Council  agreed  that  a 

proper  Person  &  y*  Co1  Peter  Schuyler  was  such  should  be  sent  to 
Onondaga  to  endeavour  to  undeceive  the  Indians  in  these  base  & 
groundless  reports  wch  the  French  had  propagated  amongst  them, 
to  explain  matters  to  them  to  Quiet  their  Minds  &  solemnly  to 
renew  the  Covenant  Chain  with  them  in  behalf  of  this  Governm* 
&c  —  And  to  this  purpose  the  Assembly  voted  £100  —  Fifty 
of  it  to  be  laid  out  in  presents  to  the  Indians  &  the  other  Fifty 
for  Expence  of  Co1  Schuylers  Journey  &  his  Attendants.  — 

1  Seven  Strings  of  Wampum  is  a  Solemn  Sanction  among  the  Indians  to  any 
News  or  Message  w°h  they  bring.  — 

2  I  find  previous  to  this  Affair  the  Commissra  had  wrote  several  letters  complain 
ing  to  Govr  Hunter  of  the  Assemblys  making  no  or  not  necessary  Provisions  for 
carrying  on  our  Influence  with  the  Indians  &  that  they  found  themselves  incapable 
of  serving  the  public  for  want  of  money  —  that  the  French  spared  neither  Artifices 
nor  money  to  debauch  the  Indians  from  us,  &  that  they  were  rendered  incapable 
of  counteracting  them,  by  the  inattention  of  the  Assembly. 


94  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

4  July  1712  — The  Commiss™  receive  advice  from  the  Indians 
that  Intelligence  had  been  given  by  some  Canada  Praying  Indians 
who  were  met  by  some  Onondaga  Indians  who  were  out  ahunting, 
that  the  Govr  of  Canada  intended  in  Sepr  to  come  &  destroy  the 

5  Nations  &  had  for  that  purpose  sent  to  all  his  far  Indians,  but 
this  being  only  a  Report  no  Strings  of  Wampum  were  sent. 

Albany  19  July  1712. 

Col1  Schuyler  being  returned  from  Onondaga  produced  to  the 
Commiss™  a  Journal  of  his  Proceedings  wch  in  Substance  was  a 
follows. 

(P.  89.)  The  3d  July  he  arrived  at  Onondaga  when  the  Sachems 
who  were  there  (the  Cayouge  &  Senneka  Sachems  were 
not  then  arrived)  imediately  convened  in  Council  &  wel 
comed  the  Co1  in  a  very  friendly  Speech,  to  wch  he  returned 
a  suitable  Answer. 

The  7th  The  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  being  met  sent  Co1  Schuyler 
word  they  were  now  ready  to  hear  what  he  had  to  say  to 
them.  He  addressed  them  agreably  to  the  Gov™  Instruc 
tions,  viz.  that  he  cannot  beleive  the  notorious  Falshoods 
wch  the  French  have  spread  amongst  them  of  a  Design  the 
English  have  to  cut  them  off  will  gain  such  Credit  with 
them  as  to  destroy  their  Affection  for  &  break  Attachment 
to  this  Gov*  That  on  the  contrary  he  has  repeated  Orders 
from  the  Queen  of  Great  Britain  to  keep  firm  &  inviolable 
the  Covenants  so  Solemnly  entered  into  &  wch  have 
always  been  so  strictly  observed. 

That  the  Queens  Arms  which  had  been  given  them  were  never 
intended  as  a  Mark  of  Claim  to  their  Lands  of  wch  her  Majesty 
acknowledges  them  to  be  the  sole  &  Rightful  Proprieters.  That 
he  had  observed  with  great  Pleasure  their  late  offers  of  Media- 
torship  to  make  Peace  between  the  Inhabitants  of  Carolina  &  the 
Tuscarora  Indians,  that  the  French  wanted  to  engage  them  in 
this  War  meerly  that  their  fighting  Men  might  be  sent  far  away 

6  they  have  an  Opportunity  of  falling  upon  their  defenceless 
Wives  &  Children  in  their  Absence  &° 

That  upon  the  whole  he  expects  they  will  on  this  Occasion 
renew  the  Cov*  Chain  with  him  &  continue  in  the  same  Joint 


WRAXALL/S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  95 

Interest  as  heretofore  &  that  in  Token  of  the  Confidence  he  has 
in  their  Fidelity,  he  has  ordered  a  Present  of  5  Barrells  of  Gun 
Pouder  for  them  wch  is  now  at  Albany  to  be  delivered  to  their 
Deputies  &  that  Co1  Schuyler  has  some  other  Presents  along  with 
him  to  give  them. 

Before  the  Sachems  gave  a  direct  Answer  to  this  Speech  they 
spoke  to  the  following  purpose. 

That  it  is  well  known  the  original  Foundation  of  their  Alliance 
with  the  Christians  were  the  Advantages  they  received  by  Trad 
ing  with  them. 

That  antiently  they  made  use  of  [Stone  Pots]  Earthen  Pots, 
Stone  Knives  &  Hatchets  &  Bows  &  Arrows,  that  after  they  had 
purchased  from  the  Chris tns  Good  Arms  they  conquered  their 
Enemies  &  rooted  them  out  so  that  where  they  then  inhabited  is 
now  become  a  Wilderness.  Thus  (say  they)  our  first  entering 
into  a  Coven*  with  you  was  Chiefly  grounded  upon  Trade.  We 
then  bo*  for  a  Bever  a  Stroud  Water  Blanket  or  Two  Duffel 
Blankets,  but  since  these  have  always  been  growing  dearer  & 
dearer  the  Pouder  we  now  buy  for  a  Bever  is  scarce  worth 
naming. 

We  have  addressed  the  Queen  upon  this  Head  but  we  suspect, 
[but  we]  it  hath  been  kept  from  her  knowledge  for  we  assure 
ourselves  she  (p.  90)  hath  an  Affection  for  us. 

We  have  made  various  Attempts  to  get  Goods  sold  us  Cheaper 
and  we  have  often  told  you  that  unless  they  were,  we  should 
become  a  defenceless  People,  fall  a  Prey  to  our  Enemies  &  our 
Union  be  dissolved. 

We  now  tell  you  this  Affair  may  be  the  occasion  of  breaking 
that  Chain  of  Peace  &  Friendship  wch  hath  subsisted  between  us  & 
you  As  the  Links  have  lately  seemed  to  be  wearing  way  &  you  are 
now  come  to  strengthen  them  &  preserve  the  Chain  from  being 
broke  wch  we  approve  of  &  rejoice  in,  We  hope  as  we  have  now 
told  you  the  true  &  only  Method  to  preserve  this  Chain  inviolable 
between  us  namely  to  let  us  have  goods  Cheaper,  that  this 
Method  will  take  Place  by  wch  the  Chain  will  be  kept  firm  &  we 
shall  live  in  Peace  forever. 


96  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Brother  Corlaer  (the  Indians  always  speak  to  the  Principal) 

We  have  considered  what  you  have  said  to  us  &  shall  observe 
Your  Requests,  when  our  fighting  Men  return  home  we  shall  pro 
pose  to  them  what  you  desire  viz  for  them  to  stay  at  home  & 
guard  their  Wives  &  Children  &  let  you  know  their  Answer. 

We  are  thankful  to  you  for  renewing  the  Cov*  Chain  by  the 
means  of  Quieder  1  or  Co1  Schuyler  &  we  promise  to  keep  it 
inviolable  on  our  parts  &  in  token  thereof  we  give  a  Belt  of 
Wampum. 

It  is  true  we  did  offer  our  Endeavours  to  keep  the  Tuscarora 
Indians  in  Peace  with  Carolina,  but  then  we  proposed  that  some 
fit  Persons  should  be  sent  from  New  York  thither  on  the  part  of 
this  Gov*  to  this  we  received  no  Answer.  It  seemed  strange  that 
you  took  no  Notice  of  our  Proposal.  It  is  an  Affront  when  one 
writes  to  another  &  they  return  no  Answer,  however  we  have 
taken  the  Hatchet  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Tuscarore  Indians. 

30  July  1712.  A  Deputation  from  the  Mohawks  to  this  Gov*  who 
accquaint  the  Commissra  they  had  a  Belt  of  Wampum  sent 
by  the  4  Nations  to  them  &  us  to  invite  the  Mohawks  & 
this  Gov*  to  join  in  a  War  against  the  French  Indians  & 
that  everything  was  ready  for  them  to  March  in  a  few 
days,  the  Mohawks  are  ready  to  join  &  [desire]  say  they 
should  be  glad  if  some  young  Men  of  Albany  would  go  out 
with  them.  They  say  they  should  have  communicated 
this  affair  sooner,  but  as  French  Indians  from  Canada  are 
frequently  at  Albany  they  were  affraid  their  Designs  would 
be  discovered  to  the  Enemy. 

The  Commissra  Answer  that  they  should  accquaint  the 
Govr  with  this  Peice  of  News  but  cannot  consent  that  any 
Albany  People  should  go  out  with  them.2 

(P.  91.)  Albany  20  May  1 714.3  The  Commiss"  received  advice 
that  there  was  very  Speedily  to  be  a  general  Meeting  at 

1  Peter.  — ED. 

2  Against  what  Indians  this  war  was  intended  the  Records  do  not  mention  I 
suppose  some  of  the  far  Indians 

3  From  the  last  date  in  this  Abstract  in  1712.  to  this,  there  is  little  mentioned  in 
the  Records,  &  nothing  worth  Noting.     Except,  a  Letter  to  Govr  Hunter  from  the 


W  RAX  ALL1  S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  97 

Onondaga  of  the  5  Nations  &  all  the  Indians  bordering 
upon  New  Jerseys,  Pensilvania,  Virginia  &  Maryland  by 
Deputies  wch  was  [kept]  designed  to  be  so  Secret  that  if  any 
Person  divulged  it  they  were  to  suffer  Death,  upon  this 
Intelligence  the  Commiss"  got  into  their  Service  Hendrik 
a  Christian  Sachem  of  the  Mohawk  Nation  who  promised 
to  accquaint  them  with  what  passed  at  this  Meeting. 
22  June  Hendk  reported  to  the  Commiss"  as  follows.  - 

That  in  the  above  meeting  of  the  5  Nat8  &  other  Indians  it  had 

been  agreed  that  some  of  their  Sachems  should  go  to  the  Govr  of 

Canada  with  10  Belts  of  Wampum  &  propose  to  him  as  follows. 

That  since  he  hath  made  repeated  Attempts  to  destroy  them  & 
been  disappointed  that  he  would  for  the  future  let  them 
live  in  Peace. 

That  whenever  he  wanted  to  speak  with  them  he  would  either 
come  himself  or  send  his  Messengers,  and  when  they  had 
anything  to  say  to  him  they  would  come  to  him. 

That  they  were  determined  to  live  in  Peace  &  if  the  Govr  of  New 
York  should  desire  them  to  take  up  the  Hatchet  against 
the  French  they  would  flatly  refuse  it,  &  they  desire  for  the 
Future  that  the  Govr  of  Canada  will  not  let  his  Indians 
make  war  upon  any  of  the  Queens  Subjects,  but  according 
to  the  Govr  of  Canada's  former  Proposals  that  the  Indians 
on  both  sides  may  be  kept  Neuter. 

That.  We  all  desire  you  will  sell  Pouder  Cheap  by  wch  means  you 
will  have  a  great  Trade  come  to  you. 

That  We  do  propose  a  firm  &  lasting  Treaty  of  Peace  &  Friend 
ship  with  you  &  that  it  may  be  known  to  all  Nations 

That  Openness  &  Sincerity  may  govern  our  mutual  Corespon- 
dance,  be  you  persuaded  of  our  Friendship  &  Fidelity,  let 
us  pass  freely  to  &  from  each  others  Country. 
Hendrik  adds  that  the  Deputed  Sachems  have  2  Belts  of 

Commiss1"3  who  write  that  3  Cayouge  Sachems  had  been  to  demand  the  Deeds  & 
writings  of  the  Susquahannah  Lands  given  to  the  Crown  for  this  Gov*  the  2d  Aug* 
1684  asp  Records.  They  say  it  was  only  a  Deed  of  Trust  &  they  will  now  sell  it. 
The  Commiss™  submit  to  the  Govr  whither  this  Land  belongs  to  this  Gov*  &°  this 
Letter  is  dated  in  Sepr  1713.  but  I  find  no  Answer  to  it  nor  further  Mention  about 
this  Affair.  — 


98  WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Wampum  whereby  they  are  empowered  to  ask  anything 
of  the  Govr  of  Canada  wch  they  shall  judge  proper  in  the 
name  of  the  5  Nat8  &  their  Allies,  &  that  he  supposes  they 
will  desire  Priests  to  be  fixt  at  Onondaga  &  in  the  Sennekas 
Country.  And  that  as  soon  as  the  Sachems  deputed  for 
Canada  are  set  out  another  Deputation  will  be  sent  to 
Albany.  —  (P.  92.)  The  Commiss1"8  transmit  this  Ace*  to 
Govr  Hunter  &  say  they  think  the  5  Nations  are  inclined 
to  the  French  Interest  who  have  their  Emissaries  always 
amongst  them  &  spare  neither  for  Cost  or  trouble  to  gain 
them  over  &  delude  them  from  us  wch  they  are  affraid  will 
in  the  End  be  of  dangerous  Consequence  to  this  Gov*  - 

Albany  20  June  1714.  The  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  come  to 
Albany  &  accquaint  the  Commiss1"8  that  the  Indians  who  live  at 
the  back  of  Maryland  had  sent  a  Belt  of  Wampum  to  them  to 
let  them  know  that  the  English  of  that  Colony  had  a  design  to  cut 
them  off  &  to  desire  that  the  Path  may  be  free  &  open  between 
them  &  the  5  Nations.  And  the  sd  Sachems  say  they  are  come  on 
purpose  to  know  if  there  be  any  Truth  in  this  Intelligence  from 
the  Maryland  Indians,  and  that  they  have  also  heard  from  some 
private  People  that  there  was  a  design  in  this  Gov*  to  cut  off  & 
disperse  them,  (the  5  Nat8)  &  they  desire  also  to  know  if  there  is 
any  Truth  in  this  report. 

The  Commiss"  answered 

That  these  Reports  with  regard  to  themselves  were  raised  by 
Traiterous  &  Seditious  People  who  wanted  to  raise  Fac 
tions  &  disturbances  among  them  in  order  to  withdraw 
their  Fidelity  from  her  Majesty.  That  no  ill  designs 
against  them  were  harboured  by  any  of  her  Majestys 
Subjects.  That  as  they  had  a  free  Liberty  of  buying 
Amunition  at  Albany  &  that  People  were  daily  settling 
in  the  Woods  on  Farms,  they  might  thence  perceive  our 
Intentions  were  peacable  &  that  we  were  determined  to 
keep  the  Cov*  Chain  firm  &  Inviolable. 

That  they  would  write  to  the  Govr  ab*  the  report  from  Maryland 
who  would  write  about  it  to  the  Govr  there  &  they  should 
have  a  satisfactory  answer. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  99 

That  the  Commiss™  had  been  informed  a  Deputation  had  been 
appointed  at  the  late  Genr  Meeting  at  Onondaga  to  go  to 
Canada  &  they  desire  the  sd  Deputation  may  not  go  till 
the  Govr  has  been  here  &  spoke  to  them.     This  request 
the  Sachems  complied  with  &  promised  to  send  to  morrow 
a  Belt  of  Wampum  to  stop  the  sd  Deputation. 
The  begining  of  August  Govr  Hunter  accquainted  the  Com 
miss"'  that  he  proposed  meeting  the  5  Nations  at  Albany  the  15 
of  next  Month  in  order  to  take  the  Hatchet  out  of  their  Hands  & 
that  some  proper  Persons  should  be  sent  thro  the  5  Nations  to 
desire  them  to  come  down  punctualy  at  that  Time  —  Laurence 
[a]  Classe  was  sent  upon  this  Errand  with  directions  that  when  he 
was  in  the  Sennekas  Country  he  should  enquire  about  a  Settle 
ment  wch  (p.  93)  it  was  reported  the  French  had  made  somewhere 
above  their  Country  at  a  Pass  where  the  farr  Indians  must  come 
thro  in  order  to  come  down  to  Albany. 

Albany  20  Sep*  1714  — 

Govr  Hunter  Issues  a  Proclamation  forbiding  the 
Selling  of  Rum  to  any  of  the  Indians  during  his  Stay  at  Albany.  — 

The  same  day  the  Govr  &  the 

Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  have  a  publick  Conferrence.  Dekanis- 
sore  an  Onondaga  Sachem  opened  it  with  congratulating  the  Govr 
on  their  meeting  together  — 

he  next  accquaints  the  Govr  that  2  Belts  of  Wampum  had  been 
sent  to  the  5  Nations  informing  them  that  this  Gov*  in  consort 
with  the  rest  of  the  British  Colonies  had  formed  a  Design  to  cut 
off  &  destroy  the  5  Nations  • —  And  that  Pouder  growing  Dearer 
&  Dearer  tended  to  confirm  the  probability  of  such  an  Intention, 
had  Pouder  they  say  become  Cheaper  they  should  have  been 
inclined  to  reject  such  Suspicions,  however  they  say  notwith 
standing  such  reports  they  had  ventured  down  &  put  their  Lives 
into  the  Govrs  hands.  — 

The  Govr  in  answer  told  them  these  Evil  reports 
were  quite  Groundless  &  that  they  would  not  believe  them  unless 
they  thought  him  so  foolish  as  to  cut  off  his  Right  hand  with  his 
Left,  &  to  convince  them  what  confidence  he  had  in  them  he 


100          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

designed  to  make  them  a  present  of  a  considerable  Quantity  of 
Pouder  &  Lead  &  to  do  what  lay  in  his  Power  to  make  the  price 
of  Pouder  cheaper  for  the  Future,  that  he  had  orders  from  the 
Queen  his  Mistress  to  cultivate  a  good  Understanding  with  them 
&  to  protect  &  assist  them  whenever  occasion  required  it.  &c 

They  thanked  him  for  this  kind  Speech  &  said  as  soon  as  the 
Conference  was  ended  they  would  send  Expresses  thro  the  5 
Nations  (who  were  at  present  in  much  Confusion)  to  quiet  their 
Minds  &  put  everything  upon  a  harmonious  Footing.  — 
The  23  Sepr  The  Govr  spoke  to  the  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  in 
Substance  viz. 

That  he  hoped  what  he  sd  to  them  Two  days  ago  had  quieted 
their  Minds  with  regard  to  those  False  reports  &  that  he  must  now 
desire  to  know  who  it  was  that  bro*  those  Two  Belts  of  Wampum 
wch  gave  rise  to  those  Falshoods  into  whose  hands  they  were 
given  &  where  they  are  now.1  That  he  now  renews  the  Cov* 
with  them  in  the  Queens  name. 

(P.  94.)  That  he  now  accquaints  them  the  Queen  of  Great  Britain 
hath  given  Peace  to  all  the  World  particularly  to  France 
&  therefore  he  now  takes  the  Hatchet  out  of  their  hands  & 
desires  they  will  live  in  Peace  with  all  Men.  - 
The  25  Sepr  The  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  Speak  to  his  Excellcy  in 
Substance  viz. 

That  all  the  Stories  they  have  heard  are  now  quite  dis 
pelled  &  they  are  thoroughly  convinced  of  their  Falsehood. 
That  they  do  renew  the  Cov*  Chain  &  promise  it  shall  be  kept 
inviolable  on  their  Parts  nor  shall  it  be  in  the  Power  of 
Men  or  Devils  to  break  it. 

That  they  comply  with  his  Excellcya  Commands  in  burying  the 
Hatchet  against  the  French,  but  with  regard  to  their  war 
with  the  Flatheads  of  Carolina,  they  must  consult  their 
young  Men  over  whom  they  will  use  their  best  Endeavours. 
That  they  have  carefully  Attended  to  all  the  Govr  has  said  & 
when  they  return  they  will  emprint  it  on  the  Hearts  & 
Understandings  of  their  People. 

1  I  find  no  Answer  from  the  Indians  recorded  as  to  these  Points  nor  any  further 
Notice  taken  about  them. 


W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          IO1 

That  as  to  the  Information  given  the  Govr  that  the  French  are 
come  to  live  near  the  Sennekas  Country,  tis  true  there  are 
some  there  but  they  are  come  to  lodge  as  it  were  a  night  or 
two  &  that  they  will  warn  them  to  begone  when  they  return 
home  &  that  they  must  not  for  the  future  come  to  settle 
there  on  any  Ace* 

That  they  will  not  only  give  the  far  nations  a  free  Passage  thro 
their  Country  but  will  incourage  &  assist  them  to  come 
down  to  Albany. 

That  as  to  their  having  a  Missionary  in  every  one  of  their  Castles, 
they  observe  the  Christians  at  Albany  go  to  Church  of  a 
Sunday  in  fine  Cloaths,  but  that  Goods  are  sold  so  dear 
to  them  that  they  cannot  purchase  Sunday  Cloaths,  but 
when  Goods  become  so  cheap  that  they  can  purchase 
suitable  Cloaths  they  will  then  be  glad  to  have  a  Mis 
sionary  in  every  one  of  their  Castles. 

Brother  Corlaer 

We  accquaint  you  that  the  Tuscarora  Indians  are  come  to 
Shelter  themselves  among  the  5  Nations,  they  were  of  us 
&  went  from  us  long  ago  &  are  now  returned  &  promise  to 
live  Peacably  among  us  &  since  there  is  now  Peace  every 
where,  We  have  received  them,  and  do  give  a  Belt  of 
Wampum.  We  desire  you  to  look  upon  the  Tuscaroras 
that  are  come  (p.  95)  to  live  among  us  as  our  Children 
who  shall  obey  your  Commands  &  live  Peacably  &  orderly. 

A  Sachem  of  the  Sennekas  desired  that  a  Smith  might  be  fitted  out 
&  settled  in  a  little  Village  between  Cayouge  &  their 
Country  &  that  he  should  live  with  an  old  Sachem  &  never 
be  troubled  or  Molested  by  any  Body.  — 
The  Govr  answered  that  there  was  but  one  Smith  at  pres 
ent  to  be  had  who  was  in  the  Mohocks  Country  but  as 
soon  as  he  could  get  another  he  should  be  posted  as  they 
desire,  in  the  Meantime  the  Smith  in  the  Mohocks  Coun 
try  should  by  turns  be  sent  thro  the  5  Nations.  - 

27  Sepr  -The  Mehinkander  or  River  &  Skachkook  Indians 
[commonly  called  River  Indians]  make  a  Complaint  to 


102          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Govr  Hunter  setting  forth  that  whereas  Govr  Andros 
planted  a  Tree  of  Welfare  for  them  l  at  Skachkook,  some 
Indians  having  sold  the  Land  on  one  side  of  the  Creek 
to  the  Mayor  &  Corporation  of  Albany  they  wanted  now 
to  have  it  on  both  sides  &  to  dispossess  them  of  all  their 
Land. 

The  Govr  promised  them  the  Mayor  &  Aldermen  of 
Albany  should  alot  to  them  &  their  Children  as  much  Land 
as  they  could  cultivate  &  Plant,  he  sent  for  the  Mayor  & 
Aldermen  accordingly  who  promised  they  should  have 
more  than  they  could  manure. 

Albany  26  Febry  1714/15.  Dekanissore  chief  Sachem  of  Onondaga 
being  come  to  Albany  to  talk  with  the  Commissrs  they  accquaint 
him  with  the  Death  of  the  late  Queen  &  give  him  a  Belt  of  Wam 
pum  to  inform  the  5  Nations  thereof  &  of  his  Majesties  King 
George's  Accession  to  the  Throne  &  that  they  should  enjoy  all  the 
Protection  &  favour  from  him  wch  they  had  under  any  of  his 
Predecessors.  - 

27.  Febry  The  sd  Dekanissore  with  3  Mohawk  Sachems  acc 
quaint  the  Commiss"  that  the  5  Nations  are  come  to  a 
Resolution  that  some  chosen  Men  of  each  Nation  &  some 
from  the  River  Indians  designed  to  go  for  England  &  they 
desire  that  a  proper  Ship  may  be  provided  for  them  (p.  96) 
and  the  necessary  Accomodations  appointed  for  their 
Voyage  &  they  desire  a  Sloop  may  be  appointed  to  carry 
them  to  New  York  to  accquaint  the  Govr  with  this  their 
Resolution. 
The  Commiss"  Answer,  They  shall  accquaint  the  Govr  with 

this  their  Proposal  by  the  first  Sloop  2 

Albany  i  June  1715.  Laurence  Claasse  the  Interpreter  informs 
the  Commissra  that  an  Indian  from  Onondaga  informed 
him  that  the  Govr  of  Montreal  had  sent  a  Message  to  the 

1  By  a  Tree  of  Welfare  the  Indians  mean  an  Acknowledgment  of  right  of  Prop 
erty  &  free  Possession.  — 

2  I  dont  find  any  further  Notice  taken  of  this  Affair  or  that  the  Indians  repeat 
their  Proposals. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          1 03 

5  Nations  that  he  was  coming  with  Great  Presents  of 
Pouder  &  Lead  for  them  from  the  French  King  &  intended 
to  settle  his  Son  among  them  to  learn  their  Language. 

That  several  far  Indians  were  on  their  way  to  Albany  with  a  great 
Quantity  of  Bever,  but  that  the  Onondaga  Indians  had 
killed  some  &  taken  others  Prisoners  so  that  the  rest  were 
fled.- 

That  several  of  the  5  Nations  are  going  to  join  a  party  of  French 
who  are  going  out  to  fight  against  the  far  Indians. 

That  the  Chief  Sachem  of  the  Sennekas  sent  word  he  is  coming 
down  to  Albany  to  claim  Govr  Hunters  promise  of  a  Smith, 
upon  this  Information  the  Commiss"  send  a  Copy  of  it  to 
the  Govr  &  say  that  unless  these  Practices  &  Intrigues  of 
the  French  are  prevented  it  will  probably  end  in  the  ruin 
of  this  Country. 

14  June.  Laur.  Claasse  who  was  sent  to  Onondaga  returns  & 
confirms  to  the  Commiss"  the  Ace*  of  the  Govr  of  Mon- 
treals'  being  expected  at  Onondaga  with  great  presents 
from  the  King  of  France.  And  that  several  French 
Indians  were  dispersed  thro  the  5  Nations  &  had  engaged 
several  of  them  to  go  out  a  fighting  against  the  Flat  heads. 
And  that  the  French  Interpreters  had  engaged  the  Sen 
nekas  to  go  out  a  fighting  against  a  Nation  of  Indians 
whom  the  French  call  Foxes  &  who  had  some  years  ago 
made  an  Alliance  with  this  Gov*. 

The  Commissr3  hereupon  write  the  Govr  that  they  judge 
it  necessary  for  the  Interest  of  this  Colony  that  some  Per 
sons  of  Character  &  Influence  be  sent  to  the  Indians  & 
provided  with  presents  to  speak  properly  to  them,  and 
that  they  Endeavour  to  prevent  the  pernicious  Designs 
of  the  French  &  fix  the  present  wavering  (p.  97)  Disposi 
tions  of  the  Indians  more  firmly  to  the  Interest  &  Direc 
tions  of  this  Government. 

The  28  June  1715.  The  Commissra  receive  further  confirmation 
that  the  Govr  of  Montreal  was  met  in  his  way  to  Onondaga 
with  great  presents  for  the  Indians,  Two  Interpreters 


104          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

along  with  him  &  a  Smith  to  be  settled  in  the  Sennekas 
Country,  that  the  French  were  using  their  Endeavours  & 
every  Artifice  in  their  Power  to  debauch  the  5  Nations 
Fidelity  from  this  Gov*  &  had  prevailed  on  sever1  of  the 
Indians  to  come  &  live  in  Canada.  The  Commiss"  say 
of  the  French  are  they  suffered  to  send  Embassadors  & 
make  publick  presents  to  the  Indians  in  their  Country  &  to 
settle  Smiths  among  them  it  will  be  certain  Means  to 
destroy  that  superior  Influence  wch  we  have  so  long  held 
over  the  5  Nations  &c  that  they  hope  as  the  assembly  are 
now  sitting  they  will  provide  suff*  Funds  for  the  support 
of  the  Indian  Affairs.  — 

29  June  Two  Mohawk  Sachems  come  to  accquaint  the  Commiss" 
that  Monsr  Longeville  was  at  the  Mouth  of  Onondaga 
River  with  9  Canoes  of  People  &  that  he  had  sent  word  to 
those  Indians  that  he  was  come  to  build  a  Fort  in  their 
Country  &  that  when  he  had  finished  it  Co1  Schuyler 
should  not  come  &  demolish  it  as  he  had  done  before.  The 
Mohawk  Sachems  say  we  are  come  to  tell  you  this  because 
you  may  now  prevent  it  &  we  are  sensible  it  will  be  of  ill 
Consequence. 

The    Commiss"   now    transmit   this 

Intelligence  to  the  Govr  &  represent  the  fatal  Consequences  of 
suffering  the  French  to  build  any  Forts  in  the  [Indian]  5  Nat8 
Country.  &  say  they  have  sent  [a  Messenger]  Mohawk 
Sachems  with  a  Belt  of  Wampum  to  Onondaga  to  desire  those 
Indians  not  to  suffer  the  French  to  build  any  Fort  in  their  Coun 
try.  The  Commiss"  complain  that  there  is  no  Money  provided 
for  their  paying  Expresses  &  the  other  necessary  charges  relating 
to  Indian  Affairs. 

5  July  1715.  A  Deputation  from  the  Onondaga  Indians  to  the 
Commissr8  who  say  they  have  received  Information 
particularly  from  the  Govr  of  Canada  that  this  Govp  had 
a  Design  to  cut  them  off  &  the  said  Govr  told  them  the 
Govr  of  New  York  had  wrote  him  word  so.  They  desire 
the  Commiss"  will  honestly  tell  them  whether  there  be  any 
Truth  in  this  News.  — 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          1 05 

They  say  if  they  can  prevent  it  the  French  shall  not  (p.  98) 
build  any  Fort  on  their  Land,  And  that  they  are  not  without 
Suspicions  that  there  are  some  Evil  Designs  intended  by  the 
French  who  keep  a  party  of  Men  at  the  Carrying  Place  of  Jagare l 
And  that  the  Sennekas,  Cayougas  &  Onondagas  begin  to  murmur 
at  the  French  keeping  their  Men  encamped  so  near  their  Countrys 

No  Answer  is  recorded  to  the  above  Embassy  of  the  Onondagas 

30  June  The  Govr  write  the  Commissrs  that  he  intends  to  meet 
the  5  Nations  at  Albany  the  20  Sepr  next  if  they  think 
that  a  proper  time  the  Commiss"  answer  they  think  it 
will  be  a  good  time  &  they  dispatch  the  Interpreter  thro 
the  5  Nations  to  accquaint  them  with  the  Gov"  Intentions 
&  to  invite  &  desire  their  Attendance  at  Albany. 

5  Aug*  Laurence  Claasse  Interpreter  going  upon  the  above  Mes 
sage  to  the  5  Nations  was  met  by  5  Indians  who  were  sent 
in  the  Name  of  the  5  Nations  with  7  hands  of  Wampum  to 
go  down  to  New  York  to  speak  with  the  Govr  They 
forced  the  Interpreter  to  return,  And  say  their  Sachems  & 
fighting  Men  are  coming  down  to  treat  with  the  Govr 
about  their  going  out  to  fight  against  the  Flat  Heads. 
The  aforesaid  5  Messengers  would  go  down  to  New  York. 
The  Commissrs  dispatched  the  Interpreter  to  endeavour 
to  stop  the  Rest  of  the  Indians  from  coming  down  till  the 
time  prefixed  by  his  Excellency.  - 

Albany  24  Aug*  1715.  Govr  Hunter  meets  the  Deputies  of  the  5 
Nations  &  Issues  his  Proclamation  against  selling  Spiritu 
ous  Liquors  to  them  during  his  Residence  there. 

27  Aug*  —  Dekanissore  Cheif  Sachem  of  Onondaga  Speaks  for  the 
5  Nations,  he  says. 

Yr  Excellcy  renewed  the  Cov1  Chain  with  us  last  Summer 
wch  was  very  acceptable  to  us  all.  you  then  demanded  the 
Hatchet  from  us  wch  you  had  given  into  our  hands  against 
the  French,  wch  Hatchet  we  now  deliver  you.  It  has  been 
a  very  unfortunate  one,  we  have  had  Two  Canada  Expedi 
tions  &  they  both  proved  abortive  &  unsuccessful  —  When 

1  Niagara.  —  ED. 


106          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

we  have  fought  in  our  own  way  we  have  always  been  very 
(p.  99)  Successful  &  have  destroyed  or  reduced  to  our 
obedience  many  Nations  of  Indians  and  in  this  way  we 
are  always  disposed  to  serve  you  &  we  expect  you  will 
now  new  steel  our  Hatchet  (meaning  give  them  some 
presents).  — 

Last  year  when  you  were  here  you  desired  us  not  to  go  out  a 
fighting  against  the  Flat  heads,  we  are  now  come  to  a  conclusion 
to  obey  yr  Commands. 

We  have  often  desired  Goods  might  be  sold  cheaper  wch  has  not 
been  complied  with,  we  still  insist  Goods  may  be  sold  at  an  easier 
Rate;  and  we  desire  yr  Excellcy  will  be  pleased  to  inform  his 
Majesty  hereof  &  that  Bever  &  other  Furrs  may  bear  a  better 
price. 

The  Govr  replied  that  what  they  had  said  required  some  time 
to  consider  of  &  give  an  answer  &  that  as  the  next  day  was  Sunday 
he  would  speak  to  them  on  Monday.  That  he  had  appointed 
to  meet  them  a  Month  hence,  but  they  sent  Deputies  to  him 
desiring  a  Meeting  in  10  days  from  the  day  the  Deputies  delivered 
their  Message,  that  he  accordingly  hurrid  away  &  was  here 
punctualy  to  that  day  &  waited  a  whole  week  for  their  Appear 
ance,  however  he  hopes  this  Meeting  will  be  concluded  to  their 
Mutual  Satisfaction.  And  when  he  has  answered  what  they  have 
now  said  he  will  proceed  to  tell  them  what  he  wanted  to  meet 
them  upon. 

29  Aug*  DeKanissore  informed  his  Excellcy  that  the  day  before 
[Messengers]  3  Expresses  had  arrived  from  the  Sennekas 
with  an  Ace*  that  1 1  days  ago  Messengers  came  there  from 
a  Tribe  of  the  Dowagenhaes  Indians  called  Wigsachroene 
who  were  sent  by  a  [Tiber]  Tribe  who  lived  beyond  them 
called  Ronatewigsachroene  1  wch  last  named  Indians  had 
sent  a  Pipe  of  Peace  for  his  Excellcy  &  the  5  Nations  to 
smoak  together  with  them  also  a  pair  of  Shoes  wch  were 
held  up  to  public  View  &  are  to  be  returned  into  the 
Sennekas  Country  &  there  remain  as  a  token  of  Peace  & 

1  This  was  the  farthest  nation  of  the  Dowagenhaes.  —  ED. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          IOJ 

Friendship   till  next   Spring  when   the   sd   Indians  will 
personaly  come  &  treat  with  His  Excellcy  &  the  5  Nations. 
The  sd  Indians  say  they  have  not  been  at  Albany  for 
a  long  while  &  desire  they  may  be  allowed  to  come  here  & 
Trade  without  any  manner  of  Molestation.  The  Dowagen- 
haes  Messengers  also  say  they  have  a  Pipe  of  Peace  lying 
at  Albany  &  desire  the  Friendship  may  be  renewed  &  upon 
that  Score  they  send  4  Bever  Skins  to  his  Excellcy  —  The 
other  Tribe  also  send  a  Present  of  12  Bevers  to  be  distrib 
uted  between  his  ExcelPy  &  the  5  Nats.  — 
His  Excellcy  accepted  the  Proposals  of  the  far  Indians  &  prom 
ised  them  a  Welcome  &c  sent  a  Belt  of  Wampum  to  them  as  a 
token  of  Peace  &  Amity. 

(P.  100.)  29  Aug*  His  Excellcy  answered  the  Speech  of  the  5  Nats 
made  to  him  the  27  Inst  by  DeKanissore  &  says  in  Sub 
stance  viz.  As  to  the  late  Expedition  against  Canada,  the 
late  Queens  Plan  &  directions  were  very  good,  that  his 
Conduct  had  been  in  all  respects  agreable  to  his  Duty,  & 
theirs  such  as  he  mentions  with  Gratitude  &  Esteem,  he 
desires  therefore  the  Disappointment  may  be  buried  in 
Oblivion  &  never  more  repeated  unless  it  be  to  the  Re 
proach  of  those  who  had  the  Managment  of  it  by  Sea,  or 
to  something  worse  wch  defeated  it. 

Their  offer  of  serving  us  in  their  own  way  of  fighting 
he  receives  with  Great  Joy,  &  says  this  is  the  Hatchet  of 
Neutral  Defence  &  Security  &  woe  be  to  those  upon  whom 
it  falls,  that  he  shall  take  care  to  Sharpen  its  edge. 

he  says  it  is  true  the  last  time  he  met  them  he  did 
desire  them  to  forbear  fighting  against  the  Flatheads 
because  they  were  then  in  Alliance  with  his  Majesties 
Subjects  of  Carolina  &  desired  Peace,  but  since  that 
time  he  is  informed  they  had  joined  with  some  other 
Indians  &  in  cold  Blood  fallen  upon  &  Murthered  several 
of  the  Inhabitants  of  Carolina,  but  on  this  head  he  would 
speak  more  largely  by  &  by.1 

1  I  suppose  the  Revolt  of  the  Flat  heads  was  owing  to  the  Instigation  &  Arti 
fices  of  the  French  &  the  5  Nations  readiness  to  lay  down  the  Hatchet  against  them 


108          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

he  endeavours  to  explain  to  them  the  [reasons]  Cause 
for  the  low  price  of  Bever,  &  in  order  that  they  may  have 
Goods  at  as  low  a  price  as  the  Christians  can  afford  to  sell 
them  to  one  another,  he  will  Issue  orders  to  the  Magis 
trates  of  Albany  &  the  Commiss"  that  if  any  Indian 
Complains  that  he  is  imposed  upon,  they  do  summon  the 
Parties  before  them  &  Examine  into  the  Complaint,  &  if 
the  Trader  or  Traders  are  guilty  to  have  them  prosecuted 
according  to  Law  for  Fraud  &  Extortion,  &  desires  them 
to  make  this  known  to  all  the  Indians.  (N.  B.  I  have 
been  often  at  Albany  &  accquainted  with  the  [cheif] 
People  of  the  Place  who  are  all  (in  some  way  or  other) 
Indian  Traders  &  I  believe  whenever  they  can,  do  &  will 
impose  on  &  cheat  the  Indians,  &  this  Exped*  of  Govr 
Hunters  I  doubt  not  he  himself  knew  would  be  ineffectual 
&  did  it  only  to  lull  the  Clamours  of  the  Indians,  for  all 
of  these  Albanians  are  in  their  turns  Delinquents.  They 
are  like  the  Jew  Pedlars  at  Amsterdam  who  carry  their 
little  shop  before  them  &  live  upon  the  Simplicity  of 
Strangers.) 
(P.  101.)  Bretheren 

In  the  Name  01  the  most  Potent  &  most  Gracious 
King  George  I  renew  with  you  the  Antient  Cov*  Chain  & 
again  in  the  most  Solemn  Manner  assure  you  of  his  Pro 
tection  &  favour  wch  I  am  well  persuaded  you  will  ever 
deserve. 

He  proceeds  to  accquaint  them  that  [he  apprehends]  the  Cause  of 
the  Flatheads  falling  upon  the  Inhabitants  of  Carolina  is  owing 
to  the  Govr  of  Carolina  refusing  to  assist  them  when  they  waged 
war  upon  the  5  Nations  who  were  Subjects  of  their  Sovereign. 
That  he  therefore  desires  &  Expects  the  5  Nations  will  interpose 
in  such  a  manner  as  may  induce  or  force  the  Flat  Heads  to  leave 
off  all  Hostilities  against  our  Bretheren  of  Carolina  &  that  this 
will  redoun  to  the  Glory  of  the  5  Nations  &  be  very  pleasing  to 
our  Great  King  Goorge.  - 

to  the  same  Cause,  from  w**  may  be  seen  how  industrious  &  Politic  the  French 
are  with  regard  to  the  Indian  Affairs  &  how  extensive  is  their  Influence. 


WRAXALLS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          109 

the  31  Aug*  The  Indians  Answered  the  Gov"  last  Speech  &  said 
in  Substance  as  follows. 

That  they  acknowledged  King  George  for  their  Sovereign 
Lord  and  did  thereupon  renew  &  confirm  the  Antient 
Covenant  Chain  wch  they  say  shall  by  them  be  kept 
inviolable,  &  pray  His  Excellcy  not  to  hearken  to  any  evil 
minded  People  who  may  strive  to  raise  mutual  Jealousies 
between  them.  They  tell  his  Excellcy  that  as  to  the  Cause 
of  the  Flat  Heads  commiting  Hostilities  on  the  People  of 
Carolina  they  have  been  informed  quite  otherwise  than  he 
represents  it.  that  the  case  is  thus.  The  People  of 
Carolina  applied  to  the  Flat  heads  to  assist  them  in  fight 
ing  against  the  Tuscarora  Indians  promising  that  when 
they  were  reduced  the  Flat  Heads  should  have  Goods 
cheaper  then  formerly,  whereupon  the  joined  the  English 
fought  &  dispersed  the  Tuscarora  Indians  &  then  claimed 
the  promise  made  to  them,  but  the  English  did  not  per 
form  their  promise  &  goods  [was]  were  as  dear  as  formerly 
giving  but  a  handful  of  Pouder  for  a  Bear  Skin  &  other 
Goods  in  proportion. 

They  say  We  must  own  we  have  desired  Goods  from  time  to  time 
might  be  sold  Cheaper  wch  is  the  most  material  thing  to 
us.  — 

As  to  their  treating  with  the  Flat  Heads  to  lay  down  the  Hatchet 
by  fair  means,  they  know  it  will  be  in  vain,  they  are  their 
Antient  inveterate  Enemies  &  would  murder  any  Deputies 
(p.  102)  They  should  send,  And  if  the  Govr  would  have 
them  bring  them  to  Terms  by  force  he  must  give  them  a 
suff*  quantity  of  Amunition  that  they  may  fit  out  an 
Army  &  do  it  effectually. 

They  say  they  have  nothing  more  at  present  to  propose  but  put 
him  in  mind  that  he  promised  they  should  have  a  House  built 
upon  the  Hill  above  Albany  for  them  to  lodge  &  put  their  Bever 
in  when  they  came  down  so  that  they  might  not  be  exposed  to  the 
inveigling  Tricks  of  the  Albany  Traders  when  they  got  them  into 
their  Houses,  but  they  say  to  their  great  Grief  they  see  no  such 
House  built  for  them  — 


110          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

The  Govr  Answers  that  he  receives  with  inexpressable  Joy  their 
proposal  of  reducing  the  Flat  Heads  by  Force  &  that  he  will 
supply  them  with  a  good  Quantity  of  Amunition  &  continue  it 
during  their  war  with  them. 

That  a  House  for  their  Reception  shall  be  built  on  the  Hill  but 
that  they  must  take  care  not  to  pull  down  &  burn  the  Boards  as 
they  formerly  did  1  - 
Bretheren  you  will  receive  a  Present  of  such  Goods  as  will  be 

Necessary  for  you  &  such  as  could  be  had  in  so  short  a 

warning  as  you  gave  me.2 

3d  Octor  1715.  The  Commiss"  receive  a  Message  from  the  5 
Nations  that  they  had  according  to  the  Govrs  request  sent 
an  Embassy  of  8  Men  with  great  Presents  to  the  Flat 
heads  to  desire  them  to  cease  from  fighting  against  the 
English  of  Carolina. 

6  Octor  the  Commiss"  write  to  the  Govr  that  according  to  his 
Order  they  had  conferred  with  the  principal  Indian  Tra 
ders  about  building  Barracks  for  the  Indians  upon  the 
Hill  above  Albany,  that  the  Traders  will  not  voluntarily 
contribute  to  the  Building  it,  &  that  the  best  Method  will 
be  to  get  an  Act  of  Assembly,  to  levy  on  the  Traders  sufP 
for  that  purpose. 

(P.  103.)  Albany  25  October  1715.  A  French  Cacknawaga 
Indian  makes  a  complaint  to  the  Commissrs  that  he  was 
coming  to  Albany  with  a  pcell  of  Bever  &  in  the  way  down 
the  River  he  stoped  &  took  them  out  of  his  Canoe,  at  wch 
time  there  was  a  Waggon  belonging  to  Co1  John  Schuyler 
whose  Servents  took  his  Bever  against  his  Consent  & 
carried  it  away  to  Albany  but  where  it  is  lodged  in  Town 

1  There  is  at  present  no  such  House  nor  have  I  ever  heard  any  such  was  built, 
it  seems  a  reasonable  request  &  would  I  believe  in  some  measure  tend  to  prevent 
the  frauds  committed  on  the  Indians;  but  the  Albany  People  will  therefore  prevent 
its  taking  Place  — 

(There  are  numerous  references  to  this  trading  house  in  the  New  York  Colonial 
Laws  and  the  Albany  local  records.  —  ED.) 

2  I  seldom  find  any  Lists  of  the  Presents  recorded,  it  ought  to  be  &  given  in  the 
Presence  of  the  Indian  Secretary,  as  Govrs  have  not  escaped  being  justly  censured 
for  defrauding  the  Indians  of  their  due,  &  cheating  the  Crown  and  the  Colony. 


WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          III 

he  doth  not  know.  The  Commiss™  hereupon  enquired 
into  the  Matter  &  being  informed  where  the  Bever  was 
lodged  &  that  it  was  sent  by  this  Indian  from  a  French 
man  in  Canada  to  Majr  Mynd*  Schuyler  they  ordered  it 
to  be  delivd  to  the  said  Mynd*  Schuyler. 

The  29  Octor  the  Commiss™  write  the  Govr  an  Ace*  of  this  Affair 
&  say  that  the  Trade  between  Albany  &  Canada  is  of  fatal 
Consequence  to  the  Indian  Interest  of  this  Colony,  that 
of  our  Indians  who  are  employed  in  it  many  stay  at  Canada 
&  others  return  so  Attached  to  the  French  Interest  &  so 
Debauched  from  ours  that  it  puzzells  them  how  to  pre 
serve  amongst  them  that  Respect  &  Regard  to  this  Gov* 
so  necessary  to  the  Public  Good  &  Tranquility. 

2d  Decr  1715.  Govr  Hunter  having  drawn  a  Warrant  in  favr  of 
the  Commissra  of  Indian  Affairs  on  the  Treasurer  of  the 
Colony  for  £300  —  Two  of  them  being  at  New  York  bo* 
the  following  Goods  to  be  distributed  to  the  Indians  as 
occasions  might  require 

2  p8  of  Strouds  at  £10.  lop  ps. 

i  p8  of  Blanketting  £10. 

i  p8  of  Duffels  contg  42  yards  at  5/6d. 

19  Janry  1715/16.  The  Commiss"  receive  a  Deputation  from  the 
Oneida  Indians  complaining  of  the  dearness  of  Goods  & 
earnestly  requesting  they  may  be  cheaper,  they  say  on  the 
price  of  Goods  the  Covenant l  Chain  chiefly  depends  & 
that  unless  Goods  are  cheaper  it  will  cause  their  &  our 
Ruin,  that  many  far  Indians  would  come  constantly 
hither  to  Trade  but  when  any  of  them  have  made  the 
Experiment,  they  found  themselves  so  Scandalously 
imposed  on  &  Cheated  by  the  Traders  that  it  discouraged 
them  from  returning. 

1  This  connexion  is  justly  observed  by  the  Indians,  &  I  am  persuaded  that  put 
ting  the  Indian  Trade  under  proper  regulations  is  the  only  Method  we  have  left 
to  resist  &  otherthrow  the  French  Influence  among  the  Indians,  in  all  other  ways 
they  are  &  will  .be  our  Superiors.  This  is  a  Fertile  Subject  &  I  may  perhaps  throw 
my  reflections  on  it  together  in  some  other  place. 


112          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

(P.  104.)  Albany  6  April  1716.  A  Senneka  Indian  who  was  sent 
last  year  to  the  Wagenhaes  Indians  to  desire  them  not  to 
join  with  the  French  who  were  going  to  fight  against  the 
Southward  Indians  called  Rennaros  but  to  come  &  Trade 
at  Albany.  Returns  &  says  those  Indians  promised  they 
would  not  join  the  French  &  would  come  &  see  if  Goods 
were  to  be  got  cheaper  at  Albany  than  amongst  the 
French. 

30  April  Six  Traders  at  Albany  apply  to  the  Commissra  for 
Licence  to  go  up  &  try  to  open  a  Trade  at  Irondequat  on 
the  South  side  of  Cadaraqui  or  Ontario  Lake  about  32 
Miles  from  the  Chief  Senneka  Castle  with  the  far  Indians 
&  endeavour  to  bring  them  to  Trade  at  Albany.1 

7.  June.  Some  Indians  from  2  Tuchsakrondie  come  to  Albany  to 
Trade  &  beg  of  the  Commissra  that  they  may  have  Goods 
cheap,  they  say  they  are  come  a  great  way  to  try  the  Trade 
&  if  on  their  Return  their  Indians  find  we  sell  Goods  cheap 
many  more  will  come. 

13  June.  Another  Deputation  from  the  Oneidas  complaining  of 
the  Dearness  of  Goods  &  reproaching  the  Commissra  with 
the  falsness  of  their  Promises  &  the  ingratitude  of  this 
Gov*  to  them  who  have  ever  been  the  most  faithful  Nation 
of  Indians.  They  say  you  entertain  us  with  Babble  but 
you  do  nothing  that  is  Good  for  us.  A  House  was  promised 
to  be  built  on  the  Hill  for  us  last  year,  but  as  yet  there  is 
none.  You  forbid  us  to  Trade  with  the  French  &  you 
yourselves  at  the  same  time  are  trading  with  them.  - 
They  say  they  have  forfeited  the  Notice  of  the  French  by 
their  Attachment  to  this  Gov*  but  yet  they  could  easily 
regain  it  - 

The  Commissra  Answer  to  the  Above  that  Goods  are  Cheaper  than 
last  year,  that  they  have  talked  with  the  Traders  who  affirm  they 
sell  as  Cheap  as  they  can  afford.  That  they  hope  a  House  on  the 

1  The  Fort  &  Trading  House  at  Oswego  is  on  the  same  side  of  the  Lake  but  to 
the  Eastward  of  Irondequat. 

2  The  South  [Easterly]  Westerly  parts  of  Lake  Errie. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          113 

Hill  will  be  erected  for  them  in  a  short  time  —  and  renew  the 
Cov*  Chain  with  them.  - 

(P.  105.)  Albany  13  &  15  June  1716.  The  Commiss™  write  the 
Govr  that  Dekannissore  Cheif  Sachem  of  Onondaga  [told] 
tells  them  that  unless  the  Sale  of  Rum  to  the  Indians  be 
prohibited  it  will  certainly  occasion  a  Civil  Warr  amongst 
them.  And  the  Commissr3  are  of  Opinion  that  the  late 
Act  prohibiting  the  Sale  of  Rum  in  the  City  &  County  of 
Albany  to  the  Indians  be  again  renewed  for  3  years  &  a 
Clause  inserted  that  those  who  profess  the  Indian  Trade 
be  obliged  to  build  Houses  on  the  Hill  for  the  Indians  at 
their  own  Expence.  — 

The  Commissr3  further  say  that  Two  French  Smiths  are  settled 
among  the  Sennekas  &  a  Priest  that  Monsr  Longeville  was 
gone  to  Onondaga  &  was  to  return  home  thro  the  Sennekas 
Country  —  And  that  they  fear  the  French  will  by  degrees 
delude  all  our  Indians  from  us  unless  some  proper  Persons 
are  posted  among  them  in  behalf  of  this  Gov*  — 

1 7  July  the  Six  Traders  who  went  from  Albany  to  Irondequat  the 
30  April  last  in  order  to  open  there  a  Trade  with  the  foreign 
Indians  return  &  inform  the  Commiss™  that  as  they  passed 
thro  the  5  Nations  they  gave  each  Seven  hands  of  Wam 
pum  to  secure  a  free  Passage  for  the  sd  farr  Indians  who 
might  be  inclined  to  pass  thro  their  Settlements  to  Albany 
&  that  the  5  Nations  consented  thereto.  - 
That  at  Irondequat  they  found  a  Trading  house  with  5 
French  Traders  &  a  Smith  —  That  the  Sennecas  seemed 
strongly  inclined  to  have  a  Smith  from  this  Gov*. 

That  the  next  day  after  their  arrival  at  Irondequat  some  of  the 
farr  Indians  arrived  to  whom  they  gave  some  Presents  & 
accquainted  them  that  the  5  Nations  consented  to  give 
them  a  free  Passage  to  Albany  thro  their  Settlements. 
Upon  wch  they  sent  a  Calumet  or  Pipe  to  be  smoked  thro 
the  5  Nations  wch  is  among  the  Indians  an  inviolable 
Token  of  Peace  &  Friendship,  They  also  mentioned  Six 
other  Nations  who  were  inclined  to  carry  on  a  Trade  with 
this  Gov* 


114          WRAX ALLS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

These  Traders  proposed  to  the  Sennekas  whither  they  might 
Trade  at  Irondequat  &  if  they  would  build  a  Trading 
House  for  such  as  would  come  from  Albany  there,  this  the 
Sennekas  approved  of  &  said  if  a  Trade  was  carried  on  at 
Irondequat  they  would  build  a  House  &  desired  the 
Traders  to  accquaint  (p.  106)  The  Govr  with  this  matter, 
that  in  the  meanwhile  they  would  consult  among  them 
selves  &  send  down  their  Chief  Sachem  with  their  Resolu 
tions. 

20  July  1716.  Assessors  are  Sworn  agreable  to  an  Act  of  Assem 
bly  for  raising  of  money  to  build  Sheds  for  the  Indians 
upon  the  Hill  above  Albany 

13  Aug*  Philip  Livingston  arrives  at  Albany  from  Montreal  & 

informs  the  Commiss1"8  that  he  heard  from  some  French 
men  that  a  Deputation  from  the  Sennecas  had  been  with 
the  Govr  of  Canada  to  desire  him  to  fix  a  Smith  &  a  Priest 
in  their  Country  &  to  build  a  Garrison  &  to  post  30  Men 
therein  to  secure  it  &  if  he  would  sell  them  a  Blanket  for 
Two  Elk  Skins  &  a  Gun  for  3  —  they  would  trade  no  more 
at  Albany.  — 

The  Commiss"  transmit  this  Ace*  to  the  Govr  &  deliver  it 
as  their  Opinion  that  unless  some  Soldiers  under  proper 
Officers  are  posted  among  the  upper  Nation  of  Indians  we 
should  be  in  danger  of  having  the  Indians  debauched 
from  us  by  the  French  &  turned  upon  us  as  our  Enemies.  - 

30  Aug*  the  Commissra  write  the  Govr  that  some  of  the  Palatines 
settled  at  Skoheere  have  applied  to  the  Mohocks  to  defend 
them  in  the  Possession  of  certain  Lands  there  in  defiance  of 
the  Gov*  &  that  one  Johan  Conraet  Weyser  &  his  Son  are 
at  the  head  of  these  Disturbers.1 

14  Sepr  Several  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  arrive  at  Albany  & 

desire  a  Conferrence  with  the  Commiss"  wch  being  granted, 
they  desire  to  know  if  the  Govr  intends  to  meet  them  this 

1  A  number  of  papers  relating  to  the  history  of  the  Palatines  in  New  York  are 
to  be  found  in  O'Callaghan's  Documentary  History  of  New  York,  iii,  pp.  539  et  seq. 
(octavo  edition).  For  the  Weisers  see  Walton's  Life  of  Conrad  Weiser.  —  ED. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          115 

year  as  it  now  grows  late.  The  Commiss1"8  sd  they  had 
expected  the  Govr  up,  but  that  he  had  lost  his  Lady  &  was 
not  well. 

Dekanissore  then  sd  that  there  was  a  prohibition  of  Selling  Rum 
&  that  before  such  prohibition  had  taken  place  every 
nation  ought  to  have  been  accquainted  with  it  by  Seven 
hands  of  Wampum,  as  several  had  come  down  to  buy  Rum 
&  been  disappointed  &  he  desires  to  know  who  has  re 
quested  the  prohibition  of  Rum  — 

(P.  107.)  The  Commiss1"3  answer  he  himself  had  in  the  most 
earnest  manner  and  that  the  whole  5  Nations  had  fre 
quently  recommended  this  Prohibition  - 

Dekanissore  answered  that  he  &  they  now  desired  the 
Prohibition  might  be  now  taken  off  —  The  Cornmiss" 
answer  the  Govr  hath  Issued  the  Prohibition  &  by  his 
Authority  only  it  can  be  taken  off  &  that  they  will  write 
him  about  it. 

Albany  15  Sepr  1716.  The  aforesaid  Sachems  have  a  further 
Conference  with  the  [Sachem]  Commissra  &  they  say  that 
they  have  received  certain  Intelligence  that  the  Wagen- 
haes  intend  to  fall  on  them  that  the  5  Nations  will  not 
begin  the  war  first  but  keep  themselves  in  a  state  of  De 
fence  &  they  desire  that  Amunition  may  be  given  them  & 
their  Guns  &  Hatchets  mended  at  the  Public  Expence. 

They  accquaint  the  Commissrs  that  the  Sennekas  are 
become  a  more  numerous  Nation  than  the  rest *  &  are 
therefore  divided  into  Two  Parties  so  that  for  the  future 
when  any  presents  are  given  they  must  be  divided  into 
Six  Shares.  They  are  answered  by  the  Commissra  that 
they  will  furnish  them  with  some  Pouder  &  Lead  &  that 
their  Guns  &  Hatchets  shall  be  mended,  that  they  do 
well  not  to  begin  the  war  with  the  Wagenhaes  for  tis  their 
Interest  to  live  peaceably  with  all  Men.  At  the  same 
time  Two  Senneka  Indians  accquaint  the  Commiss"  in 

1  By  the  Accession  of  the  Tuscarores  &  other  Indians  inhabiting  about  the 
Branches  of  the  Susquahanna  River 


Il6          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

the  Name  of  their  Nation  that  the  Six  Traders  who  went 
from  Albany  to  Irondequat  to  Trade  had  desired  to  have  a 
Trading  House  built  there,  wch  their  Nation  are  ready  to 
grant  &  they  hope  it  will  be  a  means  to  have  goods  Cheap 
wch  win  draw  the  far  Indians  thither  — 

They  hope  the  Commissra  will  not  be  Jealous  that  they 
have  a  French  Smith  there,  that  they  had  applied  to  this 
Gov*  for  one  &  could  get  none,  that  the  Govr  of  Canada 
had  sent  them  a  Smith  &  it  had  never  cost  them  so  much 
as  one  pr  of  Shoes.  — 

The  Commissra  answered  they  would  accquaint  the 
Govr  with  what  they  had  said  &  thanked  them  for  their 
Message.  - 

(P.  108.)  Albany  6  October  1716.  Major  Abraham  Schuyler 
&  Laur.  Claasse  the  Interpreter  are  dispatched  to  Onon- 
daga  by  the  Govr3  orders  to  accquaint  the  5  Nations  that 
the  Death  of  the  Govr3  Lady  &  the  Arms  not  being  arrived 
from  England  wch  were  intended  as  part  of  the  presents  to 
them  were  the  Occasion  his  Excellcy  could  not  meet  them 
this  year  but  they  might  depend  on  his  meeting  them  the 
last  Tuesday  in  next  May. 

They  were  also  directed  to  enquire  into  the  Deputa 
tion  wch  the  5  Nations  sent  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  desiring 
a  Priest  a  Smith  &  that  he  would  build  a  Fort  in  their 
Country  &  Garison  it  &  if  there  are  any  French  settled 
at  Irondequat  &  by  whose  Permission. 

Major  Schuyler  &  Laur.  Classe  make  the  following  Report  on 

their  return  from  Onondaga. 

That  on  their  arrival  at  Onondaga  they  sent  Summons'  to  the 

Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  who  accordingly  came  there  &  being 

convened  sent  for  our  Deputys  who  delivered  their  Message 

according  to  the  Govra  Instructions  — 

The  Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  answered  after  the  following 
Manner. 

That  they  were  sorry  for  the  Govrs  Loss  of  his  Lady  &  accepted 
his  Excellcya  Invitation  of  meeting  them  the  last  Tuesday 
in  next  May  — 


W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          II 7 

That  as  to  the  Deputation  sent  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  no  such 
thing  had  been  done  by  the  Consent  of  the  Sachems  of  the 
5  Nations  but  that  the  Sennekas  had  by  themselves  trans 
acted  that  Affair  &  Dekanissore  chief  Sachem  of  Onondaga 
insisted  that  the  Senneka  Sachems  should  on  their  Return 
accquaint  the  rest  of  their  Sachems  with  the  desire  of  this 
Gov*  to  be  accquainted  with  this  whole  affair  &  send  him  a 
true  Relation  of  it  &  he  would  make  a  Report  thereof  to 
the  Govr  when  he  came  to  Albany. 

Albany  12  Dec'  1716.  It  being  thought  highly  necessary  that 
some  proper  Persons  with  a  Smith  should  be  sent  amongst 
the  5  Nations  to  keep  them  firm  to  their  Allegience  &  to 
watch  the  Motions  &  defeat  the  Intrigues  of  the  French: 
Five  Persons  are  dispatched  from  Albany  on  this  Plan  in 
behalf  of  this  Gov*  &  to  reside  there  until  the  p°  Octor 
next. 

Instructions  are  given  to  these  Persons  conformable  to  the 
Above  Design. 

1 1  Janry  1716/17.  Tho8  Willdman  l  who  was  sent  to  Onandaga  as 
a  Spy  upon  the  Motions  of  the  French  &  to  pay  a  Visit  in 
the  Name  of  this  Gov*  to  the  Indians,  returns  &  accquaint s 
the  Commiss"  that  Jean  Coeur  the  French  Interpreter  had 
introduced  a  little  Son  of  his  to  the  Indians  (p.  109)  in  the 
Sennekas  Country  &  desired  their  Protection  &  favour  for 
him  &  that  after  his  Death  this  his  Son  might  be  received 
amongst  them  in  the  same  friendly  manner  as  he  himself 
had  ever  been  —  upon  wch  he  gave  them  a  Belt  of  Wam 
pum  wch  they  readily  accepted. 

That  the  said  Jean  Coeur  had  a  little  Trading  House 
in  the  Sennekas  Country  by  the  side  of  the  Lake  where  he 
kept  Goods  &  traded  with  them  also  a  Smith  to  work  for 
them. 

Albany  21  Janry  1716/17.  Lieu*  Scot  posted  at  Fort  Hunter 
sends  Intelligence  to  the  Commissrs  that  Ambassadors  have 
come. from  the  Southward  to  the  Sennekas  &  said  he  was 

1  an  Indian. 


Il8          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

sent  by  50  Nat3  of  Indians  to  accquaint  them  that  they 
are  in  War  with  the  English  of  Carolina  to  whom  they  have 
done  great  Damage  &  to  forewarn  the  5  Nations  not  to 
assist  against  them  lest  they  might  Kill  some  of  their 
People  wch  they  would  not  willingly  do.  And  that  20 
Sennekas  were  returned  with  these  Ambassadors  to  the 
Southward. 

The  same  day  the  Commissr3  Transmit  to  the  Govr  the  foregoing 
Two  peices  of  Intelligence.  They  say  they  apprehend  Jean 
Coeur  is  sent  to  reside  ab*  the  Sennekas  Country  by  the  Govr 
Gen1  of  Canada  to  distribute  Presents  in  order  to  debauch  our 
Indians  from  us  —  and  that  by  the  Trading  house  wch  he  has 
built  on  the  Passage  where  our  Indians  come  when  they  return 
from  Hunting  he  cuts  off  the  Trade  to  Albany. 

With  regard  to  the  Intelligence  from  Lieu*  Scot  they  are  of 
Opinion  that  this  Embassy  from  the  South  is  the  work  of  the 
French  who  are  settled  on  the  Missisippi.  And  it  appears  plainly 
that  the  French  in  Canada  &  those  on  the  Mississippi  are  con 
stantly  endeavouring  to  stir  up  the  Indians  to  commit  Hostilities 
upon  the  English  on  all  sides,  &  that  unless  proper  Care  be  taken 
to  secure  our  Indians  by  a  continual  Settlement  amongst  them 
from  the  delusions  of  the  French  their  Artifices  will  be  of  Dan 
gerous  Consequence  to  all  the  British  Settlements. 

Albany  21  May  1717.  Some  Indians  arrive  at  Albany  from  a 
French  settlement  called  Wanajachtenock,1  to  Trade  & 
say  the  would  willingly  trade  with  us  but  the  French  hin 
der  them  &  wish  (p.  no)  this  Gov*  would  build  a  Fort 
near  their  Habitations  &  put  Men  into  it  to  protect  them 
from  the  French  who  oppose  their  Trading  hither. 

In  a  Letter  bearing  date  the  27  March  1717  from  the  Commiss"  to 
Govr  Hunter  they  write.  It  is  plain  to  us  that  the  French 
have  a  continual  Correspondance  from  Canada  to  Cada- 
raqui,  from  thence  to  Therondequat  in  the  Sennekas 
Country  from  thence  to  Tuckrachrondie,  thence  to 
Ochjagare  &  so  still  behind  Carolina,  Virginia  &c  so  that  we 

1  Detroit. —  ED. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          119 

are  surrounded  by  them.  They  have  also  a  Trading 
House  at  Therondequat  the  Passage  of  our  Indians  as  they 
come  from  their  Hunting  wch  is  as  we  are  informed  against 
the  Articles  of  Peace. 

Albany  1 3  June  1717.  Go vr  Hunter  meets  the  Indians  at  Albany 
&  has  this  day  a  private  Conference  with  Two  Sachems  of 
each  of  the  5  Nations. 

De  Kanissore  Speaks  &  says.  That  the  French  have  built  no  fort 
at  Irondequat  belonging  to  the  Sennekas,  but  that  they  have 
built  a  Trading  House  there  &  supply  the  5  Nations  &  other 
Indians  with  Pouder  &  Lead  to  fight  against  their  Enemies  the 
Flat  heads,  &  that  thay  are  also  furnished  with  other  Goods  wch 
prevents  a  great  deal  of  Bever  &  Furrs  coming  [from]  to  (p.  in) 
Albany,  but  says  Dekannissore,  the  French  are  supplied  with  all 
their  Goods  from  the  People  here  at  Albany  wch  goes  first  to 
Canada  &  from  thence  up  Montreal  River  &  so  to  Irondequat 
where  the  French  Trading  house  is  built  upon  Ground  belonging 
to  the  Sennekas,  if  you  stop  the  Trade  of  Goods  being  carried 
hence  to  Canada  that  other  Trade  will  fall  of  Course.1  - 

He  says  that  an  Englishman  who  lives  at  Canistoga  on  the 
Susquahannah  River  had  said  that  the  King  of  England  &  the 
Regent  of  France  had  agreed  to  cut  off  all  the  Indians  of  North 
America  &  to  settle  the  Continent  with  their  respective  Subjects, 
but  as  this  Ace*  did  not  come  to  them  with  any  present  according 
to  the  Indian  Custom,  they  doubted  the  Truth  of  it. 

1  As  Trade  with  the  Indians  is  the  only  Method  of  securing  &  extending  an 
Influence  over  them,  how  pernicious  this  Trade  from  Albany  to  Canada  must 
have  been  at  this  time  when  the  French  were  laying  the  Foundation  of  that  exten 
sive  Influence  they  have  since  obtained  over  the  Indians  &  this  Settlement  at 
Irondequat  known  to  be  so  fatal  an  Attempt  upon  the  Interest  of  this  Colony. 
I  say  the  perniciousness  of  this  Trade  must  have  been  no  less  obvious  to  those  who 
helped  it  forwards  at  Albany  than  to  every  Body  who  in  the  least  considered  it. 
But  those  Albany  Men  got  money  by  it  to  w°h  they  would  sacrifice  every  other 
consideration.  This  is  so  clear  a  proof  of  the  Justice  of  those  observations  w°h 
the  Notes  on  these  Papers  contain  against  these  People,  as  will  prevent  any  who 
may  read  them  from  thinking  'em  too  harsh.  Those  who  know  the  Albany  People 
dont  want  such  an  Instance  as  this  to  fix  their  Opinion.  This  same  [free]  Trade 
from  Albany  to  Canada  is  at  this  day  carried  on  —  (the  19  Feb1?  1754  — 


120          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

They  are  apprehensive  that  the  Small  Pox  wch  was  bro*  amongst 
them  &  destroyed  so  many  of  their  People  last  fall,  was  designedly 
sent  amongst  them  from  Conostoga  Virginia  or  Maryland. 
The  Govr  answered,  that  the  Commissra  of  Indian  Affairs  had 
sent  him  word  that  the  French  were  building  a  Fort  in  the  Sen- 
necas  Country  but  that  he  would  not  believe  it  relying  on  the 
Fidelity  of  the  5  Nat8  in  general  &  the  Sennecas  in  particular  to 
this  Gov*  that  they  would  not  permit  any  such  thing,  And  also 
that  the  French  would  not  dare  to  infringe  the  Treaty  of  Peace 
lately  made  between  the  Two  Crowns  wch  such  an  attempt  would 
do.1 

(P.  112.)  I  am  very  well  pleased  that  you  yourselves  have  ob 
served  that  we  [already]  have  in  a  manner  furnished  out  that 
French  Trading  House  at  Irondequat,  it  being  solely  maintained 
either  by  Goods  sent  directly  from  hence  thither  or  by  the  Canal 
[from]  of  Montreal  &  Canada  It  is  an  Evil  wch  must  be  pre 
vented,  &  I  shall  forthwith  use  my  Endeavour  to  put  a  final 
End  to  that  pernicious  Trade  wch  I  am  sure  is  hurtful  to  both 
of  us  &  only  serves  to  put  money  in  the  Pocketts  of  a  few 
Traders,  in  the  meantime  I  think  it  is  Expedient  the  French 
should  be  told  by  the  Sennekas  to  retire. 

As  to  the  Report  of  our  joining  in  any  Scheme  to  cut  off  the 
Indians  the  Supposition  is  absurd  &  ridiculous  &  is  one  of  those 
many  Falshoods  &  artifices  made  use  of  by  the  French  to  disturb 
our  Union  &  Friendship.  To  put  an  End  to  any  such  Idle  Sus 
picions  I  now  accquaint  &  assure  you  I  have  Orders  from  the 
King  my  Mastr  to  renew  the  Covenant  with  you  &  link  you  to 
ourselves  by  a  Chain  indissoluably  strong. 

As  to  the  Small  Pox  it  is  a  Desease  wch  arises  from  natural 
Causes  &  now  rages  violently  in  Pensilvania  &  Jerseys  whose 
Inhabitants  have  suffered  &  do  daily  suffer  greatly  by  it  — 
The  Govr  in  his  Public  Speech  to  the  5  Nations  told  them  — 

That  he  did  in  this  public  &  Solemn  Manner  give  them  full 
assurance  of  His  Majestys  affection  towards  them  &  of  his  Power 
ful  Protection  against  all  who  shall  dare  to  molest  them. 

1  The  Treaty  of  Utrecht  to  w<>h  refer 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          121 

That  in  the  same  public  &  Solemn  Manner  in  his  Majestys 
Name  &  by  his  Command  he  did  renew  the  Antient  Covenant 
with  the  5  Nations.  And  to  prevent  all  Mistakes  on  this  Head 
I  must  remind  you  what  has  ever  been  meant  &  understood  by 
you  as  well  as  us  by  the  Covenant  Chain  —  That  on  the  One  hand 
his  Majestys  Subjects  on  this  Continent  should  not  only  refrain 
from  all  Acts  of  Hostility  or  anything  tending  that  way  towards 
you  but  readily  assist  when  you  were  Attacked  by  others  or  inable 
you  by  such  Methods  as  were  in  their  Power  to  repel  Force  &  by 
Force  to  defend  your  Selves.  And  on  the  other  hand  you  were 
on  your  parts  to  live  in  the  strictest  Friendship  with  all  his 
Majestys  Subjects  &  in  case  they  should  be  Attacked  by  any 
Enemy  whatsoever  to  assist  them  in  the  readiest  &  most  Effec 
tual  Manner  in  your  Power,  he  added  when  he  had  their  answer 
to  this  Speech,  he  should  then  give  them  the  Appointed  Pres 
ents— 

(P.  113.)  Albany  14  June  1717.  The  F;ve  Nations  in  answer 
to  the  foregoing  Speech  of  Govr  Hunter  say.  The  assur 
ances  he  hath  given  them  in  the  Name  of  their  our  [gre] 
great  Masr  the  King  of  Great  Britain  are  very  acceptable 
to  them  &  hope  they  shall  never  give  any  the  least  Suspi 
cion  of  breaking  the  Covenant  Chain  — 

They  accept  the  renewal  of  the  Cov*  Chain  &  promise 
it  shall  be  faithfuly  kept  on  their  parts. 

That  they  are  very  thankful  for  the  presents  His 
Majesty  hath  sent  them  &  are  sensible  of  his  Kindness  for 
them  the  continuance  whereof  they  will  endeavour  by 
their  Dutiful  Behaviour  to  merit. 

15  June  They  make  a  Second  Speech  to  Govr  Hunter  in  wch 
they  say  "  You  told  us  [yesterday]  that  the  large  Presents 
made  us  Yesterday  is  from  the  King  our  Master  whose 
Subjects  we  are  &  we  are  thankful  of  his  Favour  &  Kind 
ness." 

The  rest  of  the  Speech  is  cheifly  complaining  of  the 
dearness  of  Goods.  They  say  they  have  often  desired 
that  their  Complaints  on  this  Head  might  be  transmitted 


122          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

[from]  to  the  King,  but  they  imagine  all  their  Complaints 
on  this  point  have  been  suppressed  &  concealed  from  His 
Majestys  Knowledge  or  they  doubt  not  he  would  have 
taken  some  Measures  in  their  favour. 

The  Govr  answers  &  assures  them  that  all  their  Propositions 
made  to  him  have  constantly  been  sent  over  to  his  Majesty  as 
these  shall  also  be.  but  that  the  price  of  Goods  dos  not  depend 
upon  any  Persons  Will,  that  Marketts  must  govern  in  these 
Affairs  wch  are  sometimes  higher  &  sometimes  lower,  but  that  he 
would  advise  them  in  order  to  get  the  best  prices  for  their  Furrs 
not  to  go  into  the  Traders  Houses  but  stay  on  the  Hill  &  there 
sell  their  Furrs  by  retail  to  the  best  Bidders.  - 
here  follow  in  the  Records  several  Messages  to  &  transactions 
with  the  5  Nations  to  prevent  their  going  out  a  fighting  with  the 
Indians  in  alliance  with  Virginia  &  South  Carolina.  And  the  5 
Nations  did  promise  they  would  forbear  all  Hostilities  with  those 
Indians  &  desired  that  Deputies  might  be  sent  from  Virginia  & 
S.  Carolina  to  settle  what  Nations  of  Indians  were  in  Alliance 
with  the  British  Gov* 

Albany  27  March  1718.  By  the  Govrs  order  a  Smith  &  his 
Journeyman  are  sent  up  to  remain  in  the  Sennekas  Coun 
try  for  the  Space  of  One  year  — 

(P.  114.)  Albany  14  May  1719.  A  considerable  Number  of  far 
Indians  (from  what  part  is  not  mentioned  but  I  judge 
about  the  West  end  of  Lake  Erie)  arrive  at  Albany  to 
Trade,  &  say  they  met  with  many  obstructions  from  the 
French  but  in  spight  of  all  they  came  hither  &  hope  they 
shall  be  well  treated  &  have  Goods  Cheap. 
The  Commissra  answer  that  they  are  very  glad  to  see  them  & 

that  they  will  find  Goods  cheaper  here  than  the  French  can  afford 

them,  for  they  get  their  Goods  from  hence. 

i  June.  Sundry  other  far  Indians  arrive  at  Albany  to  Trade 
some  from  the  Western  parts  of  Lake  Erie  &  others  living 
about  the  Banks  of  the  Missisippi.  They  say  they  met 
with  many  difficulties  particularly  from  the  French  in 
their  Journey  hither. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 
1 6  June.     Some  Twigh  Twee  Indians  arrive  at  Albany  to  Trade  l 

19  June.  The  Govrs  of  the  Southern  Provinces  having  made  a 
Complaint  to  Govr  Hunter  of  the  Mohocks  &  Oneidas 
making  War  upon  &  taking  Prisoners  Indians  in  Alleiance 
with  those  Govt8,  the  Commissra  of  Indian  Affairs  are 
directed  to  send  for  the  Cheifs  of  those  Nations  &  to  re 
monstrate  to  them  upon  these  Complaints,  wch  being  done 
the  said  Nations  say  in  their  Defence.  That  the  Indians 
they  Attacked  lived  to  the  Southwards  beyond  the  Limits 
of  his  Majesties  Dominions  &  that  the  People  of  the 
Southern  Colonies  had  themselves  made  wrar  upon  the 
same  Indians  &c  however  if  we  want  them  to  cease  making 
War  upon  the  Southern  Indians  we  must  convene  all  the 
Warriors  of  the  5  Nations  at  Onondaga  or  the  Sennekas 
Country  &  lay  the  Matter  before  them,  for  they  now  pres 
ent  cannot  take  upon  them  to  detirmine  in  this  Affair. 

The  Commissr3  Transmit  the  above  Answer  to  the  Govr 

(P.  115.)  Albany  23d  June  1719.  Sundry  westward  Indians 
called  Adewadiene 2  come  to  Albany  to  Trade  &  say  they 
were  coming  Two  years  ago  but  were  hindered  by  the 
French.  They  desire  to  have  Goods  cheap  &° 

The  Commissra  welcome  them  &  tell  them  the  French  want  Goods 
themselves  from  Albany  &  have  none  but  what  they  fetch 
from  thence  &  consequently  they  cant  buy  of  the  French 
so  cheap  as  they  may  at  Albany. 

28  June  Several  Indians  of  a  Nation  called  by  the  French  De 
Souteur 3  come  to  Albany  to  Trade. 

1  The  French  have  now  almost  totally  stopped  our  Communication  with  these 
Western  Indians  by  their  Forts  Niagre  &  another  at  the  Head  of  Lake  Erie.     But 
if  the  Albany  People  had  not  supplied  them  with  Goods  to  lay  the  Foundation  of 
their  settlement  in  those  parts,  &  this  Gov*  built  a  Trading  house  between  Lake 
Erie  &  Lake  Ontario,  that  extensive  Communication  the  French  now  have  would 
probably  have  been  prevented.     If  the  French  establish  their  Forts  &  Settlements 
on  the  Ohio,  they  will  perfect  their  line  of  communication  thro  the  Continent. 

2  The  Adawadenys,  a  sub  tribe  of  the  Far  Indians  whose  home  was  probably 
south  of  the  lakes.  —  ED. 

3  The  Saulteurs  from  Sault  Ste  Marie.  —  ED. 


124          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Albany  6  of  July  1719.  De  Canissore  chief  Sachem  of  Onondaga 
arrives  at  Albany  &  accquaints  the  Commissioners  that 
the  French  are  building  a  Fort  at  Jagara  l  near  the  great 
Falls  &  says  that  the  French  are  settling  all  round  them  so 
that  they  are  confined  as  it  were  to  their  own  particular 
Posessions  within  the  narrow  Limits  of  their  own  Country 
&  says  they  have  reason  to  suspect  (according  to  the  usual 
practice  of  the  French)  that  they  may  when  Opportunity 
offers  take  the  first  advantage  to  destroy  them. 

De  Canassore  being  asked  how  he  came  by  this  News 
he  says  he  being  lately  at  one  of  the  farthermost  Castles 
of  the  Sennekas  called  Onahee  within  a  days  Journey  of 
Jagarah  he  met  with  some  Uttawawa  Indians  who  said 
they  had  asked  the  French  how  they  came  to  make  a  Fort 
there  without  asking  leave  of  the  5  Nations,  who  answered 
they  had  built  it  of  their  own  Accord  without  asking  any 
Bodies  leave  &  designed  to  keep  Horses  &  Carts  there  for 
Transportation  of  Goods,  besides  by  that  means  they  could 
hinder  those  Forreign  Nations  from  Trading  at  Albany, 
he  says  further  that  5  of  those  Indians  being  on  their 
Journey  hither  with  Goods  One  of  them  was  killed. 

Upon  this  Message  the  Commissra  offered  De  Kanis- 
sore  a  Belt  of  (p.  116)  Wampum  to  give  the  5  Nations  & 
to  desire  them  to  forbid  the  French  to  build  any  Fort  near 
Jagarah,  but  De  Canissore  said  as  he  came  with  this 
Intelligence  in  a  Private  Capacity  he  could  not  accept  the 
Belt  but  if  His  Excellcy  thinks  proper  to  take  such  Methods 
in  destroying  the  Fort  as  was  done  in  destroying  the  Block 
House  at  Onondaga  he  dos  not  doubt  but  it  will  be  Effected 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Govr  &  the  5  Nations  &  that  he 
himself  will  use  his  utmost  Endeavours  &  dos  not  doubt 

1  Fort  Niagara,  to  the  Southward  of  w°h  near  Lake  Erie  the  French  have  now 
another  Fort  &  by  this  means  they  cut  off  from  Albany  all  the  Trade  with  the 
Numerous  Nations  of  Western  Indians,  and  the  Albany  People  to  this  Day  supply 
the  French  with  Goods  to  Trade  with  the  Indians  at  the  above  Places,  \^h  the 
French  transport  from  Albany  to  Montreal  &° 

Vide  Dr  Coldens  Memorial  to  Govr  Burnet. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          12$ 

but  the  5  Nations  will  use  their  utmost  Endeavours  in 

effecting  it. 

The  Commiss™  transmit  to  Govr  Hunter  a  Copy  of  the  above 
Intelligence,  &  say  they  think  the  Management  of  this  Affair  is 
of  the  last  consequence  to  this  Gov* l  - 

Albany  7  Novr  1719.  The  Commissra  meet  the  Sachems  of  the 
5  Nations  &  accquaint  them  that  Co1  Peter  Schuyler 
Presd*  of  the  Council  did  intend  meeting  them  himself  but 
is  prevented  by  Sickness  —  They  therefore  speak  to  them 
by  his  Order. 

And  First.  They  renew  the  Covenant  Chain  with  them  in  behalf 
of  this  Gov*  &  all  his  Majesya  Govta  on  the  Continent. 

2dly  That  Co1  Schuyler  has  information  that  some  of  them  are 
going  out  a  fighting  against  the  Indians  in  Alliance  with 
the  Neighboring  Colonies,  they  are  desired  to  stay  at 
home  &  hunt  Bever  wch  will  be  more  to  their  true  Interest. 

3dly  That  Jean  Coeur  the  French  Interpreter  was  in  their 
Country  that  no  French  man  ought  to  be  suffered  to  reside 
there  &  they  are  desired  not  to  suffer  him  or  any  other 
French  Man  to  stay  amongst  them. 

The  9  of  Novr  the  Sachems  answered 

I.  That  they  renew  the  Covenant  Chain  with  this  Gov*  but  as 
to  (p.  117)  renewing  the  Cov*  Chain  with  the  Govra  of  the  South 
ward  they  wonder  that  is  mentioned,  for  that  2  years  ago  the 
Govr  of  Virginia  made  complaints  of  some  of  their  People  doing 
Mischief  in  his  Country  &  that  they  had  desired  he  would  come 
himself  or  Depute  some  Body  to  come  to  Albany  with  some 
Sachems  of  the  Indians  in  his  Alliance  that  they  might  adjust  all 
Matters  Face  to  Face,  that  he  ought  to  have  given  an  answer 
to  this  their  Proposal  &  as  he  has  not  they  think  he  dos  not  desire 
a  Peace  between  his  Indians  &  them.  — 

1  About  this  Time  Govr  Hunter  embarked  for  England  &  Co1  Peter  Schuyler 
was  left  Commander  in  Chief  whether  this  very  important  affair  of  the  French 
building  a  Fort  at  Niagara  was  duly  attended  to  will  probably  appear  by  the 
Records  &  I  shall.be  very  careful  to  extract  everything  I  find  relating  thereto. 


126          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

2dly  That  as  to  some  of  their  Peoples  going  out  a  fighting  it  is 
true  &  they  cannot  at  present  give  any  further  answer  to 
that  Article. 

3dly  That  as  to  sending  the  French  Interpreter  out  of  their 
Country  they  cannot  do  it  for  if  they  do  the  French  will 
treat  them  as  Enemies,  but  they  say,  do  you  go  there  6*  send 
him  from  thence  yourselves,  when  the  French  were  building  a 
Block  House  at  Onondaga  Col  Peter  Schuyler  went  &* 
destroyed  it  &*  they  did  not  take  it  ill. 

The  Commissrs  reply  that 

They  desire  they  would  delay  their  going  out  a  righting  to  the 
Southward  till  next  Spring  by  wch  time  they  may  hear  from  Vir 
ginia. 

The  Indians  answer  as  follows 

You  say  that  Jean  Coeur  is  to  stay  among  us  this  Winter  &  that 
hele  make  it  his  Interest  to  hinder  the  far  Indians  from  coming  to 
Trade  here,  You  can  better  prevent  his  hindering  those  Indians 
from  coming  to  Trade  here  than  we,  for  if  you  do  not  supply  the 
French  with  Goods  from  hence  they  cant  furnish  the  Far  Indians 
with  what  they  want  &  hardly  those  who  live  near  them  for  they 
get  but  little  Goods  themselves  from  France,  we  are  desirous  to 
know  whether  you  will  send  a  Messenger  to  our  Country  to 
banish  Jean  Coeur  from  thence  &  write  to  the  Govr  of  Canada 
about  that  Subject.1 

(to  enforce  this  Matter  they  give  a  Belt  of  Wampum) 
The  Commissrs  answer  they  will  send  what  the  Sachems  have  sd 
to  Co1  Schuyler  &  until  they  have  his  answer  they  can  say  nothing 
on  that  head. 
(P.  118.)     I  omitted  to  Extract  the  following  from  the  Records. 

Albany  3d  of  Aug*  1719. 

Some  Cayouge  Sachems  come  to  the  Commiss"  with  7.  hands  of 
Wampum  &  accquaint  them  that  the  Land  belonging  to 
them  on  the  Susquahannah  River  was  annexed  to  or  Put 

1  It  is  remarkable  to  see  the  Indians  pointing  out  the  true  Interest  of  this  Gov* 
&  at  y*>  same  time  to  observe  either  our  Stupidity  or  Villainy  preventing  any 
attention  to  It.  — 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          127 

under  the  Protection  of  this  Gov*  about  34  or  35  years 
ago.1     They  now  offer  to  this  Gov*  the  refusal  to  purchase 
sd  Land  in  preference  to  [another]  any  other  Govfc  2  — 
The  Commissrs  answer  they  will  send  to  Co1  Schuyler  a  Copy 
of  this  Proposal  of  theirs 

Jean  Coeur  the  French  Interpreter  continues  in  the  Sennecas 
Country  &  carrys  such  an  Influence  amongst  them  that  he  pre 
vails  on  them  to  degrade  a  Chief  Sachem  who  was  in  the  Interest 
of  this  Gov*  &  to  appoint  one  of  his  Nomination  in  his  room,  he 
also  finds  means  to  persuade  the  5  Nations  into  a  rupture  with 
those  far  or  Western  Indians  who  were  desirous  to  carry  on  a 
Trade  with  Albany  in  order  to  prevent  it.  Upon  these  accounts 
Messrs  Myndert  Schuyler  &  Rob*  Livingston  Junr  are  appointed 
to  go  up  to  the  Sennekas  Country  &  recieve  Instructions  bearing 
date  22  April  1720  —  to  endeavour  the  removal  of  Jean  Coeur 
from  our  Indians,  to  impress  upon  them  a  proper  Sense  of  their 
Duty  to  his  Majesty  &  their  Connexion  with  this  Gov*  to  prevent 
their  making  War  upon  any  Indians  in  Alliance  with  the  adjacent 
Colonies  or  such  as  may  be  inclined  to  come  &  Trade  at  Albany  — 
to  get  the  Blue  beck  Sachem  restored  &  the  One  put  in  his  Room 
by  Jean  Coeur  [restored]  degraded. 

22  May  Mess"  Myndert  Schuyler  &  Rob*  Livingston  Junr  being 
arrived  in  the  Sennekas  Country  send  the  Interpreter  Lau 
rence  Claasse  to  Ochjagare  (where  Fort  Niagara  now  is) 
with  Three  Senneka  Sachems  in  order  to  warn  the  French 
to  demolish  &  Quit  the  Trading  House  wch  they  have  built 
there.  Upon  Claasse  arrival  there  he  found  3  French 
Traders  in  a  House  of  40  foot  long  &  30  broad  —  he  told 
them  that  he  was  sent  with  these  three  Sachems  to  tell 
them  that  the  5  Nations  having  heard  of  their  Building 

1  Vide  pages  4.  5.  &  6  — 

z  I  suppose  Mr  Perm  or  his  Agents  were  making  proposals  of  purchase  to  them, 
for  about  this  time  or  later  he  made  a  purchase  of  it  from  them.  (The  lands  on  the 
Susquehanna  had  been  placed  by  the  Indians  under  Governor  Dongan's  protec 
tion,  but  in  1696  they  were  transferred  to  William  Penn.  These  lands  caused 
endless  trouble  and  many  conferences  between  the  Iroquois  and  the  Pennsyl- 
vanians.  —  ED.) 


128          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

this  House  &  considered  how  prejudicial  a  French  Settle 
ment  on  their  Land  must  be  to  them  &  their  Posterity, 
they  have  (p.  119)  sent  him  the  said  Claasse  &  these  3 
Sachems  to  accquaint  the  French  that  it  is  much  against 
the  Inclination  of  the  5  Nations  that  any  Building  should 
be  made  in  this  Place  &  to  desire  the  French  will  desist 
from  any  further  Building  &  demolish  what  they  have 
built. 

To  this  One  of  the  Frenchmen  replyed 
That  they  had  leave  from  the  young  fighting  Men  of  the 
Sennekas  to  build  this  House  &  that  he  would  not  de 
molish  it  until  he  had  wrote  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  who  had 
posted  him  there.  The  Three  Sachems  said  they  never 
heard  their  young  Men  had  given  any  such  leave. 

Laurence  Claasse  returned  to  the  Sennekas  &  desired 
their  Sachems  to  convene  their  Young  Capts  together  wch 
being  done  he  in  the  presence  of  Jean  Coeur  the  French 
Interr  reported  what  he  had  said  to  the  French  at  Ochja- 
gare  &  their  answer.  Upon  wch  the  Sachems  &  young 
Capts.  declared  that  the  French  had  built  that  House  at 
Ochjagare  without  asking  any  of  them  leave  &  desired  that 
the  Govr  of  New  York  would  use  his  Endeavours  to  get 
that  House  demolished  that  they  may  without  any  fear  of 
Molestation  preserve  their  Land  &  Hunting.1 

Albany  31  Aug*  1720.     Co1  Peter  Schuyler  Pres*  at  Albany  where 
the   Mohack,    the   Oneida,   the   Onondaga   &   Cayouge 

1  by  this  I  judge  that  Fort  Niagara  &  the  other  French  Fort  nearer  to  Lake 
Erne  are  Encroachments  of  the  French  upon  the  Lands  belonging  to  the  5  Nations 
&  by  them  annexed  to  [apart]  to  the  Colony  of  New  York  &  put  under  the  Pro 
tection  of  the  Crown  of  England  by  a  Voluntary  deed  from  the  5  Nations  in  the 
year  1701.  &  w°h  I  understand  is  in  Possession  of  the  Board  of  Trade.  And  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht  dos  confirm  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Brittain  [their]  its  Title,  tho 
not  expressly  yet  intentionally. 

(Vide  Treaty  of  Utrecht) 

this  Deed  in  my  Opinion  vests  in  the  Crown  a  large  Extent  of  Land  to  the 
Westward  of  Niagara  Falls.  — 

(The  deed  is  found  in  New  York  Colonial  Documents,  ix,  p.  908.  —  ED.) 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          129 

Sachems  met  him,  but  none  from  the  Sennekas;  One 
Sachem  out  of  each  of  those  4  Nations  had  a  Conference 
with  the  President  &  told  him,  that  Jean  Coeur  had  taken 
his  leave  of  the  Senneka  Sachems  in  order  to  return  to 
Montreal  but  a  Messenger  met  him  in  the  Way  with  a 
Letter  from  the  Govr  of  Canada  upon  wch  he  returned  to 
the  Sennekas  &  told  them  that  the  Govr  of  Canada  sent 
them  word  out  of  Compassion  to  them  their  Wifes  & 
Children  that  Co1  Nicloson  was  coming  Govr  to  New  York 
with  an  Intention  totally  to  destroy  all  the  5  Nations  &° 
he  therefore  advised  them  to  stay  at  home  &  keep  on  their 
Guard.  And  the  above  Sachems  judge  by  the  Sennekas 
not  coming  down  to  meet  the  Pres*  that  they  have  given 
(p.  120)  Ear  to  this  News  from  the  Govr  of  Canada.  They 
add  further  that  the  Govr  of  Canada  sent  the  Sennekas 
word  that  he  heard  the  Govr  of  New  York  intended  to 
demolish  the  Trading  House  built  at  Jagare,  but  that  he 
would  fortify  it  &  if  such  an  Attempt  was  made  it  should 
cost  Blood. 

The  President  told  the  4  Sachems  that  he  was  sur 
prized  the  Sennekas  would  listen  to  &  be  influenced  by  such 
Lyes  from  the  French  &  that  the  frequent  Experience  they 
have  had  of  their  Falshood  ought  to  arm  them  with  such 
Distrust  &  disdain  for  the  French  as  to  prevent  their  Deciet 
taking  Effect.  Further  he  tells  them.  The  French  have 
nothing  to  do  to  make  Settlements  on  your  Land  at  Jagare, 
wch  the  Bretheren  have  many  years  ago  Surrendered  to  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain,  to  be  kept  for  them  &*  their  Posterity, 
And  it  is  against  the  Treaty  of  Peace  concluded  between  our 
Great  King  George  &•  the  French  King  so  that  it  cannot  be 
suffered  that  they  should  make  such  Encroachments. 

The  said  Sachems  made  Answer.  That  they  were 
very  sensible  that  it  was  prejudicial  to  the  5  Nations  as 
well  as  this  Gov*  for  the  French  to  make  any  Settlements 
at  Jagare,  and  therefore  if  the  President  would  send  some 
of  his  .People  the  5  Nations  would  join  them  &  go  &  pull 


130          W RAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

down  all  the  French  Buildings  there.  But  say  they  we 
must  tell  you,  that  the  Selling  of  Goods  to  the  French  & 
their  Indians  in  Canada,  is  a  great  Inducement  to  the 
French  to  make  that  Settlement  &  therefore  we  desire 
you  to  Stop  that  Trade  &  then  the  French  will  not  have 
Goods  so  cheap  to  serve  the  far  Indians  withal,  for  all  the 
Indians  are  sensible  Goods  can  be  had  Cheaper  at  Albany 
than  at  Canada  &  so  are  the  French  wch  makes  them 
come  hither  to  buy  [&  supply]  in  order  to  supply  the 
farr  Indians  who  otherwise  would  come  here  themselves 
to  purchase.  — 

I  find  no  Answer  from  the  President  recorded  to  the  above 
Proposals  from  the  Sachems  of  the  4  Nations,  but  in  a  Public 
Speech  he  made  to  the  4  Nations  assembled  bearing  date  the  2d 
Sepr  he  tells  them  as  to  the  French  Settlement  at  Jagare,  [he 
says]  he  would  have  the  5  Nations  easy  about  it  for  the  present 
since  all  possible  means  shall  be  used  to  redress  their  Grievances. 
This  cold  Answer  of  the  Presidents  to  the  advantageous  Pro 
posals  of  the  Sachems,  &  the  Govr  of  New  York  suffering  this 
Settlement  of  the  French  at  Jagare  to  remain  unmolested  is  very 
astonishing.  Quere.  whether  the  French  Traders  at  Albany  were 
not  the  cause  of  it  ?  — 

(P.  121.)  Albany  10  Sepr  1720 —  Co1  Peter  Schuyler  having  in 
vain  waited  for  the  Senneka  Sachems  took  his  departure 
for  New  York.  This  day  the  said  Sachems  who  arrived 
the  9th  made  their  Speech  to  the  Commissra  they  having 
first  accquainted  them  with  what  had  passed  between 
Co1  Schuyler  &  the  Four  Nations. 

They  say  the  affairs  wch  Co1  Schuyler  treated  of  with 
the  4  Nations  is  to  the  entire  Satisfaction  of  the  whole  5. 

They  desire  they  may  have  a  Smith  posted  in  their 
Country  &  say  they  cannot  well  do  without  one,  that  last 
they  had  for  want  of  Iron  &  Steel  could  not  compleat  the 
Work  they  wanted  to  be  done. 

They  say  that  the  French  have  surrounded  them  & 
made  Settlements  at  the  Five  following  Places. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          131 


Teoondoroquo 
Jehagee 
Ochswegee 
Cahaquagee 

& 
Ochjagare 


The  names  of  these  places  being  different 
ly  spelt  in  difP  parts  of  the  Records  I 
cannot  exactly  ascertain  their  Sittuations; 
there  is  no  doubt  of  their  all  being  on  the 
south  sides  of  Lake  Ontario  &  Lake  Erie.1 


—  wch  being  their  principal  Passages  &  hunting  Places,  we 
desire  (say  they)  that  our  Great  King  may  be  accquainted 
that  the  French  encroach  on  us  by  making  Settlements  & 
Trading  Houses  on  our  Land. 

They  say  the  reason  they  could  not  come  down  at  the 
appointed  Time  to  meet  the  President  was,  [on]  a  Jealousy 
&  disturbance  wch  has  been  in  their  Country  upon  Ace* 
of  Two  Principal  Sachems  of  one  of  their  Castles  who  with 
their  Wives  &  Families  are  gone  to  live  in  Canada  that 
several  others  of  that  Castle  are  to  follow,  wch  they  fear 
will  be  of  fatal  Consequence  to  the  Interest  of  the  5  Na 
tions.  That  they  used  every  kind  of  Persuasion  with  the 
above  Two  Sachems  to  prevail  on  them  to  go  down  to 
Albany  to  meet  the  President  but  in  vain  for  they  flatly 
refused  to  go.  And  further  that  the  Indians  of  the  above 
Castle  had  suffered  the  French  to  hoist  their  Colours 
there  - 

The  Above  Sachems  said  they  would  go  down  to  New 
York  &  accquaint  the  Presid*  with  these  Affairs  them 
selves  &  talk  to  him  Face  to  Face.  wch  Proposal  was 
approved  of  by  the  Commiss"  who  wrote  an  ace*  of  this 
Conference  with  the  Sennekas  to  the  President  &  repre 
sented  the  fatal  Consequences  wch  might  be  bro*  on  this 
Colony  in  pticular  &  ye  others  in  general  by  suffering  the 
French  thus  to  execute  their  Scheemes  of  building  Settle 
ments  in  the  Country  of  the  5  Nations 

1  Teoorondoquo  =  Irondequat. 
Jehagee  probably  =  Cayuga. 
Ochswegee  =  Oswego. 

Cahaqugee  =  Cayouhage  east  of  Oswego,  probably  Salmon  River,   Oswego 
County,  New -York 

Ochjagare  =  Niagara.  —  ED. 


132          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

(P.  122.)  Albany  20  October  1720.  Wm  Burnet  Esqr  Govr  writes 
to  the  Commissioners  to  post  a  Smith  in  the  Sennekas 
Country,  one  is  accordingly  sent  there  &  Three  other 
Persons  are  dispatched  with  him  to  remain  there  in  order 
to  watch  &  oppose  the  Designs  of  the  French  &  to  secure 
the  Fidelity  of  the  French  to  this  Gov*. 

Govr  Burnet  Issues  a  new  Commission  for  Commiss"  for  Indian 
Affairs  &  sends  Instructions  to  Philip  Livingston  Deputy 
Secretary  for  Indian  Affairs  in  wch  he  writes  as  follows. 

I  have  named  you  a  Commissr  of  Indian  Affairs  with 
some  other  New  Persons  &  displaced  some  of  the  former 
Commissrs  finding  that  they  had  misrepresented  the  true 
Cause  of  the  French  Success  with  the  Indians,  tho  your 
Father  had  prepared  Clauses  for  that  purpose  in  a  Me 
morial  delivered  to  them,  these  I  find  they  have  changed 
so  as  to  Shelter  the  Profit  some  of  them  had  &  concealed 
the  Mischief  the  Country  received  from  their  Pernicious 
Trade  with  the  French  1  - 

I  am  informed  there  are  Three  Young  Men  now 
amongst  the  Sennecas  who  have  Twenty  Pounds  a  Peice 
alowed  them  tho  they  are  gone  there  on  Ace*  of  Trade  & 
consequently  will  have  no  Interest  with  the  Indians  or  be 
of  any  Service  to  the  Public. 

The  Govr  orders  sd  Salary  to  be  withdrawn. 

22d  Decr  1720.  The  Commissr3  write  Govr  Burnet  that  the 
money  alotted  by  the  Assembly  to  give  the  Indians  in 
order  to  persuade  them  to  demolish  the  French  House  at 
Niagara  will  not  be  suff  *  &  tho  it  was,  would  not  be  of  real 
Service  to  this  Gov*  unless  we  took  Possession  of  that  Pass. 

1  This  Accusation  I  am  verily  of  Opinion  &  others  equaly  disgraceful  may  be 
laid  to  the  Charge  of  most  Commissra  that  have  ever  been  appointed  at  Albany, 
the  public  Interest  is  but  a  weak  &  Secondary  Motive  to  their  conduct,  their  public 
office  is  for  the  most  part  made  subservient  to  their  private  Interest.  The  People 
of  Albany  are  extremely  Ignorant  &  Illiterate  &  so  enslaved  to  the  love  of  Money 
that  they  have  no  other  Principle  of  Action.  To  their  Scandalous  &  Unpatriot 
Conduct  has  in  a  great  Measure  been  owing  that  Progress  of  the  French  on  this 
Continent,  w1*  I  fear  is  now  come  to  so  formidable  a  heigth  as  not  to  be  repeled. 
At  least  Albany  Commiss1"8  will  (in  my  opinion)  never  contribute  to  it. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  133 

but  they  say  before  the  Assembly  can  make  the  necessary 
disposition  for  such  an  Undertaking  &  Matters  be  ripened 
to  put  it  in  Execution  they  are  of  opinion  the  French 
(p.  123)  will  add  Such  Security  to  it,  that  it  will  cost  a  vast 
sume  of  Money  to  carry  that  Point.1 

Albany  9  Febry  1720/21  By  a  Letter  from  the  Commiss™  to 
Govr  Burnet  I  find  the  Gbvr  wanted  to  promote  a  Settle 
ment  near  Niagara  &  Land  to  be  taken  up  there  for  that 
purpose,  but  the  Commiss"  say  no  Body  will  go  to  settle 
there  the  Land  being  not  proper  — 

I  find  also  that  several  People  were  going  up  that  way 
in  order  to  push  a  Trade  with  the  far  Indians  &  to  build  at 
Trading  House  at  Niagara.  Govr  Burnet  having  forbid  all 
Trade  with  the  French  or  their  Indians  by  way  of  Albany 
&  Canada  wch  by  the  Commiss"  manner  of  writing  dos  not 
seem  pleasing  to  them. 

20  March.  The  French  by  the  Influence  of  their  Settlement  at 
Niagara  &  other  Means  prevail  on  the  Sennekas  to  apply 
for  a  French  Priest  &  a  Smith  to  be  settled  amongst  them. 
And  the  French  Interpreter  told  the  Sennekas  that  if  they 
assisted  the  English  to  destroy  the  Fort  Niagara  they 
would  make  War  upon  the  5  Nations  — 

27  April  1721.     The  Commiss"  write  the  following  Letter  to  Govr 

Burnet 

We  hope  yr  Excellcy  has  received  our  last  of  the  20  Inst. 
Inclosed  we  send  yr  Excellcy  a  Letter  wch  Co1  Schuyler  has  received 
from  Monsr  Vaudrieul  Govr  of  Canada  whereby  your  Excellcy 
will  perceive  what  Claim  the  French  make  to  Jugara  (Fort 

1  The  Opinion  of  the  Commissri  upon  demolishing  without  taking  Possession 
of  this  Important  Pass  seems  to  me  just.  This  Gov*  had  already  lost  their  Critical 
Time,  and  with  a  shameful  Indolence  suffered  the  French  to  fix  themselves  too 
secure  tho  timely  forewarned  by  the  Indians,  but  the  Albany  Traders  found  an 
Advantage  in  selling  Goods  to  the  French  who  at  the  above  Pass  &  others  near  it 
by  y*  means  supplied  the  far  Indians  &  established  themselves,  whether  the  Com 
miss1'8  Ignorance  kept  'em  from  foreseeing  the  future  Consequences,  or  their  private 
advantage  kept  them  from  making  it  known,  may  be  a  Question,  it  is  hard  to 
decide  w°h  is  greatest,  their  Ignorance  or  their  Selfishness. 


134          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Niagara)  he  wants  to  know  if  the  report  be  true  he  says  to  have 
heard  of  Co1  Schuylers  going  to  build  a  Fort  there  &  what  bold 
threatening  he  inserts  if  any  such  thing  should  be  attempted  by 
this  Gov*. 

We  are  ignorant  of  what  he  says,  that  we  know  as  well  as 
he  that  part  of  the  Country  doth  not  belong  to  this  Gov*  We 
know  what  sort  of  Claim  the  French  make  thereto,  viz.  that  about 
30  years  ago  they  sent  some  of  their  Men  there  to  War  against 
(p.  124)  the  Indians,  they  lost  many  of  their  Men  thro  Famine 
&  the  rest  were  obliged  to  leave  that  place  being  the  Indians 
were  too  powerful  for  them  &  starved  them  from  the  Settlements 
they  made.  If  that  gives  them  a  good  Title  to  take  Possession 
of  &  claim  that  Country  we  leave  yr  Excellcy  to  judge.  They 
have  had  a  Fort  there  first.  This  very  Land  &  to  the  Westward 
of  it  the  five  Nations  have  in  1701.  given  to  His  Majesty  as 
appears  by  the  Minutes  kept  here.1 

We  are  informed  that  about  400  men  are  going  up 
from  Montreal  to  make  a  Stone  Fort  at  Niagara  &  that  Priests 
are  to  go  to  the  Sennekas  Country,  the  French  are  very  diligent 
to  preserve  their  Trade  &  embrace  the  least  Opportunity  wch  may 
be  for  their  Advantage  &  Interest.  It  seems  on  the  Contrary 
that  hitherto  WE  have  neglected  &  slighted  it,  but  we  hope  that 
proper  Measures  will  be  taken  to  disappoint  the  pernicious  De 
signs  of  the  French,  if  that  be  not  speedily  done  we  are  appre 
hensive  that  it  will  not  only  be  to  our  utter  Ruin  &  distruction 
but  also  on  the  Neighbouring  Govts  on  the  Continent.  — 

(These  Observations  of  the  Commissr3  confirm  several 
observations  I  have  thrown  in  by  way  of  Notes  to  the 
Abstracts  &  I  am  of  opinion  the  Supineness  of  this  Colony 
formerly  [have]  has  prejudiced  it  &  given  advantages  to 
the  French  wch  we  shall  never  be  able  to  retrieve.  If  any 
Method  is  left  it  must  be  by  very  Vigorous  Proceedings  & 
throwing  the  Managment  of  Indian  Affairs  into  another 

this  Surrender  hath  been  several  times  mentioned  in  these  Records  &  the 
Original  Deed  from  the  Indians  w°b  I  am  informed  is  in  possession  of  the  Lords  of 
Trade,  doth  certainly  exclude  the  French  from  any  Legal  Claim  to  Fort  Niagara 
&  to  the  Westward  as  far  as  that  Deed  implys  &  vests  it  in  the  Crown  of  Gfc 
Britain  to  whom  it  belongs  by  the  Jus  Gentium. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          135 

channel  than  by  Albany  Commissra  I  will  look  over  the 
Minutes  of  the  Council  at  this  time  to  see  if  any  Copy  was 
taken  of  the  Monsr  Vaudrieul's  Letter  above  mentioned 
&  if  Govr  Burnet  wrote  anything  to  him  on  the  Subject 
of  Niagara). 

I  find  by  the  Minutes  of  Council  the  French  Advanced 
only  the  same  unsound  &  indeed  False  Arguments  by  Mr 
Vaudrieul  in  relation  to  Niagara,  as  are  sundry  times 
noted  in  these  Abstracts,  &  were  answered  in  the  manner 
frequently  mentioned  in  these  Papers.  (P.  125.)  I  find 
by  the  Records  that  the  Trade  at  Albany  with  the  far 
Indians  began  again  to  revive  &  that  they  had  hopes  of  its 
increasing.  There  is  no  doubt  this  was  owing  to  Govr 
Burnets  prohibition  of  the  Trade  from  Albany  to  Canada, 
wch  was  a  wise  exsalent  Measure.1 

Albany  n  June  1721.  Laurence  Claasse  the  Interpreter  & 
others  who  was  sent  to  the  Sennekas  Country  to  watch 
the  Motions  of  the  French,  return  &  report.  That  Monsr 
Longuiel  Govr  of  Trois  Riviers  marched  from  Irondequat 
to  Niagara  with  100  Men  &  told  the  Sennekas  that  on  his 
return  he  would  pay  them  a  Visit,  he  accordingly  did  & 
then  Spoke  to  them  as  follows. 

Children 

I  am  come  to  see  whether  it  be  true  what  I  heard  at 
Montreal,  that  200  Men  were  gone  from  Albany  to  de 
molish  the  House  wch  we  have  built  at  Niagara;  if  the 

1  Numbers  of  Indians  of  Six  diff*  Nations  in  May  &  June  came  to  Albany  to 
Trade  &  entered  into  Treatys  of  Peace  with  this  Gov*  &  all  of  them  said  the  French 
had  used  every  Artifice  in  their  power  to  prevent  their  coming  to  Albany;  but  they 
would  not  be  hindered.  All  this  was  the  Effect  of  the  prohibition  of  the  Trade  with 
Canada.  And  ye  Commiss"  tell  the  Indians  so  notwithstanding  such  Numbers  of 
Western  Indians  whom  the  French  had  for  many  years  past  supplied  with  Goods 
wch  they  purchased  at  Albany  came  down  to  Albany  to  Trade  since  the  prohibition 
of  the  Canada  Trade,  &  a  fair  Prospect  of  carrying  the  whole  Trade  with  the  Far 
Indians,  wch  it  was  evident  must  in  time  have  put  an  End  to  the  french  influence 
over  those  Indians  thrown  it  into  our  Scale,  &  prevented  any  French  Settlements 
or  Forts  in  those  parts,  Yet  none  of  these  public  advantages  could  deter  these 
Albanians  [into]  from  this  pernicious  Trade.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  keep  ones 
Pen  within  the  Bounds  of  Moderation,  when  these  Vermin  come  in  ones  way. 


136          W RAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

English  had  taken  Possession  of  that  Passage  &  demol 
ished  the  said  House,  I  would  have  demanded  the  same 
Thrice  according  to  our  Christian  Custom,  but  if  they  had 
then  not  surrendered  it  I  would  have  taken  it  with  Force 
of  Arms,  Not  that  we  claim  that  Land,  but  we  built  there 
only  a  Trading  House  to  furnish  the  Indians  with  Goods 
&  necessarys  coming  &  going  to  &  from  Hunting  wch  if  we 
leave  we  will  destroy  it  our  Selves  &  not  suffer  it  to  be  done 
by  others  having  obteined  yr  leave  to  build  there.  And 
he  said  further  I  suppose  the  English  infuse  into  your 
Ears  that  we  shall  build  a  Fort  there  &  anoy  you,  but  do 
now  promise  not  to  make  any  stronger  Building  than  what 
is  now  Erected. 

ii  July  1721.  Some  Indians  who  live  near  Tughsakrondie  or 
LeDroit  come  to  Albany  to  Trade,  They  say  they  have  not 
been  there  before  for  20  years,  but  rejoice  the  Path  is  now 
again  opened  that  they  may  visit  their  Antient  Friends  & 
Allies. 
The  Commiss"  welcome  them  &  tell  them  they  will  find  Goods 

much  cheaper  than  they  could  get  them  from  the  French  who  had 

'em  from  Albany,  but  that  Trade  is  now  prohibited  &  desire  them 

to  accquaint  all  the  adjacent  Indians  therewith. 

(P.  126.)  Albany  7  Sepr  1721.  Govr  Burnet  meets  the  5  Nations 
at  Albany  &  makes  a  long  &  pathetic  Speech  to  them,  It 
appears  to  me  [nothng]  perfectly  adapted  to  wean  the 
Indians  from  the  Influence  of  the  French  whose  Gov* 
whose  Politics  &  Emissaries  he  paints  in  a  just  Light  to 
the  Indians,  &  points  out  to  them  by  solid  &  animated 
Reasoning  that  it  is  their  true  Interest  to  remain  sincerely 
stedfust  to  their  Antient  Connexions  with  this  Gov*,  & 
not  suffer  their  Fidelity  to  be  shaken  by  the  Artifices  of 
the  French,  with  regard  to  their  Settlement  at  Niagara  he 
teUs  them. 

When  the  French  come  among  you  again  let  them 
know  that  you  disapprove  of  their  coming  into  your  Coun 
try  &  living  on  your  Land  at  Niagara  or  any  where  else, 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  137 

that  you  give  them  positive  Notice  to  take  away  said 
House  &  to  come  no  more  into  your  Country,  and  that 
after  this  warning  given  them  if  they  do  return  you  will 
complain  to  me  &  inform  me  who  the  Persons  are  that 
offend,  for  the  French  have  agreed  in  their  last  Treaty 
in  Express  words  not  to  Molest  the  5  Nations  wch  they 
certainly  do  if  they  come  among  you  &  live  upon  your 
Land. 

If  the  French  are  not  permitted  among  you  some  of 
our  People  would  come  &  live  with  you  &  supply  you  with 
Goods  much  cheaper  &  better  than  the  French.  - 

he  tells  them  he  enquired  what  in  their  Opinion  was 
the  surest  Method  to  weaken  the  French  &  oblige  them  to 
abandon  their  Forts.  And  he  found  it  was  their  Advice  to 
stop  the  Trade  from  Albany  to  Canada;  this  he  accord 
ingly  had  done,  tho  he  found  it  was  not  quite  Broke. 

he  tells  them  he  has  bro*  as  noble  a  Present  from  his 
Majesy  King  George  as  ever  was  given  them  but  he  will  not 
give  it  them  till  they  have  made  their  Answer  that  they 
may  not  have  it  too  soon  to  be  cheated  out  of  it  for 
Rum.  —  Vide  Notes  pag.  85. 

(P.  127.)  Albany,  Sepr  1721.  The  Answer  of  the  5  Nations. 
To  the  forementioned  Speech  of  Govr  Burnets  [the  5 
Nations  in  wch  they  did  not  seem  to]  shows  they  were 
convinced  of  the  force  of  the  Govrs  Reasoning  with  them. 
They  renew  the  Cov*  with  all  his  Majesties  Subjects  in 
America  &  promise  to  preserve  their  Faith  inviolable  with 
this  Colony  &  solemnly  [promise]  engage  they  will  hold  no 
Correspondance  with  the  French  inconsistent  with  their 
Fidelity  to  this  Gov*  &  that  in  relation  to  the  French 
Settlement  at  Niagara  they  will  behave  as  the  Govr  has 
advised  &  directed.  (I  have  met  with  no  Speech  of  the 
Indians  in  wch  they  seem  to  be  in  a  better  Temper  or  more 
disposed  to  have  Co-operated  with  any  Measures  wch  the 
Gov*  at  this  time  might  have  proposed  to  them,  and  I 
think  it  is  to  be  wished  some  vigorous  Proceedings  had 
taken  place  at  this  Juncture  with  regard  to  the  French 


138          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Encroachments  upon  that  part  of  the  Country  wch  had 
been  Solemnly  annexed  to  the  Crown  of  G*  Britain  & 
assertained  by  the  Spirit  &  meaning  of  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  had  Govr  Burnet  whose  Integrity  &  Capacity 
I  have  heard  much  commended  here,  been  properly 
informed  of  the  Influence  the  French  had  gained  over  the 
5  Nations  &  that  certain  degree  of  Awe  they  had  inspired 
them  with,  he  would  not  I  think  have  rested  the  Affair 
of  the  French  incroachments  so  much  upon  the  Indians 
Managment,  but  have  profited  by  their  present  happy 
Disposition  &  imediately  have  proposed  some  decisive 
Plan  of  Action  to  the  Assembly;  but  whether  he  thought 
after  this  manner,  or  was  distressed  by  Party,  [by]  from 
having  thrown  himself  into  the  hands  of  One  to  combat 
another  according  to  that  Capital  Error  of  most  Colony 
Govra  I  am  not  sufficiently  informed  to  detirmine.  I  may 
make  a  wrong  Judgment,  but  I  think  this  was  a  critical 
Opportunity  to  have  Defeated  the  Indian  Politics  & 
crushed  the  rising  Power  of  the  French  with  regard  to  the 
Indians  in  these  Parts.  And  I  have  prophetical  Fears 
that  it  was  an  ireparable  Neglect,  if  not,  as  at  this  time  so 
I  am  persuaded  at  all  others,  that  the  total  Extinction  of 
all  Trade  &  Correspondance  from  Albany  to  Canada  must 
be  the  Groundwork  of  any  true  Political  Opposition  to  the 
French  Scheemes  of  Extending  &  securing  themselves  on 
this  Continent,  but  this  [affair]  Opposition  depends  upon 
such  a  Unanimity  of  several  Neighbouring  Colonies  in 
general  &  such  a  prevailing  Public  Spirit  of  each  in  partic 
ular  as  I  fear  cannot  with  any  great  Probability  be 
expected.  A  Parliamentary  interposition  might  do  much. 
—  but  in  these  Matters  I  will  remember,  Magis  offendit 
nimium,  quam  parum. 

(P.  128.)  before  Govr  Burnet  left  Albany  he  ordered  a  Smith  & 
his  Man  to  be  posted  in  the  Sennekas  Country  &  that 
£100  —  out  of  £500  voted  by  the  Assembly  to  be  laid  out 
encouraging  Settlements  among  the  Indians,  should  be 
given  to  encourage  a  Number  of  People  to  go  up  &  settle 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  139 

at  Irondequat  on  Lake  Ontario  in  order  to  push  a  Trade 
with  the  Far  or  western  Indians  &  that  such  as  went  there 
should  Trade  as  joint  Stock  Company  &  were  to  be  under 
the  direction  of  a  Principal,  And  that  they  were  to  com 
municate  how  the  French  received  what  the  Indians  would 
say  about  their  being  settled  on  their  Land.  - 

Albany  15  Sepr  1721.  After  Govr  Burnet  had  left  Albany  the 
Sachtakook  Indians  came  thither  &  say  they  were  out  a 
hunting  when  the  Govr  was  there  &  are  sorry  they  lost 
the  Opportunity  of  speaking  to  his  Excelly  —  but  they  will 
now  tell  their  Grievances  to  the  Commissr3  they  say,  their 
Hearts  cry  within  them  because  they  are  very  much  abused 
in  this  City,  for  when  some  of  their  People  come  to  drink  a 
Gill  of  Rum  they  are  Inticed  to  drink  till  they  are  drunk 
&  then  they  pawn  their  Blankets  Cloaths  &  Jewels. 

Albany  25  Novr  1721.  Laur.  Claasse  the  Interpreter  returns 
from  the  Sennekas  Country  &  reports  that  they  had  an 
Ace*  there  that  Jean  Coeur  the  french  Interpreter  with  30 
Men  were  at  Niagara  &  were  strongly  fortifying  their 
Settlement  there  &  that  the  French  were  taking  Possession 
of  all  the  principal  Passages  &  hunting  Places  of  the  5 
Nations  about  Lake  Ontario.  — 

ii  Decr  The  French  by  false  Reports  &  Scandalous  practices 
on  the  5  Nations  raise  great  Commotions  amongst  them 
making  them  believe  the  English  have  an  Intention  to  cut 
them  off  &c 

Laur.  Claasse  is  sent  up  to  Onondaga  to  clear  up  these  Matters. 

31  March  1722.  The  Commiss"  receive  Information  that  the 
prohibited  Trade  to  Canada  is  carried  on  by  certain  Per 
sons  in  Albany  but  it  is  not  recorded  by  whom 

Albany  3  May  1722  — Laurence  Claasse  the  Interpreter  having 
been  dispatched  to  the  Sennekas  to  remind  them  what  they 
had  promised  to  say  to  the  French  upon  their  Settling  at 
Niagara  returns  &  says  the  same  Sachem  who  spoke  last 
(p.  129)  year  to  the  Govr  on  his  return  had  told  Jean 


140          W  RAX  ALL1  S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Coeur  the  French  Interpreter  that  their  settling  at  Niagara 
was  disagreeable  to  the  5  Nations  &  desired  that  the  French 
would  demolish  the  House  they  had  built  there  &  quit 
their  Settlement,  to  wch  Jean  Coeur  had  answered,  That 
he  would  not  break  down  the  House  at  Niagara  but  con 
tinue  his  abode  there  &  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the 

5  Nations,  &  say'd  if  your  Bror  Corlaer  can  show  better 
Title  than  my  Master  the  Govr  of  Canada  who  ordered  me 
to  build  that  House  there  &  when  he  gives  me  Directions 
to  demolish  it  it  shall  be  done  &  not  before,  but  I  doubt 
whether  the  Two  Govrs  can  decide  the  Matter,  I  think  it 
must  be  done  by  the  Two  Crowns.  - 

Albany  21  May  1722.  Sixteen  Ottowawa  Indians  come  to  Trade 
at  Albany l  &  say  they  broke  thro  many  Obstacles  from 
the  French 

4  June  1722.  The  Commiss™  write  the  Govr  that  the  prohibition 
of  the  Trade  to  Canada  proves  to  be  ineffectual  for  that 
Trade  is  still  privately  carried  on,  &  that  it  is  in  a  great 
measure  owing  to  his  Excellcys  granting  Passes  to  persons 
to  go  to  Canada  &  that  those  Passes  are  only  made  use  of 
as  a  Cover  for  Trade. 

They  write,  some  of  the  far  Indians  are  here  &  many 
more  would  come  in  Time  if  the  French  were  not  supplied 
with  Strouds  from  hence. 

They  write  again  the  4  July  as 
follows 

We  have  been  honoured  with  your  Excellcys  favours 
of  the  19  &  23  Ult°  We  are  glad  your  Excellcy  &  the  As 
sembly  are  sensible  of  the  ill  Consequences  of  that  per 
nicious  Trade  with  our  Neighbours  of  Canada  for  Indian 
Goods  has  been  to  this  Province  &  still  will  be  if  not  timely 

6  Effectually  prevented.  - 

N.  B.  The  Indian  Trade  at  Albany  was  formerly  &  is 
still  divided  into  Two  Branches,  the  Northern  &  Western 

1  the  Effect  of  the  prohibition  of  the  Trade  to  Canada 


W  RAX  ALL1  S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  141 

Trade,  the  former  to  Canada  the  latter  among  the  5 
Nations  &  the  far  Nations. 

The  commiss"  at  this  Time  from  their  sanguine  Oppo 
sition  to  the  Canada  Trade  were  I  suppose  Western  Trad 
ers.  The  greatest  Fortunes  have  been  got  &  are  at  this 
time  getting  by  the  Canada  Trade  wch  is  a  proof  what 
supplies  we  give  to  the  French,  wch  increases  &  extends 
their  Indian  Interest,  for  wch  they  wisely  pay  us  in  the 
Canada  Trade. 

(P.  130.)  I  find  notwithstanding  an  Act  of  Assembly 
prohibiting  the  Trade  to  Canada,  by  the  Commiss™ 
Letters  to  Govr  Burnet  that  Trade  was  largely  carried  on 
from  Seraghtoga  &  Woodenfort  about  40  Miles  from 
Albany  in  the  Road  to  Canada  &  that  the  Officer  posted 
there  with  a  Detachment  of  the  Indep*  Company  was 
expected  to  be  concerned  in  the  same. 

Albany  27  August  1722.  Govr  Burnet.  Co1  Spotswood  Govr  of 
Virginia  &  Sr  Wm  Keith  Govr  of  Pensilvania  meet  the  5 
Nations.  — 

Govr  Burnet  opens  this  meeting  with  a  Speech  wherein 
he  accquaints  the  5  Nations  that  himself  &  these  Gent"  are 
come  to  renew  the  Cov*  Chain  with  them  &  to  settle 
several  other  Matters  with  them  that  there  may  hereafter 
be  a  perfect  Harmony  between  these  several  Govta  &  the 

5  Nations.  — 

Co1  Spotswood  Speaks  next  &  tells  the  5  Nations  that  they  have 
never  strictly  adhered  to  any  Treaties  made  with  that 
Gov*  for  these  50  years  past,  &  as  they  have  often  desired 
that  some  Deputies  Might  come  from  Virginia  to  Albany 
to  Treat  with  them,  he  is  now  come  to  make  such  a  Peace 

6  Treaty  with  them  in  behalf  of  the  Christians  of  Virginia 
&  the  Tributary  Indians  bordering  upon  that  Province  as 
shall  be  forever  inviolable.     And  says  that  the  foundation 
of  this  Peace  is,  that  the  River  Potomack  &  the  high  ridge 
of  Mountains  wch  extend  along  the  Frontiers  of  Virginia 
to  the  Westward  of  the  present  Settlements  are  to  be  the 
Boundaries  between  the  5  Nations  &  the  Virginians  Xts 


142          W RAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

&  Indians  —  so  that  none  of  either  Gov1  shall  pass  them 
without  Passports  from  their  respective  Govrs  or  CommdrB 
in  Chief.  And  that  he  expects  the  5  Nations  solemnly 
Assent  to  these  Limits  as  the  preliminary  Article  of  their 
present  Treaty  wch  he  promises  on  the  part  of  Virginia. 
Sr  Wm  Keith  next  Speaks  &  sets  forth  the  long  Peace  &  good 
Correspondance  wch  has  subsisted  between  the  Gov*  of 
Pensilvania  &  the  5  Nations  &  that  he  is  now  come  in 
Company  with  the  Govr  of  New  York  &  Virginia  to  renew 
fix  &  brighten  the  Cov*  Chain  to  make  them  some  Pres 
ents,  &  gives  2  Belts  of  Wampum  the  One  to  be  kept  as  a 
Memorial  of  their  Unity  &  Friendship,  the  other  to  put 
them  in  Mind,  that  Fidelity  to  their  Allies,  &  the  Arts  of 
Peace  are  the  wisest  Methods  to  secure  &  strengthen  any 
Nation. 

(P.  131.)  Albany  the  first  &  fourth  of  Sepr  1722.  the  5  Nations 
Answer  Govr  Burnets  Speech,  in  wch  they  assure  him  they 
have  kept  the  Cov1  Chain  inviolable  &  fulfilled  all  their 
Promises  &  his  Directions  wch  they  made  &  he  gave  them 
at  their  Meeting  last  year,  &  that  they  do  unfeignedly 
resolve  to  persevere  in  the  same  Conduct. 

They  acknowledge  that  some  Sachems  whom  they 
daily  expect  at  Albany  have  been  to  Canada  &  that  the 
Govr  shall  know  what  they  have  done  there  as  soon  as  they 
arrive  — 

That  according  to  his  Excellcys  request  they  have  not 
only  encouraged  the  Far  Indians  to  come  &  Trade  at 
Albany  but  have  sent  Agents  among  them  to  prevail  on 
[them  to  come  &  Trade  at  Albany]  others  to  do  the  same  & 
have  assured  them  they  will  find  Goods  much  Cheaper 
there  than  among  the  French.1 

1  these  Zealous  Endeavours  of  the  5  Nations  was  the  Consequence  of  the  Pro 
hibition  of  the  Canada  Trade  v&  they  had  frequently  &  earnestly  desired  might 
take  place  had  it  been  strictly  kept  up  &  vigorous  measures  taken  with  regard  to 
the  French  Settlements  on  the  5  Nations  Land,  almost  the  whole  Western  fur 
Trade  would  have  centered  in  this  Colony  with  a  proportionable  degree  of  Influence 
amongst  the  Indians,  for  those  will  ever  go  hand  in  hand 


W RAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  143 

Albany  6  Sepr  1722.  The  5  Nations  &  a  Castle  of  Tuscarora 
Indians  lately  settled  between  Oneide  &  Onondaga  make 
Answer  to  Govr  Spotswood8  Speech  &  Proposals  &  they 
solemnly  engage  &  sign  the  Preliminary  Article  with 
regard  to  the  Boundaries  mentioned  in  Govr  Spotswoods 
Speech  between  the  Christians  &  Indians  in  Virginia  & 
them. 

And  by  way  of  Exhortation  to  Govr  Spotswood  to  be 
faithful  to  the  "  Peace  &  agreement  now  entered  into  they 
say  to  him  as  follows. 

"  It  hath  pleased  God  to  make  you  Christians  and  us 
Heathens,  but  we  hope  we  shall  both  act  according  to  our 
Capacities  &  be  faithful  to  our  respective  Promises  & 
Engagements.  Some  are  placed  in  high  Stations  &  some 
in  Low;  but  there  is  One  above  Who  rules  &  governs  All 
&  will  judge  us  according  to  our  Actions." 

10  Sepr  They  Answer  Sr  Wm  Kieths  Speech  to  them  &  solemnly 
renew  the  Covenant  Chain  with  the  Province  of  Pensil- 
vania  &  lay  down  several  Furs  in  confirmation  of  what 
they  say.  - 

12  Sepr  further  conferrences  passed  between  Govr  Spotswood  & 
the  5  Nations  relating  to  the  Treaty  between  them  & 
Virginia  wch  ended  in  a  firm  Union  &  concurrence  on  both 
sides.  — 

Govr  Burnet  concluded  this  Meeting  with  a  long  Speech  to  the 
Indians  in  wch  he  told  them  that  himself  in  Conjunction  with  the 
Gov"  of  Virginia  &  Pensilvania  did  not  only  renew  the  Cov*  in 
behalf  of  their  own  Govts  but  of  all  the  English  Colonies  in  North 
America.  And  this  was  assented  to  by  the  Indians.  - 
(P.  132.)  About  this  time  a  War  broke  out  between  New  England 
&  the  Eastern  Indians,  Govr  Hunter  prevailed  upon  the  5  Nat8 
to  send  Deputies  to  the  said  Indians  to  endeavour  to  procure 
Peace,  this  was  done  but  not  Effectual,  however  the  Govr  of 
Boston  proposed  to  Govr  Burnet  that  they  might  have  a  Meeting 
with  the  5  Nat8  at  Albany  in  order  to  procure  their  Assistance  or 
Interposition  wch  was  agreed  to  by  Govr  Burnet  &  the  Interpreter 


144          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

was  sent  thro  the  5  Nations  with  a  Summons  for  the  said  Meeting 
the  20  May  1723.  - 

The  8th  &  21.  May  several  Western  Indians  come  to  Albany  to 
Trade  &  say  if  they  are  well  used  greater  Numbers  of  their 
Nations  will  open  &  continue  this  Trade,  tho  the  French 
do  all  they  can  to  hinder  it. 

21  May  1723.  Laurence  Claasse  the  Interpreter  who  was  sent 
thro  the  5  Nations  to  summons  them  to  meet  the  Govr  of 
Boston  at  Albany  returns  &  reports  that  he  could  not  pre 
vail  upon  the  Sennekas  &  Onondagas  to  come  down  & 
found  the  reason  was,  that  Jean  Coeur  the  french  Inter 
preter  had  prevailed  upon  them  to  refuse  to  be  present 
at  this  Meeting.  That  he  had  desired  leave  from  the 
Sachems  of  the  Sennekas  to  build  a  Fort  at  Onjagara 
(Niagara)  but  they  had  refused,  but  had  given  him  leave 
to  build  a  Trading  House  at  Irondequat l 

he  also  informs  the  Commissr3  that  the  Tuscarores  are 
received  to  be  a  Sixth  Nation,  so  that  from  this  time  the 
Six  Nations  take  their  Date.  — 

I  find  by  the  Minutes  this  Day  that  the  Senneka 
&  Onondaga  Sachems  do  come  down  to  Albany  to  the 
Boston  Meeting. 

29  May  1723.  Eighty  Men  besides  Women  &  Children  belong 
ing  to  several  Tribes  who  live  upon  the  Borders  of  Lake 
Huron  &  Lake  Erie  2  come  to  Albany  to  Trade  &  bring 
with  them  the  Calumet  or  Pipe  of  Peace  wch  they  smoke 
&  present  the  Commiss"  to  smoke  out  of,  (The  Solemn 
Act  of  Peace  Friendship  &  Security  amongst  the  Indians.) 

1  Is  it  not  hence  evident  that  the  French  deemed  these  Places  above  mentioned 
to  be  the  Country  of  the  5  Nations,  that  they  are  so  I  put  down  as  a  Fact  appar 
ent  from  many  passages  in  these  Abstracts  &  also  that  they  were  annexed  to  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain  by  a  Solemn  Surrender  from  the  5  Nations  in  1701. 

"  They  [the  Indians  above  referred  to]  being  askd  where  abouts  they  live 
and  how  the  french  Call  these  settlements,  they  Say  (by  what  could  be  understood) 
it  is  Called  monsiemakenac."  Original  Indian  Records,  ii.  Probably  Michilli- 
mackinac.  Wraxall  was  not  very  strong  on  geography  and  neither  were  the 
commissioners.  —  ED. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  145 

They  say  they  have  sent  Calumets  of  Peace  amongst 
the  Six  Nations  &  are  empowered  by  their  Several  Tribes 
to  desire  they  may  be  joined  as  a  Seventh  Nation  in  the 
Cov1  &  League  of  Peace  &  Unity  with  this  Gov*  They  say 
they  have  long  been  endeavouring  to  come  to  Albany  (p. 
133)  but  have  been  hindered  by  the  contrivances  of  the 
French.  That  if  they  find  themselves  well  used  in  Trade 
that  shall  use  their  Interest  with  all  the  Upper  Nations 
their  Friends  &  Allies  to  bring  them  into  Peace  Union  & 
Trade  with  this  Gov*  - 

The  Commissrs  welcome  them  accept  their  offer  of 
Peace  &  Unity  &  in  compliance  with  their  request  receive 
them  as  a  Seventh  Nation.1 

Albany  28  May  1723.  The  Commissrs  of  [Albany]  Boston  met 
the  representative  Sachems  of  the  Six  Nations  &  opened 
the  Conference  with  a  Speech  puting  them  in  Mind  of  the 
Covenant  Chain  wch  hath  so  long  subsisted  between  them 
&  the  sd  Indians  &  wch  hath  always  been  kept  inviolable 
on  both  sides.  that  they  are  now  come  to  renew  & 
strengthen  the  same  in  behalf  of  the  Govr  of  Boston.  — 

30  May  the  Sachems  Answer  &  acknowledge  the  Antiquity  & 
uninterupted  Peace  &  Harmony  wch  hath  subsisted 
between  them  &  the  Gov*  of  Boston,  that  they  are  pleased 
to  see  them  come  with  a  Design  &  desire  to  renew  & 
Strengthen  the  Cov*  Chain  wch  they  do  now  concur  in. 

The  same  day  the  Commissr3  make  a  further 
Speech  to  the  Sachems  &  rehearse  to  them  the  rise  of  their  Present 
war  with  the  Abnequois  or  Eastern  Indians,  who  tho  bound  by 
written  Articles  of  Peace  &  Subjection  to  the  Crown  of  Great 
Britain  &  the  Gov*  of  Boston  as  Subjet  thereto,  have  broke  their 

1  the  surprizing  concourse  of  the  Fair  Indians  to  Albany  who  formerly  traded 
with  the  French,  since  the  prohibition  of  the  Trade  to  Canada,  is  an  irrefragable 
Proof  of  the  great  advantage  of  that  prohibition  &  as  Trading  is  the  Only  Cement 
to  bind  the  Indians  to  our  Interest,  if  proper  Methods  had  been  taken  to  fix  & 
extend  this  Chanel  of  Trade,  &  a  Vigorous  opposition  made  to  the  French  at  this 
propitious  Juncture,  it  appears  to  me  the  French  might  have  been  drove  back  to 
their  proper  Limits  in  Canada  &  have  been  ever  rendered  incapable  of  disturbing 
the  British  Settlements  in  N.  America. 


146          W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Faith  &  Allegiance  made  war  upon  &  destroyed  the  Properties  & 
lives  of  his  Majesties  Subjects  in  those  Parts,  they  have  there 
fore  declared  them  Traitors  &  Enemies  &  do  now  call  on  the  Six 
Nations  as  fellow  Subjects  &  Allies  to  take  up  the  Hatchet  & 
assist  them  against  the  sd  Eastern  Indians  &  desire  to  know 
whether  they  will  comply.  If  they  do,  the  Deputies  from  Boston 
tell  them  the  presents  they  have  now  to  give  &  the  further 
Encouragment  they  will  receive. 

(P.  134.)  Albany  31  May  1723.  An  Indian  [from]  of  a  Tribe 
called  Agiehantehook  settled  near  S*  Francois  in  Canada 
arrives  &  Speaks  to  the  Commiss1"8  for  this  Gov*  &  the  Six 
Nations  to  the  following  purpose. 

he  acknowledges  their  Tribe  had  joined  the  Eastern 
Indians  in  their  wars  upon  the  Gov*  of  Boston,  but  upon 
the  Message  which  had  been  sent  from  the  Six  Nations, 
they  had  deputed  him  to  go  to  the  Eastern  Indians  to  pro 
pose  Peace  &  laying  down  the  Hatchet,  that  he  went,  & 
had  prevailed  with  the  sd  Eastern  Indians  in  whose  Name 
&  by  whose  Authority  he  now  comes  &  in  the  most  Solemn 
&  publick  Manner  lays  down  the  Hatchet  of  war  in  behalf 
of  the  Eastern  Indians  &  his  own  Tribe  &  burys  the  same 
for  Ever  — 

3  June  the  Six  Nations  make  their  Answer  to  the  Govr  of  Boston. 
In  relation  to  taking  up  the  Hatchet  of  war  against  the  Eastern 

Indians,  they  rehearse  the  above  Message.  And  they  say  will 
put  both  Hatchets  together  &  desire  the  Govr  of  Boston  to  ap 
point  within  Sixty  days  some  Place  of  Meeting,  when  they  will 
direct  the  Eastern  Indians  to  send  their  Deputies  thither  &  that 
the  Six  Nations  will  do  the  same  &  bring  the  said  Two  Hatchets 
with  them  &  there  endeavour  to  compromise  Matters  &  conclude 
a  reconciliation  &  Peace  on  all  sides. 

4  June  Boston  Deputies  Answer,  that  Peace  is  not  within  the 

Power  of  their  Commission  to  talk  on,  And  that  these 
Eastern  Indians  have  behaved  with  so  much  Perfidy  & 
Treachery  that  nothing  will  bind  them,  however  if  the 
Six  Nations  will  not  take  up  the  Hatchet,  they  will  ace- 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  147 

quaint  their  Gov*  with  the  Proposal  &  if  it  should  take 
Effect  the  Six  Nations  must  solemnly  promise  that  if 
the  Eastern  Indians  do  again  break  the  Peace  they  will 
pursue  them  unto  Destruction. 

In  the  afternoon  the  Six  Nations  Answered 
&  said  if  a  Peace  was  concluded  at  Boston  where  they  desired  the 
Meeting  might  be,  they  would  be  Sureties  for  the  Eastern  Indians 
&  if  they  should  then  break  it  they  would  take  up  the  Hatchet 
against  them.  After  Compts  on  both  sides  this  Meeting  broke 
up.1  - 

(P.  135.)  Albany  5  June  1723.  The  Commissrs  for  Indian  Affairs 
Spoke  to  the  Deputies  of  the  Six  Nations  &  reproached 
them  with  harbouring  Jean  Coeur  the  French  Interpreter 
amongst  them  &  giving  him  leave  to  build  a  Trading  House 
at  Kaskoghsago  near  Irondequat  on  Land  (say  they)  you 
long  since  resigned  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain. 

They  desired  to  be  excused  giving  an  Answer  to  this 

Matter  at  present  but  will  when  their  Deputies  go  to  Boston. 

1 6  June.     Some  farr  Indians  who  used  to  Trade  with  the  French 

[come]  arrive  at  Albany  with  Furrs  to  Trade. 
I  find  in  the  Act  of  Assembly  made  against  the  Canada  Trade  the 
Commissrs  of  Indian  Affairs  were  empowered  to  administer  a[n 
promise]  Oath  to  such  Persons  as  they  suspected  to  be  concerned 
in  said  Trade,  wch  they  accordingly  did  to  several  among  wch 
Three  Persons  are  recorded  to  have  refused  taking  the  Oath. 

1 2  July  1723.  Sundry  Indians  from  several  remote  Nations  come 
to  Albany  to  Trade  &  say  they  are  Commissioned  by  Na 
tions  of  Indian  who  live  still  beyond  them  to  know  whether 
the  Road  is  free  &  Open  for  them  to  come  to  Albany. 
They  say  the  French  throw  all  the  Stumbling  Blocks  they 
can  in  their  way.  - 

1  Previous  to  this  Meeting  &  at  it,  it  was  publickly  acknowledged  by  the  Depu 
ties  from  Boston  &  the  6  Nations  that  the  latter  were  under  the  imediate  Control! 
of  this  Gov*  that  the  other  Colonies  ought  not  to  transact  any  public  Buisness 
with  them,  nor  they  with  Those  without  first  making  Application  to  this  Gov1 
this  same  Subordination  was  owned  in  the  late  Conferences  between  Virginia  & 
Pensilvania  &  many  of  the  like  Occasions  formerly.  — 


148          W RAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

These  Indians  Complain  &  the  Commissr3  write  the 
same  to  the  Govr  that  the  People  at  Schenectady  (a 
Dutch  Town  or  Town  of  Dutch  ab*  16  Miles  from  Albany 
thro  which  all  Indians  from  the  Westward  must  pass  & 
where  the  Water  Carriage  ends)  Steal  their  Furrs  from 
them  &  that  several  Packs  had  been  stole  from  the  Indians 
wch  they  could  never  retrieve.  Some  of  these  Poor 
People  came  above  600  Miles  —  to  be  plundered  by 
Dutchmen  in  One  Town  &  Cheated  by  them  in  Another. 
And  yet  these  Wretches  most  of  them  learn  by  heart  a 
Catechism  of  near  300  Pages  &  will  not  miss  Church  two  or 
three  times  on  Sundays  upon  any  Ace*  —  but  to  get  money. 

Albany  9  Aug*  1723.  The  Deputies  of  the  Six  Nations  arrive  in 
their  way  to  Boston  &  speak  to  the  Commissra  —  They 
say  agreably  to  Govr  Burnets  Instructions  they  had 
spoke  to  Jean  Coeur  to  to  demolish  the  Trading  House 
built  at  Niagara  on  their  Land,  but  that  Jean  Coeur  had 
refused  to  do  it  unless  he  had  the  Govr  of  Canadas  Orders. 
They  say.  We  the  (p.  136)  Sachems  [Sachems]  and 
Representatives  of  the  Six  Nations  being  Twenty  two  in 
Number  do  now  make  our  Complaint  unto  you  that  Jean 
Coeur  the  French  Interpreter  will  not  take  away  the  House 
till  he  has  orders  from  the  Govr  of  Canada  for  so  doing.  - 

In  the  months  of  Aug*  &  Sepr  1723.  I  find  by  the  Records  that 
the  Eastern  Indians  had  cut  off  a  Town  on  the  Frontiers  of 
New  England  &  were  prosecuting  the  War  more  cruel  than 
ever,  that  the  Commissrs  write  Govr  Burnet  that  they 
are  certain  the  Govr  of  Canada  is  at  the  Bottom  of  this 
Affair  &  supplies  them  with  Arms  &  Amunition  &  that  he 
hopes  to  draw  this  Province  into  an  Indian  War  &  by  that 
means  obstruct  our  Trade  with  the  farr  Indians  wch  they 
say  they  are  persuaded  he  will  leave  no  Stone  unturned  to 
Destroy. 

7  October.  The  Indian  Deputies  who  went  to  Boston  return  & 
give  the  Commissr3  an  Ace*  of  their  Transactions  in  wch 
they  say  that  the  6  Nations  in  Conjunction  with  the 


W RAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  149 

Shagtakook  &  River  Indians  had  taken  up  the  Hatchet 
against  the  Eastern  Indians,  but  that  they  think  the  Govr 
of  New  York  &  Canada  should  write  to  their  respective 
Kings  to  direct  all  the  Hostilities  to  cease  in  America 
when  a  general  Peace  is  subsisting  in  Europe.  - 

1 8  Novr.  The  Commissrs  having  received  Information  that  the 
Govr  of  Canada  had  sent  Agents  among  the  far  or  Western 
Indians  to  endeavour  to  prevail  on  them  to  assist  the 
Eastern  Indians1  in  their  war  upon  New  Engd  Laur. 
Claasse  the  Interpreter  is  dispatched  to  the  Sennekas 
Country  to  get  some  Indians  there  to  carry  Belts  to  the 
sd  far  Indians  in  behalf  of  this  Gov*  to  dissuade  them  from 
joining  with  the  sd  Eastern  Indians. 

22  Novr  Several  of  the  Schaakhook  Indians  having  left  their 
Settlement  &  retired  to  Canada  the  Commiss"  sent  for 
some  of  them  to  Albany  to  enquire  the  reason.  They  say 
that  the  Christians  who  are  (p.  137)  settled  near  them 
have  encroached  upon  their  Land  &  confined  them  to 
a  Barren  Spot  wch  will  not  maintain  them  &  they  desire 
they  may  be  allotted  another  part  they  name  wch  is  more 
fruitful 

The  Commiss™  take  no  notice  of  their  Complaint  but 

they  are  sent  back  wth  an  Exhortation  to  endeavour  to  get  their 

Country  men  back  2 

1  how  perfidious  &  Dishonourable  this  Conduct  of    the  French  was,  is   too 
obvious  to  need  any  particular  Proof.      It  is  not  only  a  fresh  Instance  of  their 
National  Character  in  Politics,  but  a  convincing  Argument  how  much  the  Pro 
ceedings  of  this  Gov1  with  regard  to  the  Indian  Affairs  alarmed  them.     They  saw 
how  fatal  the  Consequences  would  be  to  their  vast  Designs  if  we  persisted  &  im 
proved  upon  our  Measures  w**  had  we  done  at  this  Juncture,  I  am  persuaded  a 
Mortal  Stab  would  have  been  given  to  the  French  Influence  &  Trade  amongst  the 
Indians  to  the  Westward  &  Southward  of  Lake  Ontario. 

2  I  met  with  some  Complaints  of  this  kind  in  the  former  part  of  the  Records 
but  as  these  Indians  are  now  become  a  Scattered  few  I  did  not  think  it  very  neces 
sary  to  take  notice  of  their  Affairs,      but  this  cruel  &  unjust  Treatment  of  these 
poor  people  who  were  the  Antient  Proprietors  of  the  Soil  of  the  Greatest  part  of 
the  County  of  Albany  &  ever  faithful  Friends  to  the  first  Settlers,  is  a  Notorious 
Proof  what  a  set  of  real  Barbarians  the  New  Inhabitants  were,  I  suppose  the 
Poverty  &  weakness  of  these  poor  People  was  the  Cause  of  the  Injustice  they 
suffered. 


150          WRAXALLS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

I  find  by  the  Commiss"  Letters  to  Govr  Burnet  that  he  had  a 
Suspicion  they  the  Commiss1"3  employed  their  Influence  to  hinder 
the  Six  Nations  from  assisting  the  Gov*  of  Boston  in  their  War 
against  the  Eastern  Indians.  It  is  certain  from  their  own  Letters 
that  they  were  very  much  against  engaging  the  Six  Nations  in  an 
Indian  War  —  What  were  all  the  particular  Reasons  for  Govr 
Burnets  Suspicions  dos  not  appear  they  Commissra  deny  any 
such  Practices,  but  from  the  general  &  hereditary  Character  of 
the  Albanians,  where  there  private  Interest  is  concerned  there  are 
few  things  too  Scandalous  to  suppose  them  guilty  of.  - 

Albany  25  Febry  1723/4.  the  Commissr3  are  informed  that 
[several]  some  Persons  either  from  Massachittets  Bay  or 
Connetecut  were  purchasing  Lands  from  the  Indians 
without  a  Licence  from  Govr  Burnet  wch  was  contrary  to  a 
Proclamation  Issued  on  that  Subject 

4  May  1724.  Two  principal  Sachems  of  the  Sennekas  appeared 
before  the  Commissra  &  accquainted  them,  that  the  Sa 
chems  of  Onondaga  had  sent  Deputies  to  the  Govr  of 
Canada  to  accquaint  him  that  they  were  affraid  from  the 
great  Number  of  far  Indians  who  passed  thro  their  Coun 
try  to  go  to  Albany  some  Mischief  might  be  comitted  by 
some  of  them  wch  they  should  certainly  revenge. 

That  the  Govr  of  Canada  replyed  he  had  the  same 
Fears  &  that  there  was  one  way  to  prevent  it  wch  was  for 
the  5  Nations  to  admit  him  to  build  Two  Forts,  One  at 
Niagara  &  the  other  at  the  Mouth  of  Onondaga  River  at 
the  Entrance  into  Cadaraqui  Lake,  (where  Osswego  is  now 
built)  &  gave  the  sd  Messenger  a  Belt  of  Wampum  to 
carry  to  the  5  Nations  to  enforce  this  Proposal.  (P.  138.) 
The  said  Belt  was  produced  at  Onondaga  &  the  Govr  of 
Canadas  Proposal  debated  by  the  Assembly  there,  to  wit 
the  Sachems  of  the  Sennekas,  the  Cayouges,  Tuscaroras, 
&  Onondagas;  the  Oneida  &  Mohawk  Sachems  not 
being  present. 

But  the  sd  Assembly  rejected  the  Belt  &  Proposal  of 
the  Govr  of  Canada,  &  it  was  resolved  that  the  Belt 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  151 

should  be  returned  him  &  a  Message  sent  to  him  that  he 
should  not  be  admitted  to  build  any  Fort  on  their  Land, 
this  resolution  being  afterward  imparted  to  the  Sachems 
of  Onieda  &  the  Mohawks  was  approved  by  them.1  — 

There  was  also  information  that  Jean  Coeur  was 
coming  up  to  Niagara  to  build  a  Fort  there.  — 

Albany  10  June  1724.  Several  Sachems  Deputed  from  Four 
Castles  of  Indians  living  in  Canada  arrive  in  consequence 
of  a  Belt  of  Wampum  sent  to  them  by  the  Commissra  to 
desire  them  to  lay  down  the  Hatchet  against  the  People 
of  N.  Engd  They  say  they  will  comply  with  our  request  & 
do  accordingly  lay  down  the  Hatchet  &  will  no  more  com 
mit  any  Hostilities  against  the  People  of  New  Engd  & 
will  influence  as  much  as  is  in  their  Power  the  other 
Indians  to  do  the  same. 

The  Commiss1"3  Answered  that  they  were  well  pleased  to  find 
they  had  complied  with  their  request  &  by  that  means  shown 
their  Disposition  to  preserve  that  Harmony  wch  had  so  long  sub 
sisted  between  them  &  this  Gov*. 

Obsn  /  I  shrewedly  suspect  that  as  the  prohibition  of  y°  Trade  to 
Canada  had  occasioned  a  great  scarcity  of  Goods  there,  the 
real  Intent  of  the  Indians  Journey  to  Albany  was  to  purchase 
Goods  &  that  this  laying  down  the  Hatchet  was  but  a  specious 
pretense  for  the  Govr  of  Canada  has  them  so  absolutely  under  his 
command  that  without  his  Consent  their  making  Peace  or  a 
Neutrality  would  not  signifie.  These  Indians  are  the  Brokers 
or  Factors  &  Carriers  for  the  French  &  the  Albany  People  in  their 
neutral  Trade.  — 

(P.  139.)  Albany  *°  July  1724.  The  Commiss"  proposed  to  the 
Sachems  of  the  6  Nations  that  they  should  choose  out 
proper  Deputies  to  go  once  more  to  Boston  to  endeavour 
to  settle  a  Peace  between  that  Gov*  &  the  Eastern  Indians 

1  dos  not  this  prove  the  French  were  concious  these  Parts  where  they  wanted 
to  build  Forts  belonged  to  the  5  Nations,  &  it  is  certain  the  Indians  had  annexed 
these  parts  of  their  Country  in  particular  to  the  Crown  of  G*  Britain  as  has  been 
often  mentioned',  however  the  French  have  now  Two  Forts  One  at  Niagara  the 
other  at  the  Head  of  Lake  Erie,  both  on  that  Land  annexed  to  the  Crown. 


152          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

&  in  pursuance  thereof  should  imediately  dispatch  proper 
Messages  to  the  Eastern  Indians  to  send  Deputies  to 
Boston  to  meet  them  there  &  if  they  would  not  comply 
herewith  &  make  Peace  upon  reasonable  Terms  that  the 
6  Nations  should  send  them  word  they  would  oblige 
them  to  do  it  Sword  in  hand. 

The  6  Nations  say  will  comply  with  this  Request  of 
the  Commiss™ 

14  July  Several  Far  Indians  arrive  to  Trade  with  Bever  &c  &  say 
the  French  used  every  Artifice  in  their  Power  to  prevent 
their  coming  to  Albany  &  had  by  promises  &  Threatenings 
prevailed  upon  30  Canoes  of  Indians  to  go  to  Canada  who 
had  never  been  at  Albany  &  intended  to  have  come  with 
them  hither 

7  Aug*  Several  Indians  of  the  Kenondadie  Nation  to  the  west 
ward  come  to  Albany  to  Trade. 

17  Aug*  1724.  The  Commiss"  resolve  to  send  Particular  Mes 
sengers  with  Belts  of  Wampum  to  the  Indians  who 
deserted  from  Schaakkook  to  request  them  to  return  to 
their  former  habitations,  they  having  made  several 
[Indians]  Inroads  upon  the  Inhabitants  of  New  Eng 
land.1 

Albany  15  September  1724.  Govr  Burnet  meets  the  6  Nations  & 
makes  them  a  Speech  in  wch  he  renews  the  Cov*  Chain 
with  them  in  behalf  of  of  this  Colony  &  all  the  British 
Dominions  in  North  America,  he  tells  them  that  several 
Persons  are  willing  to  go  &  live  up  at  the  Mouth  of  Onon- 
daga  River  in  order  to  Trade  with  the  far  Indians  &  that 
he  proposes  for  their  Accomodation  to  build  a  Block  house 
there  &  hopes  &  expects  that  the  Six  Nations  will  behave 

1  these  Indians  were  once  Numerous,  Powerful  &  faithful  Allies  to  this  Gov* 
&  a  Barrier  to  it  on  the  N.E.  towards  Canada,  &  if  they  were  drove  away  by  the 
Injustice  &  Encroachments  of  the  People  who  settled  near  them  as  their  Complaint 
formerly  mentioned  seems  to  point  out.  It  was  no  less  Impolitick  than  Cruel  & 
perfidious.  For  my  own  part  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  Dutch  of  Albany  &  the 
adjacent  Country  have  ever  made  an  imediate  temporary  Interest  their  only 
rule. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  153 

like  Bretheren  to  the  people  who  are  to  (p.  140)  go  &  settle 
there.1 

The  Six  Nations  Answer. 

"  This  Town  of  Albany  has  been  of  old  a  place  of 
Meeting  &  Treaty  between  us,  &  since  that  time  it  has  been 
agreed  that  this  should  be  the  place  only  of  Treaty  not  only 
between  this  Gov*  &  us  but  with  all  our  Neighbouring  Colonies 
of  North  America  to  be  a  fixed  &  settled  Place  to  treat  of  Peace 
&  Tranquility  &  those  who  had  any  occasion  to  treat  with  us 
might  come  &  meet  us  here." 

They  solommly  renew  the  Cov*  not  only  in  behalf  of  this  Gov* 
but  all  the  British  Dominions  in  North  America. 

They  tell  the  Govr  his  kindness  to  them  exceeds  that  of  his 
Predecessors.  That  Trade  is  the  cheapest  Motive  to  promote 
Friendship.2 

They  are  well  pleased  with  his  Excellencys  Design  of  building 
a  Block  house  at  the  Mouth  of  Onondaga  River  &  say  if  those 
who  settle  there  will  sell  as  Cheap  as  they  do  at  Albany  it  will 
prove  a  Bever  Trap  &  catch  all  the  Bever. 

But  they  propose  the  intended  Block  House  to  be  at  the  End  of 
the  Oneida  Lake  &  desire  the  Govrs  Opinion  thereon. 

The  19  Sepr  1724.      Govr  Burnet  made  Answer  to  the  above 
Speech  of  the  Six  Nations  viz. 

I  always  like  to  hear  your  Answers  that  come  from 
yourselves  but  I  do  not  like  the  Answers  wch  the  Traders  here  put 
into  your  Mouths,  for  they  neither  love  you  nor  me,  but  mind 
only  their  own  Profit,  &  therefore  I  expect  that  for  the  future  you 
make  all  your  Answers  yourselves  &  never  (p.  141)  Advise  with 
any  of  these  Traders  what  you  shall  say  for  I  can  always  find 
out  what  is  your  own  &  what  comes  from  them. 

1  This  Block  house  is  now  the  Trading  House  wch  is  called  the  Fort  at  Oswego 
ab*  300  Miles  from  Albany,  as  I  have  been  informed  by  an  Lieu*  of  the  Indep* 
Companys  lately  posted  there,  in  a  poor  condition  &  little  capable  of  making  any 
great  Defence,  &  from  a  rough  Plan  of  it  given  me  by  Mr  Evans  the  Map  maker 
there  is  a  high  hill  within  Musket  Shot  of  it  wch  overlooks  &  commands  it. 

2  The  Indians  frequently  repeat  that  Trade  was  the  foundation  of  their  Alliance 
or  Connexions  with  us  &  that  it  is  the  chief  Cement  w0*1  binds  us  together.     And 
this  should  undoubtedly  be  the  first  Principle  of  our  whole  System  of  Indian  Politics. 


154          W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

As  to  the  Block  house  it  must  be  at  the  Onondagas  River 
Mouth  &  not  at  the  Oniedas  Lake  for  the  far  Indians  pass  only 
at  the  Mouth  of  the  said  River  &  do  not  come  up  to  the  Oniedas 
Lake,  so  that  the  Bever  Trap  would  then  be  so  far  off  that  it 
would  catch  no  Bevers  at  all,  And  this  a  thing  the  Traders  put 
into  your  head  on  purpose  that  the  Bevers  may  all  go  to  Canada 
where  they  had  rather  Trade  with  the  French  than  with  you,  by 
wch  yOU  may  see  they  are  not  your  Friends. 

Another  false  story  they  have  put  into  your  heads  is,  that 
Goods  should  be  as  cheap  at  the  Onondagas  Country  as  here  wch 
they  know  cannot  be  for  then  there  would  be  no  allowance  made 
for  the  Trouble  of  carrying  them  wch  however  I  will  order  them  to 
make  as  small  as  they  can  afford  it. 

I  am  always  ready  to  show  you  what  kindness  I  can  but  I  will 
not  suffer  my  People  who  are  under  my  Gov*  to  put  Notions  into 
your  heads  contrary  to  my  Desires  for  your  Good  &  if  I  knew 
them  I  would  punish  them  for  their  Presumption  in  doing  it,  so 
that  I  must  expect  from  you  as  a  proof  of  your  thankfulness  to 
me  that  you  will  be  advised  in  these  things  by  none  but  me  & 
these  Officers  whom  I  think  fit  to  appoint  &  then  we  shall  always 
remain  good  Bretheren.1 

N.  B.  That  influence  wch  private  Persons  from  their  own  Selfish 
&  Lucrative  views  have  upon  the  public  Speeches  of  the 
Indians  wch  Govr  Burnet  above  complains  of,  is  more  or 
less  the  Case  in  most  Conferences  to  this  day.  the  Indians 
where  they  do  not  perceive  their  imediate  Interest  are 
easily  persuaded  to  speak  according  as  it  dictated  to  them, 
&  few  of  their  public  Speeches  are  the  genuine  produce  of 
(p.  142)  their  own  Wills  &  Sentiments,  they  often  unknow 
ingly  enter  into  the  Personal  Views  &  resentments  of 
others,  this  Collusion  with  the  Indians  very  often  misleads 

1  The  above  is  faithfully  extracted  from  the  Govrs  Speech  as  recorded,  &  seems 
to  me  an  incontestible  proof  in  Point  with  how  much  Justice  I  have  Attempted  to 
Delineate  the  Character  of  these  Albany  Traders  in  the  Strictures  to  these  Abstracts. 
They  are  People  from  whom  I  have  received  no  Personal  Injury  &  towards  whom 
I  am  not  conscious  if  any  ungrounded  Prejudice.  My  reflections  arise  from  Facts 
against  them,  their  well-known  Character  &  my  sense  of  &  Love  for  the  Public 
Good,  to  w°h  they  have  (in  general)  been  &  I  am  afraid  are  still  [Insensebl]  In 
sensible. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  155 

a  Govr  &  injures  the  Public.  Methods  might  be  found  out 
to  prevent  or  at  least  to  obviate  these  indirect  &  scanda 
lous  Proceedings  were  we  provided  with  Interpreters 
upon  whose  Integrity  [we]  a  dependance  could  be  made, 
but  they  are  often  partys  in  the  Case  or  bought  or  in 
fluenced  to  be  such,  They  live  at  Albany  &  are  Dutchmen. 
The  present  Colony  Interpreter  is  the  Son  of  a  Negro 
Woman  &  I  know  understands  neither  Dutch  nor  English 
Well,  I  have  tried  him  in  both  Languages  &  have  with 
great  Difficulty  been  able  to  make  Sense  out  of  his  Inter 
pretation  in  either  Language.  The  Interpreter  ought  in 
my  opinion  to  have  a  handsome  Salary  &  be  a  Man  of 
Substance  &  Character  to  be  upon  Oath  neither  to  be 
concerned  directly  nor  Indirectly  in  any  Indian  Trade,  & 
if  possible  not  to  reside  within  the  Air  of  Albany  &  every 
time  he  acts  as  public  Interpreter  to  have  the  Oaths 
renewed  to  him  &c  &c 

In  this  Conference  I  find  Govr  Burnet  reminds  the  Indians  of  their 
Promise  to  take  up  the  Hatchet  against  the  Eastern  Indians  if 
they  continued  to  refuse  their  Mediation  between  the  Gov*  of 
Boston  &  them.  The  Eastern  Indians  still  continued  the  War  & 
Boston  Commiss"  were  now  at  Albany  to  apply  to  the  Six  Na 
tions  to  join  them  in  the  sd  War  against  the  Eastern  Indians,  the 
Govr  calls  on  them  to  fulfill  their  Promises  &  assist  the  People  of 
Boston. 

how  this  affair  was  settled  between  the  Boston  Commissr3  &  the 
6  Nations  the  Records  do  not  mention  nor  anything  further  upon 
that  Subject. 

By  the  Commiss"  Letter  to  Govr  Burnet  dated  the  3d  of  October 
1724.  I  find  the  6  Nations  refused  to  take  up  the  Hatchet  in 
favour  of  the  Govr  of  Boston  &  advised  the  Commiss"  to  make 
Peace  on  the  best  Terms  they  could. 

I  find  the  Trade  to  Canada  is  carried  on  in  Spight  of  the  Law  & 
penalty  to  the  Contrary,  &  that  the  Commissra  are  very  suspicious 
that  Perjury  is  made  use  of  to  evade  the  Penalty,  the  following 
is  Extracted  from  a  Letter  they  wrote  Govr  Burnet  on  the  Sub 
ject. 


156          W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN   RECORDS 

(P.  143.)  Albany  12  Octor  1724  — 
Sir 

"  Our  last  was  the  3d  Inst  whereto  we  take  leave  to  refer. 
Mr  Hansen  &  Cornells  Cuyler  are  returned  from  Canada  &  since 
their  arrival  are  brought  to  this  Place  114  packs  of  Bever  besides 
Deer  Skins  &  several  Canoes  yet  expected  wch  we  suppose  cant  be 
for  Christian  Goods  only,  the  Sherrif  has  a  Warrant  to  appre 
hend  the  sd  Hansen  &  Cuyler  to  bring  them  before  this  Board  in 
order  to  tender  them  the  Oath  provided  by  Act  of  Gen1  Assembly 
for  preventing  Illegal  Trade  with  the  Subjects  of  the  French 
King. 

"  The  first  has  been  brought  before  us  who  has  taken  the 
sd  Oath,  the  last  keeps  close  &  not  yet  to  be  taken,  until  (as  We 
suppose)  he  sends  another  parcell  of  Strouds  by  this  party  of 
Indians  now  in  Town  &  how  People  can  take  the  said  Oath  (is 
surprizing)  who  received  large  Quantities  of  Bever,  for  its  plain  the 
French  covet  nothing  more  than  Strouds  &  by  what  we  can  learn 
will  sufficiently  be  supplied  for  the  next  Season,  which  will  wholly 
evade  your  Excellcya  good  Purposes  to  promote  a  Trade  with  the  far 
Indians,  how  to  prevent  this  Pernicious  Trade  is  a  great  Mystery 
to  us,  but  find  its  not  in  our  power  since  a  few  Men  break  thro 
the  severest  Laws  that  can  be  invented  for  the  Good  &  Pros 
perity  of  this  Province  in  general,  tho  we  shall  resolve  to  tender 
the  said  Oath  to  whole  Families  among  whom  any  may  be  sus 
pected  &  if  it  cannot  be  found  out  &  prevented  by  that  Method, 
we  with  Submission  shall  then  be  at  a  Loss  how  to  act  further, 
for  its  plain  that  Strouds  is  transported  to  Canada.  - 

Albany  16  March  1724/5  Some  French  Indians  arrive  at  Al 
bany  &  inform  the  Commissrs  that  their  Govr  had  heard  of 
the  Trading  House  wch  Govr  Burnet  had  got  the  consent 
of  the  6  Nations  to  build  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Onondaga's 
River  &  that  he  threatened  if  such  a  House  was  built  he 
would  come  &  demolish  it.  And  that  the  Sd  Govr  had 
sent  Carpenters  &  Materials  to  build  a  Fort  at  Niagara  & 
Two  Vessells  to  be  built  &  employed  on  Cadaraqui  Lake 
to  fetch  &  carry  Bever  thro  the  said  Lake  from  the  falls 
of  Niagara. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  1 57 

The  Commissra  transmit  this  Intelligence  to  Govr 
Burnet  &  they  say  if  the  French  are  suffered  to  build  this 
Fort  at  Niagara  it  will  defeat  all  his  Excellcya  Intentions 
with  regard  to  the  increase  of  the  Indian  Trade  of  this 
Colony.  They  say  we  are  of  Opinion  that  £100  —  in  pres 
ents  to  prevent  this  Building  of  the  French  will  go  further 
now  than  £1000  —  after  its  made.  We  take  also  leave  to 
repeat  what  (p.  141)  we  sd  in  our  former  of  the  7  Janry  last 
that  a  Settlement  at  Irondequat  would  be  of  Service  for 
it  seems  plain  to  us  that  if  no  Settlement  be  made  among 
the  5  Nations  we  will  in  process  of  time  loose  most  of  our 
best  &  trusty  Indians  &  then  in  Course  all  the  Trade. 

Albany  3d  May  1725.  Commissrs  from  the  Gov*  of  Boston  having 
been  sent  to  Monsr  Vaudruiel  Govr  Gen1  of  Canada  in 
order  to  remonstrate  to  him  upon  the  War  wch  the  Eastern 
Indians  carry  on  against  the  Inhabitants  of  Boston  Govfc 
stop  in  their  return  at  Albany  &  Accquaint  the  Commiss" 
of  the  following  particulars  — 

That  Monsr  Vaudruil  told  them,  he  had  been  informed 
that  the  Govr  of  New  York  intended  to  build  a  Block 
house  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Onondaga  River,  that  he  should 
look  upon  such  a  proceeding  as  an  infraction  of  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht  &  would  certainly  demolish  any  such 
Building. 

That  he  could  at  any  time  set  the  five  Nations  (who 
were  expressly  named  in  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  as  depend 
ing  on  the  British  Dominions)  upon  the  English  to  kill  & 
Captivate  his  Majesties  Subjects.  They  say  further. 

That  Monsr  Vaudruiel  has  by  himself  or  others  so  far 
instigated  the  Abnequois  Indians  as  to  make  demands  on 
the  Gov*  of  the  Massachusetts  of  30  Leagues  on  the  Sea 
Coast  all  within  the  Grant  of  that  Province  from  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain  &  in  wch  has  been  settled  several 
Towns  &  many  hundreds  of  Inhabitants  &  Forts  built  by 
order  from  home  &  some  of  them  possessed  upwards  of 
80  years,  altho  the  same  has  been  fairly  purchased  & 
possessed  as  aforesaid. 


158          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

And  on  asking  these  Indians  how  far  their  demand  was 
Eastward  their  Answer  was  in  the  presence  of  Monsr 
Vaudruiel,  the  whole  Country  of  Lacadie  or  Nova  Scotia 
excepting  only  the  Fort  of  Anapolis  Royal  notwithstand 
ing  the  said  Country  of  Laccadia  belongs  to  the  British 
Crown.  &  these  unreasonable  Indians  were  countenanced 
by  the  said  Govr  &  a  numerous  Company  of  French. 

The  sd  Indians  told  us  plainly  they  would  have  no 
Peace  unless  all  the  sd  Land  was  delivered  up  &c 

We  demanded  an  Answer  from  the  sd  Govr  of  Canada 
in  writing  wch  he  refused,  &  denied  that  he  had  encouraged 
the  said  Indians  in  the  War,  tho  we  had  his  own  Letters 
in  our  hands  to  prove  he  had. 

Albany  the  5  June  1725.  Govr  Burnet  not  being  able  to  meet  the 
6  Nations  this  year  at  Albany,  directs  the  Commissrs  to 
send  a  Message  to  them  of  it  &  that  if  they  have  any 
Matters  of  Consequence  to  communicate  to  send  Deputies 
to  the  Commissrs  at  Albany.  Laur.  Claasse  the  Inter 
preter  is  sent  up  with  this  Message  to  Onondaga  &  also  to 
tell  (p.  142)  The  Six  Nations  that  Govr  Burnet  does  not 
intend  to  build  a  Fort  at  the  Mouth  of  Onondaga  River 
but  only  a  Trading  House.  - 

ii  June  1725.  Laur.  Claasse  returns  from  Onondaga  &  reports 
that  the  Indians  were  well  pleased  with  the  Message  he 
bro*  them  &  said  they  had  nothing  against  building  a 
House  for  promoting  Trade.1 

They  also  accquainted  him  what  Mons8  Longviele  had 
said  to  them.  That  he  was  sent  by  the  Govr  of  Canada  to 
renew  &  strengthen  the  Treaty  of  Peace  &  Friendship 
between  them,  wch  was  solemnly  done  on  both  sides. 
he  accquainted  them  that  he  was  going  to  Irondequat, 
thence  to  the  Sennekas  Country  &  thence  to  Niagara 
where  he  proposed  to  have  a  good  Strong  House  built  for 

1  I  find  the  Indians  were  much  alarmed  about  the  Block  House  mentioned  in 
Govr  Burnets  last  conference  with  the  6  Nations,  whether  the  French  had  raised 
this  ferment  amongst  them,  or  the  Canada  Traders  at  Albany  or  both  together, 
the  Records  do  not  explain;  but  the  latter  is  my  Opinion. 

I 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          159 

Trade  &  to  build  Two  Vessells  on  the  Lake  Ontario  for 
the  Transportation  of  Goods  to  &  from  the  said  Trading 
House.  - 

It  is  not  recorded  what  Answer  the  Indians  made  to 
this  Speech  of  Monsr  Longeville.  - 

19  June  1725 — A  Sachem  from  the  Janondadies  a  Nation  of 
Indians  living  near  a  French  Settlement  called  Detroit 
between  Lake  Huron  &  Lake  Erie  appears  before  the 
Commissrs  &  tells  them  he  is  sent  in  the  Name  of  their 
Nation  to  thank  this  Gov1  for  the  Invitation  sent  them  & 
the  other  upper  Nations  to  come  &  Trade  at  Albany  & 
in  consequence  of  their  accepting  &  approving  the  said 
Invitation  he  gives  a  Belt  of  Wampum. 

12  Aug*  The  Commissra  write  Govr  Burnet  that  several 
Sachems  of  the  6  Nations  (they  are  informed)  are  gone  to 
Canada  to  treat  with  the  Govr  &  that  some  conjecture  its 
to  sell  the  Land  &  fall  on  Onondaga  River  where  our 
People  trade  with  the  far  Indians. 

They  say  they  do  what  lays  in  their  power  to  prevent 
the  illegal  Trade  to  Canada  but  find  it  to  little  purpose 
for  Strouds  they  are  informed  are  plentifully  conveyed  to 
the  French  as  well  by  way  of  Onondaga  River  as  directly 
from  Albany  to  Montreal.1 

We  shall  (say  they)  have  a  hard  struggle  to  get  an 
exact  (p.  143)  Account  of  what  Bever  &  Skins  have  been 
got  by  the  Western  Trade  we  are  informed  the  profit  of 
these  Traders  is  considerable  &  that  the  Number  Skins  is 
above  trebble  what  has  come  from  Canada. 

The  2d  September  1725.  The  Commiss"  write  the  Govr  the  most 
exact  List  they  could  obtain  of  the  Quantity  of  Bever  & 
Furs  wch  have  been  brought  to  Albany  by  the  Traders 
with  the  Far  or  Western  Indians  this  last  Spring  &  Sum- 

1  The  Penalty  of  £100  —  upon  being  convicted  of  sending  Strouds  to  Canada 
did  not  deter  some,  who  paid  it  &  yet  found  it  a  profitable  Trade,  Others  swore 
themselves  off,  much  to  the  astonishment  of  the  Commiss1"8  as  mentioned  in  the 
above  extract  of  their  Letter  to  the  Govr  pag  143.  They  seem  to  suspect  some 
of  Perjury  &  I  am  of  their  Opinion. 


l6o          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

mer.1  by  wch  List  it  appears.  That  —  52  Cannoes  &  near 
100  Persons  had  been  employed  in  Trade  with  the  farr 
Indians  many  of  wch  Persons  had  made  Two  Trips  &  that 
above  788.  Bundles  of  Skins  had  been  brought  to  Albany. 
Besides  wch  the  Commiss™  say  they  are  informed  43  Can- 
noes  with  farr  Indians  who  by  computation  have  brought 
200  Bundles  of  Bever  &  Furs  to  Albany  &  Schenectady 
this  last  Summer. 

And  that  from  Canada  has  only  come  to  Albany  to 
the  above  date  of  their  Letter  176  Bundles  of  Bever  & 
Deer  Skins. 

10  Sepr  Seven  hands  of  Wampum  are  sent  to  the  Commissr8  by 
the  Canada  Indians  that  they  propose  being  at  Albany 
by  the  first  of  Octor  &  desire  Our  GoV  The  Govr  of  Boston 
&  the  representatives  of  the  6  Nats,  to  meet  them  there. 
This  Intelligence  the  Commiss"  transmit  to  the  Govr  of 
Boston  &  accquaint  him  that  they  are  of  Opinion  this 
Meeting  is  desired  in  Order  to  put  a  final  End  to  the  War 
between  that  Gov*  &  the  Eastern  Indians,  for  they  are 
informed  the  Indians  grow  quite  tired  of  it  &  would  long 
ago  have  made  Peace  had  they  not  been  supported  & 
instigated  to  the  Contrary  by  the  Govr  of  Canada  &  the 
Priests.  — 

26  Sepr  1725.  Twelve  Sachems  of  the  Onondagas  Cayouges  & 
Tuscaroras  come  to  Albany  &  in  the  Name  of  all  the  Six 
Nations  conplain  of  the  Pouder  that  is  sold  them,  they 
say  it  is  so  bad  it  will  hardly  give  any  report,  &  that  if  their 
Guns  have  been  charged  with  it  one  night  they  wont  go 
off  in  the  Morning.  They  say  it  is  a  great  Cheat  to  sell  a 
Commodity  that  is  not  good  especially  Pouder  wch  is  their 
Chief  Support. 

They  complain  that  Rum  is  so  plentifully  sold  at  the 
Trading  House  at  Oswego,  as  Debauches  their  Young 
Men  &  renders  them  incapable  of  Order  &  Obedience  And 

1  The  list  is  detailed,  giving  the  names  of  the  individual  traders  and  the  number 
of  skins  obtained  by  each.  —  ED. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  l6l 

they  design  that  Pouder  may  be  sold  them  instead  of 

Rum.  — 

The  Commiss"  Answer,  they  are  sorry  for  the  Complaint  of  the 
(p.  144)  Pouder  &  that  they  would  desire  the  Govr  to  write  the 
King  to  order  better  Pouder  to  be  made. 

That  they  should  have  Pouder  &  Lead  sold  at  Oswego  but  as  to 
Rum  the  Traders  were  obliged  to  carry  some  or  the  far  Indians 
would  not  Trade  with  them. 

Albany  10  October  1725  —  Six  Sachems  as  Deputies  from  the  6 
Nations  arrive  at  Albany  &  Accquaint  the  Commiss"  — 
That  they  are  come  to  complain  of  the  Sale  of  Strong 
Liquors  at  the  New  Trading  House  built  at  Onondaga 
River's  Mouth,  &  they  desire  the  Sale  of  Rum  there  may 
be  forbid  as  it  occasions  Bloodshed,  Quarrels  &  Confusion 
amongst  their  People,  that  if  the  far  or  other  Indians  want 
rum  they  may  come  to  Albany  to  fetch  it. 

They  exhort  us  to  live  in  Peace  &  Quiet  with  the 
French  &  carry  on  our  Trade  without  Molesting  each 
other.  They  say,  they  have  given  the  French  Liberty  of  free 
Passage  thro  Lake  Ontario. 

They  say  the  Govr  told  them  the  way  to  Canada  was 
stopped  up  so  that  no  Strouds  should  be  carried  thither, 
but  they  find  Strouds  have  been  carried  to  Onondaga 
River  &  there  sold  to  the  French  wch  they  will  further 
declare  when  they  meet  the  Govr  next  Spring. 

The  Commissr3  Answer  that  they  will  accquaint  His 
Excellency  with  this  their  Message. 

12  Febry  1725/6  The  Commissra  being  informed  that  the  Six 
Nations  expected  an  Answer  to  their  Above  Message  about 
Selling  Rum  at  Onondaga  &  if  they  dont  receive  One  are 
detirmined  to  put  their  Resolutions  in  force,  and  the 
Commissra  finding  it  impossible  to  prevent  Rum  being 
carried  up  there  in  order  to  push  a  Trade  with  the  far 
Indians,  they  dispatch  Laur  Claasse  the  Interpreter  to 
Onondaga  to  accquaint  the  6  Nations  that  the  Trade 
with  the  far  Indians  cannot  be  carried  on  without  Rum, 


1 62  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

but  that  none  should  be  sold  to  [the]  any  of  the  Six  Nations 
&  that  the  Govr  expects  they  will  not  molest  the  Traders 
who  are  going  up  &  that  when  he  meets  them  at  Albany  he 
will  endeavour  to  settle  this  Affair  to  their  Satisfaction. 

The  Interpreter  is  also  instructed  that  if  he  hears 
confirmed  that  some  French  are  settled  in  the  Sennecas 
Country  he  is  to  proceed  thither  in  order  to  enquire  for 
what  Ends  &  Designs  they  are  suffered  to  live  there. 

1 6  March  Laurence  Claasse  returns  &  reports  to  the  Commiss" 
that  (p.  145)  The  Sachems  of  the  Mohowks  told  him  that 
they  could  give  no  Liberty  that  Rum  should  be  sold 
to  the  farr  Indians  in  their  Country  but  promised  they 
would  neither  hinder  or  molest  any  of  the  farr  Indians  or 
Traders  in  their  going  up  or  coming  down  — 

That  the  Sachems  of  Oneida,  Onondaga  &  Cayouga 
told  him  that  Deputies  were  gone  up  from  them  to  the 
Sennecas  Country  where  a  French  Smith  &  his  Family  was 
settled  &  that  there  he  would  receive  Answers  to  his 
Message  to  wch  they  referred  him  - 

That  on  his  arrival  at  the  Sennecas  Country  he  found 
there  the  Deputies  of  the  4  Nations  who  being  in  Council 
sent  for  him,  &  told  him,  (after  he  had  spoke  to  them 
according  to  his  Instructions)  that  they  had  found  so 
many  fatal  Effects  from  the  Traders  selling  Rum  in  their 
Countrys  that  they  would  not  give  their  Consent  to  it, 
&  gave  him  a  Belt  of  Wampum  for  the  Commissrs  as  a 
Solemn  Token  that  they  desired  there  might  be  an  Abso 
lute  Prohibition  of  bringing  rum  in  their  Country  for  the 
Far  Indians,  &  that  they  &  all  others  who  wanted  it  might 
go  to  Albany  to  fetch  it. 

That  he  found  a  french  Smith  with  his  Wife  &  Chil 
dren,  an  Assistant  &  Three  French  Men  as  Residents 
amongst  the  Sennecas  whom  they  say  were  put  upon  them 
unawares. 

They  desire  to  meet  the  Govr  next  early  in  the  Spring 
to  confer  with  him  on  Matters  of  Great  Importance. 


W RAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  163 

That  he  was  informed  by  a  trusty  Indian  that  the 
French  had  obtained  Leave  from  the  Onondagas  to  build  a 
Trading  House  on  the  West  side  of  Jagara  River  wch  vents 
itself  into  the  Cadaraqui  Lake  on  the  South  side  thereof 
in  the  Passage  of  the  Indians  to  Albany.  — 

The  1 8  March  the  Commissrs  transmit  to  the  Govr  a  Copy  of 
Laurence  Claasse's  Report  to  them  &  in  their  Letter  write 
thus.  - 

"  We  are  humbly  of  Opinion  that  it  is  a  Matter  of  the  last 
Consequence  to  this  Province  that  no  Care  [be]  is  taken  to  prevent 
the  French  [to]  from  resid8  among  our  Indians,  And  that  no 
Person  of  Ability  with  a  Number  of  Men  be  sent  to  dwell  con 
tinually  among  them;  We  hope  the  Assembly  will  please  to 
consider  of  a  Fund  to  defray  the  Charge  without  wch  it  appears 
plain  to  us  that  the  French  get  daily  more  footing  &  our  Interest 
decreases  wch  at  last  may  end  in  our  Destruction  " 

(P.  146.)  The  21.  April  1726.  I  find  Major  Abraham  Schuyler 
was  by  Govr  Burnets  Orders  Dispatched  amongst  the  6 
Nations  as  a  Resident  amongst  them  to  watch  the  Motions 
of  the  French,  to  support  our  Trade  with  the  Far  Indians 
&  to  prevent  the  Traders  from  abusing  &  imposing  on 
them  &c 

the  27  April  in  a  Letter  of  the  Commissrs  to  Govr  Burnet  I  find 

this  paragraph. 

"  We  hear  of  many  that  are  gone  to  Trade  to  the  West 
ward  even  to  the  Number  of  50  Canoes.  People  encourage  that 
Trade  now  to  emulation  even  those  who  were  at  first  against  it." 

the  8  June  1726.  the  Commissrs  write  the  follow8  Letter  to  Govr 
Burnet.  May  it  please  your  Excellency. 

It  is  with  no  little  Concern  that  the  Intelligence  we 
had  from  Montreal  &  we  informed  yr  Excellcy  with,  that 
the  French  are  sending  up  a  Number  of  Men  to  Jagara 
(Niagara)  There  are  now  120  Men  as  Major  Abraham 
Schuyler  Advises  us,  And  now  we  have  an  ace*  that  the 
Two  Vessells  built  by  the  French  at  Cadaraqui  passed  by 
the  Mouth  of  Onondaga  River  bound  to  Jagara  with 


164          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Lime  &c  to  make  the  above  Building,  this  may  &  we 
humbly  conceive  will  prove  of  fatal  Consequence  to  this 
Province  in  particular  &  very  destructive  to  the  Fur 
Trade,  by  what  we  are  assured  that  this  Building  is  to  be 
at  the  South  side  of  Jagara  River  where  is  a  good  Harbour 
for  Vessells  &  conveniently  sittuated  to  intercept  all  the 
Fur  Trade  of  the  Upper  Nations  &  even  of  our  Sennecas 
who  must  pass  by  that  place  as  they  come  from  their 
Hunting  who  cant  avoid  passing  by  that  place  or  so  near  it 
that  the  French  there  will  trade  with  them,  they  are  to 
have  a  large  Store  of  Goods  there  for  Supplying  the 
Indians. 

We  hope  your  Excellcy  will  be  pleased  to  take  such 
Measures  as  your  Excellcy  in  your  great  Wisdom  shall 
seem  most  proper  to  frustrate  the  French  pernicious 
Designs  in  putting  up  this  Building  on  Land  belonging 
to  the  Indians.  We  are  assured  that  400  Men  of  the 
Militia  at  Montreal  are  detached  to  be  ready  on  the  first 
Notice  to  go  up  to  Jagara  if  the  Indians  should  restrain 
them  from  making  that  Building.  By  this  &  their  other 
Vigilant  Actions  it  appears  plain  to  us  that  they  will  use 
their  utmost  Endeavours  to  prevent  us  from  having  any 
Trade  at  all  from  any  Indians  settled  about  Jagara  (p. 
147)  or  about  the  Lake  of  Cadaraqui.  how  this  agrees 
with  the  Treaty  of  Commerce  your  Excellcy  may  best 
judge.  — 

Albany  2d  Sepr  1726.     Govr  Burnet  arrives  at  Albany  to  Confer 
with  the  Deputies  of  the  Six  Nations. 

7  Sepr  Govr  Burnet  has  a  private  Conferrence  with  Two  Sachems 
of  each  of  the  Six  Nations.  The  Subject  of  the  Confer 
rence  was  upon  the  leave  said  to  be  given  by  some  Onan- 
daga  Sachems  to  the  French  to  build  the  Fort  at  Niagara. 
The  Onondaga  Sachems  say  that  last  year  when 
Monsr  Longeville  was  amongst  them  he  complained  that 
his  House  at  Niagara  was  grown  old  &  rotten  &  spoiled  his 
Goods  &  desired  leave  of  them  a  New  House  there  to  keep 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          165 

his  Goods  dry,  &  that  if  they  would  consent  to  his  Build 
ing  said  House  &  to  heve  Vessells  on  Cadaraqui  Lake  it 
should  be  for  their  Good,  Peace,  &  Quietness  &  for  their 
Childrens  Children  that  the  French  would  protect  them 
300  Years  — 

They  say  they  did  not  foresee  the  ill  consequence  of 
this  permission  of  building  a  House  &  when  they  granted 
it  they  desired  Monsr  Longeville  would  not  deceive  them 
as  the  French  had  done  in  building  a  Fort  instead  of  a 
House  at  Cadaraqui  wch  had  been  the  Occasion  of  a  War 
between  them.  Monsr  Longeville  replyed  they  need  not 
fear  any  Mischief  from  this  Building. 

The  Govr  asked  them  if  the  Land  at  Niagara  belonged  to  the 
Onondagas  or  to  the  Sennecas.  All  the  Sachems  acknowl 
edged  that  not  only  the  Land  at  Niagara  but  the  Land  on 
the  other  side  of  Cadaraqui  Lake  belonged  to  the  Sen 
necas.  l- 

And  the  Onondagas  acknowledged  that  when  Monsr 

Longeville  was  in  their  Country,  the  Sennecas  wTho  were 

aware  of  his  Designs  sent  a  Belt  of  Wampum  to  them  to 

forewarn  them  not  to  give  the  French  leave  to  make 

any  Building  or  Settlement  (p.  148)   at  Niagara  or  at 

Oswego  or  elsewhere  upon  their  Land.  — 

And  the  said  Onondaga  Sachems  acknowledge  that  they  did 

very  wrong  in  giving  this  Leave  to  the  French  &  had  better  have 

let  it  alone  to  the  Sennecas  whose  Land  it  is,  &  that  they  Repent 

of  it. 

They  say  that  it  is  customary  among  their  Tribes  for  One  to 
Negotiate  Business  with  any  other  People  wch  if  afterwards 
approved  of  by  the  other  Tribes  stands  good,  but  if  not  the 
Transaction  is  null  &  void,  And  that  in  this  Affair  their  Proceed 
ings  were  disapproved  by  the  rest  of  their  Confederate  Tribes  & 
therefore  of  no  Force.  — 

1  this  Land  on  the  other  side  of  Cadaraqui  Lake  is  the  Land  principally  meant, 
by  that  Land  w0*1  we  conquered  above  80  years  ago  where  the  Bever  Hunting  is, 
mentioned  in  that  Indian  Deed  so  often  quoted  in  y6  year  1701.  Surrendered  to 
the  Crown  &  annexed  to  this  Province 


1 66          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

The  Onondagas  say  that  Monsr  Longeville  cajolled  &  imposed 
upon  them  &  got  this  Liberty  from  them  by  his  Artifices  &  fair 
Speeches. 

All  the  Sachems  say  that  when  they  found  the  French  were 
proceeding  in  this  Building  at  Niagara  they  dispatched  Two 
Sachems  with  a  Belt  of  Wampum  in  the  name  of  all  the  Six 
Nations  to  the  French  at  Niagara  to  forbid  them  to  proceed  with 
their  Building  &  protested  against  their  proceedings  there.  - 

That  the  French  answered  they  could  not  desist  from  their 
Building  being  ordered  by  the  Govr  of  Canada  to  proceed,  &  that 
they  had  the  Consent  of  the  6  Nations  for  doing  it.  That  Jean 
Coeur  the  French  Interpreter  was  going  to  Montreal  &  would  tell 
the  Govr  of  their  Message,  but  threw  their  Belt  back  &  rejected  it. 
The  Messengers  denied  their  having  leave  from  the  Six  Nat3  & 
desired  the  French  to  name  the  Sachems  who  gave  them  this 
Liberty,  to  this  the  French  would  make  no  Answer  but  said  when 
the  House  was  finished  there  would  be  30  Soldiers  placed  in  it. 

They  complain  to  the  Govr  that  the  Traders  who  come  in  their 
Country  do  cheat  them  very  much  in  the  Sale  of  Rum  instead  of 
wch  they  sell  them  their  own  Water  wch  in  a  Day  or  two  stinks  & 
is  noisome.  - 

Govr  Burnet  then  Accquainted  the  Sachems  that  he  had  wrote 
the  Govr  of  Canada  the  following  Letter  upon  the  Subject  of 
their  Building  at  Niagara. 

sent  to  Canada  by  Mr  Philip  Livingston. 

Sir  Amboy  5  July  1726  - 

I  have  heard  a  Report  from  Persons  who  have  been  among  the 
5  Nations  that  there  are  One  hundred  French  at  (p.  149)  Ni 
agara  who  were  begining  to  build  a  Fort  there  with  a  Design  to 
Shut  up  the  5  Nations  &  to  hinder  the  other  Indians  to  pass 
freely  to  trade  with  us  as  they  used  to  do.  I  thought  myself 
Obliged  to  signify  to  you  how  much  I  am  surprized  at  such  an 
undertaking  so  contrary  to  the  Treaty  of  Peace  made  at  Utrecht, 
wherein  it  is  Stippulated  that  the  5  Nations  should  remain  to  the 
English,  &  the  French  should  not  in  any  ways  Molest  them,  And 
that  all  the  Indians  in  America  should  enjoy  the  Liberty  to  fre- 


WRAX ALLS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

quent  each  of  the  Two  Nations  on  Ace*  of  Trade  without  any 
hinderhance.  I  beleive  also  that  the  5  Nations  will  always 
maintain  that  the  Land  at  Niagara  belongs  to  them  and  that  the 
French  have  never  in  the  Time  of  Mr  De  La  Salle  nor  since 
undertaken  to  do  anything  in  that  Place  without  consent  of  the 
Sennacas;  And  since  the  French  have  by  the  last  Peace  yeilded 
the  5  Nations  to  us,  it  follows  from  thence,  that  they  have  no 
Pretensions  on  the  Land  of  those  Nations.  I  hope  Sir  after  you 
have  seriously  considered  what  I  have  the  honour  to  represent  to 
you  that  you  will  take  care  that  nothing  be  done  contrary  to  the 
Treaties  &  the  perfect  Union  wch  is  at  present  established  between 
the  Two  Crowns  by  the  last  Alliance.  If  this  Fortification  goes 
on  I  shall  find  myself  Obliged  to  represent  it  to  my  Court  to  the 
end  that  the  Court  of  France  being  wrell  informed  of  this  Affair 
may  give  their  Orders  thereupon,  As  I  have  heard  say  they  have 
already  given  to  understand  that  they  blame  Monsr  Vaudruiel 
for  the  share  he  has  had  in  the  War  of  the  Eastern  Indians.  — 

The  Govr  told  the  Sachems  that  he  expected  an  Answer  to  this 
Letter  but  a  new  Govr  being  come  to  Canada  they  had  no  time 
to  write.  — 

The  Govr  had  next  read  &  interpreted  to  them  the  15  Articles 
of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  &  told  them  the  Question  now  was  if  the 
Building  at  Niagara  was  not  prejudicial  to  them,  to  their  Hunting 
&  to  the  far  Indians  coming  to  Albany  on  Account  of  Trade;  If 
they  say  it  is  no  hinderance  to  them  to  go  a  hunting  or  to  the  far 
Indians  coming  to  them,  His  Excellcy  has  nothing  to  say  &  the 
French  have  done  well,  but  if  they  find  it  prejudicial  &  complained 
of  it  to  His  Excellcy  he  offers  to  represent  it  to  His  Majesty  &  that 
now  they  might  say  what  they  judge  best  for  themselves.  They 
then  said. 

Brother  Corlaer 

You  have  asked  us  several  Questions  wch  we 
answered  &  you  have  accquainted  us  with  what  News  you  know 
&  Now  you  ask  if  we  approve  of  the  Building  at  Niagara,  (p.  150) 
We  do  not  only  complain  against  the  Proceedings  of  the  French 
[at]  in  fortifying  Niagara  on  our  Land  contrary  to  our  Inclination 
&  without  our  Consent  taken  us  up  from  our  chief  hunting 


1 68  WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Places,  but  we  also  humbly  beg  &  Desire  that  yr  Excellcy  will  be 
pleased  to  write  to  His  Majesty  King  George  that  he  may  have 
Compassion  on  us  &  to  write  to  the  King  of  France  to  order  his 
Govr  of  Canada  to  remove  the  Building  at  Niagara  for  we  think 
it  very  prejudicial  to  us  all. 

His  Excellcy  told  them  that  he  expected  what  they  had  now 
said  they  would  repeat  in  a  public  Manner. 

Thus  this  remarkable  Conferrence  ended,  &c 

Albany  9  Sepr  1726.  Govr  Burnet  makes  his  Public  Speech  to 
the  Six  Nations  in  wch  he  gives  them  an  Historical  Narra 
tion  of  the  Dissimulation,  Perfidy  &  Cruelty  with  wch  the 
French  had  treated  them  in  former  times  &  refers  to  their 
own  Memories  for  many  recent  Instances  of  the  same ;  he 
then  reminds  them  of  the  Conduct  of  this  Gov*  to  them  by 
way  of  Contrast. 

he  tells  them  he  is  informed  the  French  are  now  building 
a  Strong  House  or  Fort  of  Stone  at  Niagara,  he  desires  to 
know  to  whom  that  Land  belongs  &  if  the  Six  Nations  have 
consented  to  the  Building  of  this  Fort  as  the  French  aledge 
&  he  tells  them  he  has  this  Afternoon  received  a  Letter 
from  Monsr  Longeville  in  wch  he  Says  the  Six  Nations  did 
unanimously  give  their  Consent  to  the  Building  this  Fort 
in  a  full  Council  at  Niagara  the  14  July  last.  He  desires 
to  know  whether  they  are  not  apprehensive  this  Fort  will 
[not]  molest  them  in  their  Hunting  &  restrain  the  Com 
munication  between  them  &  the  far  Indians,  he  then 
writes  to  them  &  expatiates  upon  the  15  Articles  of  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht  — 

13  Sepr  1726.  The  Six  Nations  return  their  Public  Answer  to  the 
above  Speech  of  Govr  Burnets.  In  answer  to  Monsr 
Longeville's  assertion  they  say,  "  We  have  been  at 
Niagara  in  the  Name  of  the  Six  Nations  to  speak  to  the 
Govr  of  Canada  &  told  him  to  desist  from  making  any 
Building  there." 

As  to  their  Apprehensions  concerning  this  Fort  &  in 
consequence  of  the  15  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht, 
they  say 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  169 

We  speak  in  the  Name  of  all  the  Six  Nations  &  come 
to  you  howling,  this  is  the  reason  for  what  we  howl,  that 
the  Govr  of  Canada  incroaches  on  our  Land  &  builds 
thereon,  therefore  we  do  come  to  our  Brother  Corlaer  & 
desire  you  will  be  pleased  to  write  to  the  King  Your 
(p.  151)  Master  &  if  your  King  will  then  be  pleased  to  write 
to  the  King  of  France  that  the  Six  Nations  desire  that 
the  Fort  at  Niagara  may  be  demolished,  this  Belt  we  give 
to  you  our  Bror  as  a  Token  that  you  be  not  negligent  to 
write  to  the  King,  the  sooner  the  better,  &  desire  the 
Letter  may  be  wrote  very  pressing. 

They  say  Jean  Coeur  the  French  Interpreter  is  soon 
expected  at  Onondaga  &  they  desire  the  Govr  will  send  a 
Man  of  Experience  1  there  at  the  same  time  to  act  on 
behalf  of  this  Gov*  - 

After  the  public  Conferrences  were  ended  I  find  Govr  Burnet 
had  another  Private  Conferrence  with  some  Senneca,  Cayouge  & 
Onondaga  Sachems,  &  proposed  to  them  that  as  a  further  Measure 
to  prevent  the  French  from  encroaching  upon  their  Land,  they 
should  now  do  what  they  had  proposed  to  do  ab*  25  years  ago, 
namely  to  give  up  all  their  Hunting  Country  to  the  King  &  to  sign 
a  Deed  for  it,  wch  (say  the  Records)  however  has  not  been  done  — 

It  is  recorded  —  After  a  consulta 
tion  among  themselves,  that  they  would  rather  have  this  Deed  of 
Surrender  &  Submission  include  all  their  Castles. 

More  of  this  Affair  is  not  recorded. 

(N.  B.)  Mr  Pownall  who  came  over  Secretary  to  Sr  Danvers 
Osborne  told  me  that  he  had  seen  in  the  Possession  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  the  Above  mentioned  Deed  signed  by  the 
Indians  &  wch  was  proposed  by  themselves  to  Lieu*  Govr 
Nanfan  the  19  July  1701.  pag  36  &  37  —  of  these  Ab 
stracts.2 

1  by  a  Man  of  Experience  they  Mean  some  Person  who  is  no  Trader,  for  the 
Indians  hold  the  Traders  in  great  Contempt  as  a  Set  of  Mean  Dishonest  Mercenary 
Fellows  &  w^  Character  they  have  drawn  from  Dear  bought  Experience.     Co1 
Johnson  who  now,  lives  in  the  Mohawk  Country  is  the  only  Trader  I  have  ever 
heard  they  held  in  any  veneration,  him  they  much  Esteem. 

2  Ante,  pp.  39-41.  —  ED. 


170          WRAX ALL'S  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Before  Govr  Burnets  departure  from  Albany  he  appointed  Cap* 
Evert  Banker  to  reside  among  the  Sennecas  to  watch  the  Motions 
of  the  French.  And  I  find  some  time  after  the  Assembly  raised  a 
Sume  of  Money  to  build  the  Fort  now  standing  at  Oswego.  — 

I  find  also  that  the  New  Govr  of  Canada  incouraged  (p.  152) 
The  Eastern  Indians  who  were  disposed  to  Peace  to  continue 
the  War  against  New  England,  at  the  same  time  Intelligence 
came  that  he  was  marching  an  Army  to  Lake  Cadaraqui  to 
destroy  our  Building  at  the  Mouth  of  Onondaga  River  &  to  pre 
vent  our  fortifying  at  Osswego. 

From  the  foregoing  Conferences  of  Govr  Burnet  with  the  6 
Nat3  at  Albany  I  find  little  in  the  Records  but  proceedings  of 
the  Commissioners  about  Building  the  Fort  at  Osswego  &  their 
Correspondance  with  Govr  Burnet  on  that  Subject  — 

In  July  1727.  Monsr  Lassasange  Govr  of  Trois  Rivieres  arrived 
at  Albany  &  went  down  to  New  York  to  confer  with  our 
Govr  (as  we  supposed)  about  our  Building  a  Fort  at 
Osswego. 

I  shall  examine  the  Minutes  of  Council  of  this  date 
&  if  they  take  Notice  of  anything  worth  remarking 
upon  this  Visit  of  the  French  Govr  I  shall  add  it  by 
way  of  Appendix 

26  July  1726.  Two  Canoes  of  Cachnawaga  Indians  arrive  at 
Albany  &  inform  the  Commissra  that  the  Govr  of  Canada 
was  greatly  alarmed  &  provoked  at  our  Building  at 
Osswego  &  was  preparing  a  Force  to  destroy  our  Work 
there. 

That  he  had  used  his  utmost  Endeavours  to  stir  up  all 
the  Indians  as  well  his  Own  as  the  6  Nations  against  the 
English,  had  told  them  that  the  King  of  Great  Britain 
had  been  Three  years  sollicking  the  King  of  France  to 
join  with  him  in  destroying  all  the  Indians  but  that  he  had 
rejected  his  Proposals  - 

he  proposed  to  His  Indians  to  go  &  Murder  some 
Persons  ab*  Albany  or  Osswego  —  wch  they  rejected. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  IJl 

The  sd  Indian  who  gave  the  above  Information  sd  he  & 
several  Others  were  inclined  to  leave  Canada  &  come  &  live 
in  this  Gov*  if  they  could  have  Land  alotted  them  &  a 
Minister  wch  the  Commiss"  accquaint  the  Govr  with  &  say 
if  such  a  thing  could  be  Effected  it  would  be  a  great 
Security  &  Service  to  this  Province. 

(P.  153.)  Albany  the  4  Aug*  1727.  The  Sachems  of  the  Eastern 
Indians  arrive  at  Albany  to  fix  a  Peace  &  Friendship  with 
this  Colony  &  accquaint  the  Commiss"  that  others  of  their 
Sachems  are  gone  to  Boston  in  order  to  make  &  settle 
Peace  with  that  Gov*  —  The  Commiss"  receive  them 
kindly  accept  their  offers  of  Peace  &  Friendship  &c 

5  Aug*  Two  Senneca  Sachems  accquaint  the  Commiss"  that  they 
have  been  among  the  Western  or  far  Nations  in  order  to 
bring  them  into  the  Interest  of  this  Gov*  &  say  they  have 
prevailed  over  4  Tribes  or  Nations  &  were  in  hopes  of 
including  many  others  into  a  Trade  &  Friendship  with 
this  Gov*  — 

10  Aug*  Cap*  Bancker  comes  down  to  Albany  sick  from  Osswego 

-Two  others  are  sent  up  to  supply  his  Place  &  to  be 

present  at  a  Gen1  Meeting  wch  is  to  be  held  at  Onondaga 

where  it  is  supposed  some  Propositions  from  the  French 

are  to  be  debated. 

15.  Aug*  The  officer  with  the  Detachment  from  the  Indep*  Com- 
panys  return  from  Osswego  several  of  them  being  sick  & 
the  rest  would  stay  there  no  Longer. 

5  Sepr  Laur.  Claasse  the  Interpreter  is  dispatched  to  Onondaga 
to  Accquaint  the  6  Nations  with  the  Death  of  His  Majesty 
King  George  the  First  &  the  Succession  of  His  present 
Majesty.  Also  to  endeavour  to  prevent  the  Indians 
from  going  out  to  War  against  the  Flat  Heads,  wch  it  is 
thought  the  French  have  put  them  upon  to  get  them  out 
of  the  Way  in  order  better  to  carry  on  their  Designs  against 
Osswego 

27  Decr  the  Commiss"  receive  Information  that  the  Govr  of 
Canada  is  instigating  the  Indians  &  making  preparations 


172          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

to  destroy  the  House  at  Oswego.  And  that  the  Mes 
sengers  sent  by  the  Council  at  Onondaga  to  tell  the 
French  Indians  to  keep  themselves  Neuter  in  case  the 
Govr  of  Canada  makes  any  Attempts  against  Osswego  had 
returned  without  going  or  delivering  their  Message.  Upon 
wch  Laur  Claasse  is  dispatched  to  Onondaga  to  prevail 
on  the  Sachems  there  to  send  another  Deputation  to  that 
purpose.  — 

6  Febry  1727/8.  a  Cacknawaga  Indian  who  formerly  lived  in 
Canada  proposes  to  the  Commissrs  to  go  &  settle  on  (p. 
154)  the  Frontiers  of  this  Province  N.  E.  between  Still 
Water  &  Saraghtoga  with  50  Indians  Squaes  &  Children, 
is  encouraged  by  the  Commissrs  receive  Presents  &  is 
promised  to  be  supplied  with  Provisions  till  raise  some  of 
their  own  — 

Laurence  Claasse  finds  the  Onondaga  Indians  Cold  about  sending 
Deputies  to  the  French  Indians  &  that  they  stand  in  Awe  of  the 
French  &  dare  not  openly  appear  against  them  in  the  Affair  of 
Oswego 

3d  March  1727/8  Advice  comes  to  the  Commissr8  that  a  French 
Army  of  a  Thousand  Men  were  marched  from  Canada 
against  Oswego  upon  wch  an  Express  was  sent  to  the  6 
Nations  to  keep  all  their  Men  at  home  in  readiness  to 
oppose  the  Attempts  of  the  French 

1728  —  Nothing  of  Moment  till 

Albany  20  Aug*  Govr  Montgomerie  sends  Orders  to  the  Corn- 
miss1"8  [that  he  could]  to  accquaint  the  6  Nations  that  he 
would  meet  them  at  Albany  the  first  of  October  next 
ensuing. 

i  October  Govr  Montgomerie  meets  the  6  Nations  at  Albany  & 
makes  his  Speech  to  them,  in  wch  he  points  out  to  them  in  a 
handsome  &  very  just  Manner  the  Virtues  &  Power  of  His 
present  Majesty  King  George  the  2d  his  Affection  & 
Esteem  for  the  6  Nations  as  an  honest  &  Brave  People. 
he  tells  them  that  he  renews  the  Cov*  with  them  &  desires 
to  make  it  brighter  than  ever.  —  That  the  Necessary 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  173 

Affairs  of  Gov*  had  detained  him  at  New  York  or  he  would 
have  met  them  Sooner. 

He  commends  them  for  refusing  [the  Fren]  to  join  the 
French  Army  who  were  Marched  against  the  Remote 
Indians. 

he  tells  them  he  expects  they  are  now  convinced  that 
the  House  &  Garrison  at  Osswego  is  not  only  for  their 
Benefit  &  Security  but  calculated  to  encrease  our  Trade  & 
Connexions  with  the  Far  Indians,  &  therefore  he  doubts 
not  but  they  will  at  all  Times  be  ready  to  defend  this 
Garrison  against  all  Attempts  wch  may  be  made  against  it. 
he  desires  they  will  grant  to  the  King  a  convenient  Tract 
of  Land  near  the  sd  Garrison  for  the  Support  of  the  People 
&  to  pasture  their  Cattle. 

he  tells  them  he  will  take  Care  the  Traders  shall  use 
them  well  &  expects  they  will  return  good  Usage  to  the 
Traders.  - 

(P.  155.)  Albany  4  October  1728.  The  6  Nations  Answer  Govr 
Montgomerie's  Speech 

They  are  pleased  with  his  renewing  &  do  on  their  side 
likewise  renew  the  Cov*  Chain. 

As  to  His  Majesties  Opinion  of  them  as  a  Brave  & 
honest  People  They  say  it  is  true,  when  the  6  Nations  are 
sober  &  not  in  Drink  they  will  not  Molest  &  injure  any 
Body.  But  Strong  Liquor  creates  violence,  Quarrels  & 
Bloodshed  amongst  them,  They  earnestly  desire  therefore 
that  the  Traders  may  not  bring  any  Rum  amongst  them, 
but  that  when  any  of  the  Indians  want  it  they  may  come 
down  to  Albany  to  fetch  it. 

They  say  the  Traders  shall  have  a  free  &  friendly 
Intercourse  amongst  them  &  be  welcome  except  they  bring 
Rum 

They  give  full  leave  to  Plant  &  sow  about  Oswego  & 
to  Pasture  Cattle  &  that  they  will  mark  out  Land  for  that 
Purpose  but  say  they  will  not  be  pleased  when  it  is  done 
if  we  go  beyond  the  Limits.  As  to  their  defending  the 
House  at  Oswego  against  any  Attempts  wch  may  be  made 


174          W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

against  it,  they  say  it  was  told  them  when  Leave  was 
desired  to  Build  it,  that  it  was  Built  to  protect  &  defend 
the  6  Nations  &  they  therefore  depend  upon  the  Promise 
being  fulfilled. 

They  say  they  are  convinced  the  French  bear  them 
no  Friendship  &  they  make  no  great  Dependance  upon 
them. 

They  promise  to  use  their  Endeavours  to  draw  as 
many  of  the  Far  Indians  as  they  can  to  Trade  with  us^ 
The  Govr  Answers  that  as  to  Rum  being  brought  thro  their 
Country,  its  absolutely  necessary  that  some  must  be  car 
ried  up  for  the  use  of  the  Garrison  at  Oswego  &  to  refresh 
the  People  who  go  up  there  in  their  Journey,  but  he  will 
do  everything  in  his  Power  to  prevent  its  being  carried  for 
Sale  amongst  them  &  desires  they  would  inform  against 
any  Person  who  shall  bring  them  Rum  to  sell. 

As  to  their  defending  the  Garrison  at  Osswego,  he 
says  nothing  is  more  natural  than  for  them  to  assist  in  the 
Defence  of  a  Place  wch  is  maintained  for  their  Security. 

The  5  October  Govr  Montgomerie  has  a  private  Conferrence  with 
Two  Sachems  of  each  Nation,  in  wch  they  tell  him  that 
as  to  the  Defence  of  Oswego,  he  seemed  Displeased  that 
(p.  156)  They  did  not  give  a  positive  Answer  to  it  in  their 
public  Speech  Say  they,  We  are  one  Body  &  one  Heart  & 
if  any  Attempt  be  made  against  the  House  at  Oswego, 
how  can  you  imagine  that  we  should  not  defend  it,  for  we 
have  no  Affection  for  the  French  who  have  been  our 
Antient  Enemies. 

They  propose  a  Magazine  to  be  erected  at  Albany  & 
to  be  furnished  with  Warlike  Stores,  that  in  case  our 
Enemies  should  Attack  us  there  may  be  Amunition  &c 
ready.  — 

They  say  as  to  Rum,  they  dont  mean  that  none  at  all 
should  be  carried  up,  but  that  it  should  not  be  bro*  into 
any  of  their  Castles  wch  the  Traders  do  &  entice  their 
People  to  buy  it.  - 


WRAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          175 

Let  it  be  bro*  to  Oswego,  but  let  not  the  Traders  mix 
Water  with  it,  &  let  Guns  &  Amunition  &  real  necessaries 
be  sent  to  Oswego  &  not  only  Rum  — 
We  desire  if  it  be  in  your  Power  that  Goods  be  sold  us 
Cheaper. 

They  say  they  have  made  an  Absolute  Grant  of  Land 
to  the  King  about  Oswego,  but  they  cannot  fix  the  Quan 
tity  till  they  have  consulted  the  other  Sachems  who  are 
at  home,  they  desire  Laur.  Claasse  may  go  up  with  them  & 
lay  it  out. 

The  Govr  expresses  his  Satisfaction  &  Approbation  of  this  further 
explaination  of  themselves  &  that  all  their  Requests  shall 
be  complied  with  to  the  utmost  of  his  Power.  — 
A  Senneca  Indian  desires  a  Smith  &  an  Armourer  for  their 

Nation  wch  the  Govr  promises  but  then  insists  they  shall  not  suffer 

a  French  Smith  to  live  amongst  them. 

Albany  5  October  1728.  Govr  Montgomerie  Speaks  to  the 
Schaahook  &  River  Indians  — 

he  renews  the  Cov*  Chain  with  them  &  desires  they 
will  use  their  Endeavours  to  regain  their  Countrymen  back 
who  have  deserted  &  settled  in  Canada 

They  Answer  that  they  are  very  much  rejoiced  that 
the  Govr  had  sent  for  them  to  renew  the  Cov*  &  to  perceive 
the  Fire  wch  used  to  burn  &  was  almost  extinguished  is 
kindled  again  — They  say.  It  is  somewhat  difficult  for  us 
to  encrease  our  Number  at  Shaahook.  It  is  often  recom 
mended  to  us  by  those  in  authority  (p.  157)  here  to  settle 
there  &  bring  those  back  who  are  gone  to  Canada  for  we 
can  scarcely  have  the  Land  wch  is  promised  us  &  are 
Molested  on  that  wch  is  our  own  by  People  who  live  near 
us.  We  came  home  late  last  Spring  from  our  Hunting 
&  planted  some  Land,  &  now  this  Fall  our  Indian  Corn  has 
been  carried  away  against  our  Wills  by  Force  &  Violence.1 

1  I  have  had  occasion  to  remark  upon  the  Injustice  done  these  poor  People  in 
a  former  part  of  these  Abstracts.  The  Villainy  they  complain  of  is  such  as  one 
would  scarcely  expect  from  Human  Nature  in  its  utmost  Degeneracy,  the  Im 
morality  of  it  is  not  greater  than  the  ill  Policy,  what  an  Idea  must  it  give  of  us 


176          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

The  Govr  Answers  that  if  they  will  let  him  know  the  Peoples 
Names  who  have  injured  them,  he  will  order  Satisfaction 
to  be  given  &  the  Aggressors  punished. 

Albany  22d  Febry  1728/9.  I  find  a  [Proclamation]  Notification 
from  the  Commissrs  published  against  selling  or  carrying 
Rum  into  any  of  the  Indian  Castles. 

14  April  1729.  The  Commissra  receive  Intelligence  that  the 
French  were  preparing  to  Attack  the  Buildings  at  Oswego, 
upon  wch  they  dispatch  Laur.  Claasse  to  the  6  Nations 
with  Instructions  that  its  expected  they  will  post  proper 
Deputies  at  Oswego  to  accquaint  the  French  in  case  they 
come  there,  that  the  House  was  built  by  their  Order  & 
upon  their  Land  &  any  Attempt  to  destroy  it  they  will 
deem  the  same  as  an  Attempt  upon  their  own  Castles. 

7  May.  Two  Deputies  arrive  from  the  6  Nations  to  accquaint 
the  Govr  &  the  Commiss"  that  they  expect  every  day  at 
Onondaga  300  Indians  of  the  Nations  called  Makindus  & 
Shawanoes  who  have  sent  word  they  will  settle  them 
selves  among  the  6  Nations  &  that  a  general  Council  is 
to  be  held  at  Onondaga  in  7  or  8  days  &  they  desire  that 
one  or  two  proper  Persons  may  be  sent  there  to  represent 
this  Gov*  That  they  are  informed  the  Govr  of  Canada 
has  raised  an  Army  of  2000  Men  wch  he  is  to  head  himself 
but  whither  destined  they  have  not  learnt.  — 

Laur.  Claasse  the  Interpreter  is  sent  to  Onondaga.  - 

(P.  158.)  Albany  23  May  1729.  Laur.  Claasse  returns  from  Onon 
daga  &  says  that  the  News  about  the  Two  Nations  who 
are  said  to  be  coming  there,  appears  to  be  no  more  than  the 
Sachems  of  those  Nations  are  expected  in  July  to  renew 
their  Cov*  with  the  6  Nations 

3d  June  the  Commiss™  receive  further  information  of  the  Grand 
Armament  in  Canada  &  that  it  is  supposed  to  be  intended 
against  Osswego.  They  dispatch  Spies  into  Canada  to 
learn  News 

to  the  6  Nations  ?     And  seeing  the  Consequence  of  our  sole  Dominion  do  they 
not  court  the  French  ? 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  177 

4  June.  The  Commiss"  inform  the  Govr  that  they  have  reed 
intelligence  that  the  Garrison  at  Osswego  grow  Mutinous 
at  not  being  relieved  as  they  say  in  due  time  &  threaten 
to  desert  from  the  said  Garrison  &  that  Three  Men  have 
deserted  &  gone  to  the  French  Fort  at  Cadaraqui. 

28  June  Several  Sachems  of  Two  Nations  of  far  Indians  come  to 
fix  a  Trade  at  Albany  to  make  a  Treaty  of  Peace  &  Friend 
ship  with  this  Gov*  And  say  they  were  discouraged  by  the 
French,  &  several  forbidding  stories  told  them  wch  they 
find  hitherto  false. 

The  Commissra  receive  them  very  friendly  &  give  them  Assur 
ances  of  Protection  &  good  usage  in  Trade  &  tell  them  that 
they  will  find  they  can  buy  at  Albany  more  for  One  Bever  than 
for  3  with  the  French  — 

Albany  2 1  July  1729.  A  Deputation  from  the  Oneidas  accquaint 
the  Commissra  that  their  Nation  is  in  the  utmost  Sorrow 
&  Distress  upon  account  of  the  Loss  they  have  sustained 
by  the  Virginia  Indians  with  whom  they  have  had  a  Battle 
wch  lasted  Two  days  that  the  Virginia  Indians  were  Two 
hundred  Men  to  their  hundred  that  on  the  Seccond  Day 
their  Enemies  proposed  to  come  to  a  Peace  with  them  & 
they  recollecting  the  Govra  Admonition  to  them  to  make 
Peace  with  all  their  Enemies  agreed  to  their  Enemies 
Proposals  wch  they  no  sooner  did,  than  the  Virginia  Indians 
fell  upon  &  Massacred  several  of  their  People,  by  this 
they  have  sustained  a  Loss  of  55  Men  killed  &  wounded. 
They  insist  that  our  Govr  shall  write  to  the  Govr  of 
Virginia  to  get  the  releasement  of  the  Prisoners  wch  his 
Indians  have  taken  — 

The  Commissra  condole  with  them  on  this  Misfortune  &  promise 
them  to  write  the  Govr  their  Request.  The  Commissrs  resolved 
also  to  send  two  of  their  Board  up  to  Oneida  to  perform  the  usual 
Ceremony  of  Condolance  with  that  Nation  on  this  occasion  - 

(P.  159.)  Albany  14  Febry  1729/30.  Govr  Montgomerie  having 
received  a  Letter  from  Mr  Gooch  Govr  of  Virginia  upon  the 
Subject  of  the  Oneidas  Complaint  on  the  other  side  the 


iy8          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Govr  transmits  the  sd  Letter  to  the  Commiss"  who  having 
sent  a  summons  to  the  Oneidas  5  Deligates  from  their 
Nation  appear  to  whom  the  Commissrs  interpret  Govr 
Gooch's  Letter,  wch  is  that  it  was  not  the  Virginia  Indians 
with  whom  they  had  the  Battle  but  the  Cattawbaws  who 
are  settled  at  the  back  of  S.  Carolina  near  400  Miles  from 
Virginia,  And  y*  he  is  informed  the  first  Hostilities  were 
committed  by  a  party  of  the  6  Nations  who  fell  upon  a 
Town  of  the  Cattawbaws  in  the  Absence  of  their  Warriers 
killed  several  Women  &  Children  &  took  some  Prisoners, 
were  afterwards  pursued  &  Destroyed  by  the  Cattawbaw 
Warriors.  That  the  Govr  of  Virginia  will  endeavour  to 
recover  their  Prisoners  &  make  a  Peace  between  the 
Cattawbaws  &  the  6  Nations  if  the  latter  are  disposed 
thereto. 

The  Oneida  Deputies  Answer,  that  they  are  well  pleased  with 
the  Govr  of  Virginia's  promise  to  recover  their  Prisoners  but  that 
as  to  the  Matter  of  Peace  they  cannot  give  an  ansr  without  first 
consulting  with  the  rest  of  the  6  Nations.  — 

1 8  April.  Another  Letter  upon  the  Subject  of  the  Oneida  Pris 
oners  comes  from  Govr  Gooch  &  is  sent  to  the  Commiss" 
who  impart  such  of  it  as  they  think  necessary  to  some  of 
the  6  Nations  &  propose  to  them  that  a  Sachem  of  each 
Nation  should  go  under  the  Conduct  of  Two  Christians 
to  Virginia  to  treat  with  the  Cattawbaws  about  the  release 
of  sd  Prisoners.  —  The  1 1  May  the  Oneida  Sachems  come 
to  Albany  who  reject  the  Above  Proposal  &  insist  the  Govr 
of  Virginia  should  bring  the  Cattabaws  to  Albany  to  treat 
with  them  &  that  he  should  recover  their  Prisoners  from 
the  Cattabaws.  And  they  say  unless  this  be  done  they 
will  raise  all  the  Force  of  the  6  Nations  &  their  Allies  & 
prosecute  the  War  with  the  Cattabaws  with  the  utmost 
Vigor,  however  they  refer  themselves  to  our  Govr  &  will 
yet  awhile  await  his  proceedings.  —  The  give  a  Belt  to  be 
sent  to  the  Govr  of  Virginia  upon  these  their  Proposals  w*11 
if  he  wont  comply  with  they  insist  may  be  sent  back  to 
them  when  they  will  take  their  own  Measures.  — 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          179 

The  Commissrs  write  Govr  Montgomerie  the  Above  Ace*  (p. 
1 60)  And  altho  they  have  endeavoured  to  convince  our  Indians 
that  the  Govr  of  Virginia  is  no  ways  concerned  in  this  Affair  but 
as  being  in  the  Cov*  Chain  with  the  6  Nations  &  that  the  Cat- 
tabaws  are  not  under  his  Jurisdiction  but  that  of  S.  Carolina, 
yet  such  say  they  is  the  Ignorance  or  Obstinacy  of  the  Indians 
that  they  still  insist  the  Govr  of  Virginia  is  the  Person  capable  to 
settle  this  Affair  for  them  &  the  Commiss"  say  they  are  affraid 
if  it  is  not  somehow  compromized,  it  will  be  fatal  to  the  out 
settlements  of  Virginia  &  all  those  Parts.  - 

Albany  21  Sepr  1730.     Three  Mohawk  Sachems  make  the  follow 
ing  Speech  to  the  Commissrs 
Bretheren 

As  we  live  under  a  Stong  Covenant  Chain 
being  One  Heart  one  Body  &  One  head,  we  must  accquaint  you 
that  the  most  part  of  our  Lands  upon  the  Mohawk  River  is  sold 
to  the  Christians  &  our  Hearts  grieve  us  when  we  consider  what 
small  [Hull]  pcell  of  Lands  is  remaining  to  us  &  finding  by 
the  Inticements  of  Christians  that  our  Young  Men  give  Ear 
to  dispose  yet  of  that  small  remainder,  then  we  will  be  utterly 
distroyed  &  scattered  among  the  French  &  others,  &  by  means 
whereof  the  Cov*  Chain  will  be  broken,  We  therefore  humbly 
entreat  his  Excellency  &  this  Board  that  for  the  future  all  Chris 
tians  may  be  strictly  forbid  to  entice  any  of  our  Indians  to  pur 
chase  any  of  our  Lands  &  that  his  Excellcy  will  be  pleased  to 
prevent  all  manner  of  Persons  to  produce  any  more  of  our  Lands 
that  remain  unsold  in  order  that  we  &  our  Children  &  Posterity 
may  live  there  Qui't  &  peacable  as  Bretheren  as  we  have  done 
hitherto  &  keep  the  Cov*  Chain  firm,  whereupon  we  lay  down  5 
Bever  Skins.1 

1  This  scandalous  &  irregular  Method  of  purchasing  Lands  from  Young  Indians 
by  making  them  drunk  or  otherwise  inposing  on  them  has  been  formerly  taken 
notice  of  in  these  Abstracts.  The  injustice  the  Indians  have  suffered  with  regard 
to  their  Lands,  has  contributed  to  drive  Numbers  to  the  French  in  Canada,  &  in 
general  very  much  weakened  the  Attachment  of  our  Indians  to  us.  this  hunger 
after  Land  seems  very  early  to  have  taken  rise  in  this  Province,  &  is  become  now 
a  kind  of  Epidemical  Madness,  every  Body  being  eager  to  accumulate  vast  Tracts 
without  having  an  intention  or  taking  measures  to  settle  or  improve  it,  &  Land- 


l8o          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

No  Answer  is  recorded  to  the  Above,  but  there  follows  a  Letter 
in  wch  the  Commiss™  transmitted  the  Govr  a  Copy  of  the  above 
Speech  &  say  that  their  request  will  certainly  tend  to  the  public 
Good  &  Tranquility. 

(P.  1 6 1.)  Albany  24  October  1730.  The  Commissr8  accquaint 
the  Mohawks  that  the  Govr  in  Answer  to  their  Message 
on  the  other  side  will  take  care  that  no  more  of  their  Lands 
shall  be  sold  &  will  futher  treat  with  them  on  that  Head  at 
his  Meeting  them  here  next  Summer. 

Laur.  Claase  the  Interpreter  having  been  sent  to  Onondaga  to 
accquaint  the  6  Nations  that  Govr  Montgomerie  had  been 
hindered  by  several  important  Affairs  of  Govfc  from  Meeting 
them  at  Albany  this  Summer  but  that  he  intended  to  meet  them 
very  early  next  Summer.  The  sd  Laurence  Claasse  informs  the 
Commissrs  that  he  had  received  an  Account  from  an  Indian,  that 
Jean  Coeur  a  French  officer  &  Interpreter  had  come  to  the  Sen- 
necas  accompanyed  by  some  French  Soldiers  &  pretended  to 
them  that  he  had  been  whipped  &  banished  as  a  Malefactor  from 
Canada,  &  as  he  had  formerly  been  a  Prisoner  among  them  &  his 
Life  saved  by  them  he  deemed  himself  as  one  of  their  Bretheren 
&  therefore  was  come  to  take  shelter  amongst  them,  &  intreated 
them  that  in  order  to  get  his  livelihood  they  would  permit  him 
to  build  a  Trading  House  at  Irondequat  at  the  side  of  Cadaraqui 
Lake  in  the  Middle  Way  between  Osswego  &  Niagara,  being  the 
Pass  of  the  Forreign  Indians  by  wch  the  must  pass  &  repass  when 
they  come  to  Albany  or  Oswego,  &  where  the  Senneca  Indians 
repass  when  they  come  from  their  Bever  hunting.1 

jobbing  here  is  as  refind  an  Art  as  Stock  jobbing  in  Change  Alley,     hence  public 
Poverty  in  the  midst  of  imaginary  Wealth! 

1  how  [much]  strongly  dos  this  exhibit  the  Industry  &  Political  Artifice  of  the 
French,  who  not  contented  with  their  own  Modern  improvements  in  Policy  rake  up 
&  put  in  practice  the  [policies]  devices  of  3  thousand  years  ago  to  compass  their 
Views,  far  from  approving  all  the  inhuman,  mean  &  infamous  Methods  they  have 
taken  to  establish  their  present  extensive  Influence  in  these  parts  of  the  World, 
it  is  however  to  be  wished  that  we  had  looked  forwards  as  much  as  they  have  done 
&  been  as  industrious  to  lay  a  foundation  for  our  future  Security  &  Commerce, 
but  our  Dutch  Reptiles  considered  nothing  but  their  present  profit,  &  were 
animated  by  no  Views  to  Posterity,  w°h  is  the  genuine  Character  of  true 
Dutchmen. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  l8l 

And  further  that  a  Nation  of  Indians  called  the  Foxes  had  sent 
Two  red  Stone  Axes  to  the  Sennecas  wch  they  had  sent  to  the 
Govr  of  Canada  who  was  at  War  with  those  Indians,  And  that 
tho  the  Sennecas  had  denied  to  our  People  at  Oswego  that  any 
Message  came  with  them,  yet  it  has  been  since  discovered  that  sd 
Nation  of  Foxes  had  sent  those  red  Axes  as  a  token  to  the  Sen 
necas  to  desire  they  might  move  from  their  Country  &  come  & 
settle  among  the  Sennecas  &  be  united  with  them,  but  by  the 
Address  of  the  aforesaid  Jean  Coeur  the  Sennecas  had  been 
induced  to  send  the  said  Axes  to  the  Govr  of  Canada  wch  was  in 
effect  rejecting  the  request  of  the  sd  Nation  of  Foxes.  - 

(P.  162.)  Albany  23  Novr  1730.  The  Commiss"  write  a  Letter 
to  some  Persons  who  were  posted  in  the  Sennecas  Country, 
directing  them  to  tell  the  Sennecas,  that  they  are  sur 
prized  they  should  send  the  Axes  wch  came  from  the  Foxes 
to  the  Govr  of  Canada  whereas  they  ought  to  have  sent 
them  to  our  Govr  And  that  their  refusing  to  let  the  Nation 
of  Foxes  incorporate  with  them  is  a  very  weak  &  impolitic 
proceeding.  And  that  the  Commissrs  are  surprized  that 
after  having  had  so  many  proofs  of  the  Perfidy  &  Deciet 
of  the  French  that  the  Sennecas  should  be  influenced  by 
their  Lyes  &  those  groundless  Jealouses  wherewith  the 
French  endeavour  to  inspire  them  [with]  of  us  their 
Bretheren  &  by  those  means  prevent  that  general  Advan 
tage  to  us  &  them  wch  would  result  from  the  sd  Union  of 
the  Foxes. 

To  tell  the  Sennecas  that  the  Commiss"  wonder  they 
can  swallow  so  improbable  a  Story  as  that  of  Jean  Coeurs 
Banishment  when  he  comes  with  a  Command  of  Soldiers 
so  very  inconsistent  with  the  Character  he  pretends  to,  & 
in  the  Gov"  name  to  request  them  not  to  allow  him  to 
build  any  Trading  House  at  Irondequat  or  elsewhere,  for 
that  after  this  manner  the  French  have  got  all  their  Forts 
upon  their  Land  built,  by  getting  leave  to  build  Trading 
Houses  &  then  turning  them  into  Forts. 


1 82          WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

26  Novbr  the  Commiss™  transmit  to  Govr  Montgomerie  Minutes 
of  the  Aforesaid  Information  &  write  him  that  they  hear 
the  French  are  going  to  build  also  at  Crown  Point,  they 
represent  the  Dangerous  Consequence  that  may  be  of  to 
this  Province  &  New  England  in  case  of  a  War,  &  hope 
that  His  Excellcy  will  be  pleased  so  to  represent  these 
Proceedings  &  Encroachments  of  the  French  to  his 
Majesty  that  proper  Methods  may  be  taken  to  prevent 
such  infractions  of  the  Treaty.  — 

(N.  B.)  It  was  now  upwards  of  Two  years  since  Govr  Mont 
gomerie  had  given  the  6  Nations  a  public  Meeting  at  Albany, 
so  long  an  intermission  ever  has  been  &  will  be  (in  my  Opinion) 
a  very  culpable  Neglect,  &  it  certainly  was  so  at  this  time,  as  the 
French  were  with  the  utmost  Art  &  Industry  courting  the  6 
Nations  &  carrying  on  very  refind  Intrigues  to  weaken  our 
Influence  over  them,  wch  few  Measures  tend  more  to  Strengthen 
than  our  Govra  Annually  meeting  them  giving  them  some  Pres 
ents  with  proper  Exhortations,  &  hearing  what  they  have  to  say 
&c  &°  As  Govr  Montgomerie  was  a  Wise  Man  &  an  honest  Govr 
I  suppose  he  was  distressed  by  thos  Factions  wch  have  always 
blasted  the  Welfare  of  this  Province. 

(P.  163.)  Albany  8  Febry  1730/31  By  a  Letter  from  the  Com- 
missr3  to  the  Govr  I  find  among  other  Acts  of  the  French 
to  prevent  the  Farr  Indians  trading  with  us,  they  raised  a 
Report  in  their  Country  that  the  Plague  &  Small  Pox 
(wch  is  full  as  dreadful  to  the  Indians)  raged  at  New  York, 
the  Commissra  propose  that  Persons  shall  have  passes  to  go 
amongst  the  far  Indians  in  order  to  contradict  &  convince 
them  of  the  falshood  of  these  Reports. 

3  April  1731.  Laur .  Claasse  is  dispatched  to  the  6  Nations  to  ace- 
quaint  them  that  the  Govr  proposes  to  meet  them  at 
Albany  the  12  of  next  Month. 

Albany  18  May  1731.  Govr  Montgomerie  meets  the  Mohawks, 
the  Cayouges,  the  Onondagas,  the  Sennekas  &  Tuscarora 
Indians  the  Oneidas  not  being  arrived.  The  Govr  in  his 
Speech  renews  the  Cov*  with  them  as  the  6  Nations  &  also 


W RAX ALL'S  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          183 

in  behalf  of  all  his  Majesties  other  Subjects  in  N.  America 
he  tells  them  they  acted  honestly  &  wisely  when  they 
denied  Jean  Coeur  to  make  any  Settlement  on  their  Land, 
&  says  he  expects  they  will  suffer  no  person  of  any  Nation 
whatsoever  to  reside  amongst  them  unless  they  are  Sub 
jects  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain.  "  And  since  you  have 
put  your  Lands  under  the  protection  of  the  King  of  Great 
Britain,  I  do  in  a  particular  manner  require  in  my  Masters 
Name  that  you  will  not  suffer  the  French  to  build  any 
Fort  or  Trading  House  on  the  side  of  the  Lake  (Cadaraqui) 
or  any  other  part  of  your  Lands." 

20  May.  The  Sachems  Answer  his  Excellencys  Speech.  They 
renew  the  Cov*  Chain  with  this  Gov*  &  all  his  Majesties 
Subjects  in  N.  America.  They  earnestly  desire  that  no 
Rum  may  be  sold  any  where  but  at  Albany  &  Oswego  & 
not  bro*  into  their  Castles,  they  say  it  is  impossible  for 
them  to  resist  it  when  it  is  to  be  sold  amongst  them,  that 
it  destroys  Men,  Women  &  Children  &  unfits  them  for 
every  kind  of  Buisness.  that  if  it  was  only  sold  at  Oswego 
&  Albany,  they  could  fetch  it  but  in  small  pcells  &  not  be 
continually  intoxicated  with  it  as  they  are  when  its  con 
tinually  to  be  bo*  at  their  Castles. 

We  are  fully  resolved  not  to  let  any  other  Settlements 
be  made  on  the  side  of  the  Lake.  There  stands  a  Trading 
House  at  Niagara  wch  the  French  have  treacherously  built 
there,  but  the  House  at  Oswego  has  been  built  by  all  our  Con 
sents.  The  more  Houses  are  (p.  164)  built  near  us  the 
more  the  [men]  Liquor  is  bro*  unto  us  wch  is  the  Occasion 
of  all  Mischief  therefore  we  do  not  incline  any  more  should 
be  made. 

the  Govr  Answered  that  as  to  the  earring  Rum  to  sell  at  their 
Castles  he  had  strictly  prohibited  it,  &  if  they  would  tell  him  the 
Persons  Names  who  bro*  it  there  he  would  take  Care  they  should 
be  punished ,  &  that  he  would  do  his  utmost  to  prevent  it  for  the 
future. 

I  find  by  the  Commiss"  Letter  to  the  Honble  Rip  van  Dam 
Esqr  Pres*  of  the  Council  [that]  bearing  date  the  9  July  1731. 


1 84          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

that  Govr  Montgomerie  died  at  New  York  &  that  the  Adminis 
tration  of  the  Gov1  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  said  Van  Dam.  - 

12  July  1731.  The  commiss™  dispatch  Laur.  Claasse  to  the  Six 
Nations  to  accquaint  them  with  the  Death  of  Govr  Mont 
gomerie  &  that  Mr  Rip  van  Dam  as  Presd*  of  the  Council 
takes  the  Gov*  upon  him.  And  that  as  they  hear  a  general 
Council  is  to  be  held  at  Onondaga  where  some  French 
Agents  are  expected  whose  Errand  the  Commissra  judge 
is  to  obtain  leave  to  build  on  the  6  Nations  Land,  the  sd 
Laur  Claasse  is  to  repair  thither  &  put  the  6  Nations  in 
Mind  of  their  Solemn  Promise  made  to  our  late  Govr 
&  to  prevent  all  in  his  power  any  such  Liberty  being 
granted  to  the  French.  - 

26  July  Laur.  Claasse  returns  from  Onondaga  &  says  that  the 
Council  met  there  to  pass  Condolances  upon  the  Death  of  a 
Frenchman  who  had  been  an  Interpreter  between  them  & 
the  French. 

25  Sepr  1731.  Some  Persons  who  return  from  Canada,  say  that 
in  their  Journey  thither  they  found  the  French  were  build 
ing  a  Fort  at  Crown  Point  &  that  at  their  return  it  was 
finished. 

24  Decr  The  Commiss"  receive  Information  that  some  Sachems 
of  the  6  Nations  had  been  with  the  Govr  of  Canada  in 
consequence  of  wch  a  Council  was  to  be  held  at  Onondaga. 
hereupon  they  dispatch  Laur  Claasse  to  Onondaga  to  be 
present  at  the  Council  &  to  disswade  the  6  Nations  against 
yielding  to  any  propositions  from  the  French  wch  may  be 
detrimental  to  this  Gov*  &  to  reproach  the  Onondagaes 
with  their  not  accquainting  the  Commiss"  of  this  Gen1 
Meeting. 

(P.  165.)  Albany  n  Febry  1731/2.  a  Deputation  from  the 
Mohawks  repenting  their  former  Message  about  the  taking 
up  of  their  Lands  bearing  date  the  21  Sepr  1730  (pag  160 
—  of  these  Abstracts)  they  complain  that  notwithstanding 
their  said  remonstrance  Lycences  are  still  Granted  to 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          185 

purchase  their  Lands  wch  purchases  are  made  after  a 
Scandalous  &  unfair  Manner.  They  say  they  are  now 
detirmined  to  go  down  to  New  York  &  address  themselves 
to  the  Superior  Powers  on  this  Subject. 

28  Febry  The  Commiss™  in  Answer  to  a  Letter  from  the  Pres* 
about  the  Property  of  the  Lands  at  Crown  point  write 
thus. 

"  what  relates  that  yr  Honr  is  pleased  to  be  informed  from  us, 
to  what  Indians  the  Crown  Point  belongs  or  who  claims  it,  We 
conceive  that  the  Lands  at  the  Crown  Point  &  places  adjacent 
belonged  to  the  Mohawks  who  Undoubtedly  have  conveyed 
their  right  to  the  Crown  while  Parson  Delius  1  has  had  a  Patent 
for  the  same  as  far  as  Regies  a  Rock  in  Corlaers  Lake  at  least 
30  Miles  to  the  North  of  Crown  Point  wch  Patent  is  resumed  to 
the  Crown.  What  claim  the  Gov*  of  the  Massachuchets  or 
New  Hampshire  have  to  the  same  we  know  not." 
I  find  several  Complaints  scattered  up  &  down  the  Records  of 
the  ill-supply  &  badness  of  the  Provisions  to  the  Garrison  at 
Osswego  &  as  it  was  put  in  the  hands  of  a  Commissary  at  Albany, 
I  am  neither  surprized  at  the  Complaints  nor  their  continuance. 

Albany  24  April  1732.  Eight  Sachems  of  the  Mohawk  Indians 
make  a  complaint  to  the  Commiss"  that  they  hear  Mr 
Philip  Livingston  has  obtained  a  Patent  for  all  their 
Land  wch  lays  to  the  North  &  west  along  the  Mohawks 
River  as  far  as  to  a  certain  fall  upon  the  said  River,  they 
say,  if  this  is  true  then  Mr  Livingston  has  murdered  us 
asleep  for  our  Land  is  our  Life.  We  earnestly  desire  you 
to  send  for  a  Copy  of  the  sd  Patent  that  you  may  inform 
us  how  much  Land  he  has  taken  up  in  said  Patent  that 
our  Children  may  not  come  into  dispute  after  our  Decease, 
(p.  1 66)  For  we  have  sold  no  Land  to  Mr  Livingston  &  are 
now  fully  resolved  never  to  sell  him  a  foot  of  Land.  We 

1  This  Affair  of  the  Dutch  Parson  One  Dallius  is  taken  notice  of  in  these  Ab 
stracts  pages  25  &  26.  (Ante,  p.  30.  —  ED.) 

(There  is  much  in  the  New  York  Colonial  Documents  about  Dellius  and  his 
grants.  Belloment  charged  him  with  gross  irregularities.  See  Index  to  N.  Y.  Col. 
Docs.  —  ED.) 


1 86          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

know  that  said  Livingston  has  given  several  private  Gifts 
to  some  of  our  Young  Men  but  he  may  account  that  as 
thrown  into  the  Sea. 

The  Commissr3  Answer  that  they  would  transmit  their  Complaint 

to  the  Pres*  in  Council  &  if  they  think  fit  to  send  a  Copy  of 

the  said  Patent  we  shall  inform  you  thereof  &  shew  you  the 

same. 

The  Commissrs  did  accordingly  transmit  to  the  Pres*  a  Copy 

of  this  Complaint  of  the  Mohawks.1 

Albany  28  April  1732.  Laurence  Claasse  is  dispatched  on  behalf 
of  this  Gov*  to  Attend  another  Gen1  Meeting  wch  the  Com- 
missr3  are  informed  is  to  be  held  at  Onondaga  — 

Whether  this  is  the  same  mentioned  pag  164  [I  do] 
the  Records  do  not  inform  me,  I  am  [dis] inclined  to  beleive 
it  is  as  there  appears  no  report  from  Laur  Claasse  of  any 
thing  done  at  Onondaga  since  that  time. 

3  Aug*  1732.  His  Honr  the  Pres*  having  directed  the  Commiss" 
to  furnish  a  Detachment  of  the  Indep*  Companys  with 
Provisions  for  their  March  to  Oswego.  they  return  for 
Answer  that  having  none  of  the  publics  Money  in  their 
hands  &  no  Provision  being  made  for  the  same  by  the 
Assembly  they  cannot  do  it. 

7  Aug*  1732.  The  Commissr3  write  a  Congratulatory  Letter  to 
Wm  Cosby  Esqr  upon  his  Arrival  as  Govr  of  this  Province 

25  Aug*  The  Mayor  Corporation  &  Commonality  of  the  City  of 
Albany  Transmit  an  humble  Representation  to  Govr 
Cosby  of  the  defenceless  State  of  the  City  &  County  of 
Albany  &  humbly  pray  his  Excellcy  to  lay  it  before  the 
Assembly  that  a  Stone  Fort  may  be  built  at  Albany  &  a 
Wooden  Fortification  at  Serahtoga  &  a  Garrison  kept 
there  as  a  Retreat  for  out  Skouts  &  other  important 
uses.  - 

1  26  June  following  I  find  another  Embassy  &  complaint  from  the  Mohawks  on 
this  Subject  who  insist  on  seeing  the  Patent,  the  Commiss™  answer  the  Pres*  had 
not  sent  it. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  187 

4  Sepr  Laur.  Claasse  is  dispatched  to  the  6  Nations  to  notify  to 
them  the  Arrival  of  Govr  Cosby  &  that  he  cannot  meet 
them  this  year  but  proposes  to  do  it  next  Spring.  - 

(P.  167.)  Albany  8  Sepr  1733.  Govr  Cosby  meets  the  6  Nations  at 
Albany,  he  condoles  with  them  on  the  Great  Mortality  wch 
has  happened  amongst  them  by  reason  of  the  small  Pox. 

That  he  is  sorry  he  could  not  meet  them  sooner,  but 
that  the  Affairs  of  New  York  &  Jersey  necessarily  detained 
him.  That  he  is  commanded  by  his  Majesty  to  renew  the 
Cov*  Chain  with  them  in  behalf  of  all  his  Majestys  Sub 
jects  of  N.  America  &  expects  they  will  do  it  on  their  side. 

That  he  expects  they  are  now  convinced  the  Garrison 
at  Oswego  is  not  only  promotive  of  the  Trade  with  the  far 
Indians  but  for  the  Security  &  conveniency  of  the  Six 
Nations,  and  therefore  that  they  should  defend  it  against 
all  Attempts  from  any  Enemy.  And  that  they  will  be 
kind  to  the  Traders  &  not  molest  them,  he  says.  "  Bre- 
theren  how  unable  the  French  are  to  supply  you  with 
Goods  when  the  King  of  Great  Britain  &  the  French  are  at 
War,  you  know  very  well  &  that  the  French  themselves 
in  Canada  could  not  have  subsisted  had  they  not  been 
supplied  from  Albany." 

he  Commands  their  Young  Men  to  forbear  Hostilities 
against  such  remote  Indians  as  do  not  annoy  'em  &  to 
cultivate  a  good  Understanding  with  them  for  our  general 
Good. 

That  they  will  not  permit  any  Persons  of  what  Nation 
soever  to  reside  amongst  them  but  the  Subjects  of  the 
King  of  Great  Britain  And  since  you  have  put  your  Lands 
under  the  Protection  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  I  do  in  a 
particular  manner  require  you  in  my  Masters  Name,  that  you 
will  not  suffer  the  French  to  build  any  Fort  on  the  side  of  the 
Lake  or  any  other  part  of  your  Lands,  he  says, 

"  Bretheren  I  am  informed  that  some  of  our  Traders 
at  Oswego  have  cheated  the  remote  Indians  by  selling 
them  Water  instead  of  Rum.  I  will  take  care  that  no  such 
thing  be  done  for  the  future.  I  will  give  Orders  to  the 


1 88          W RAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Officer  at  that  Garrison  to  taste  &  try  the  Kegs  of  Rum  as 
soon  as  you  receive  them  from  the  Traders  &  if  they  have 
given  you  bad  Rum  oblige  them  to  take  it  back  &  give  you 
better."  l 

(P.  1 68.)  Albany  n  Sepr  1733.      The  6  Nations  return  their 
Answer  to  Govr  Cosbys  Speech. 

They  kindly  accept  his  Condolances  &  make  theirs 
for  what  People  we  lost  by  the  Small  Pox  &  for  the  Death 
of  Govr  Montgomerie. 

They  lay  down  some  Furrs  as  a  token  that  Albany  is 
the  Antient  &  proper  place  for  all  public  Treaties  with 
them. 

They  renew  the  Cov1  on  their  parts.  They  say  they 
shall  not  let  any  Body  reside  amongst  them  or  build  Forts 
upon  their  Land  unless  it  be  the  Subjects  of  the  King  of 
Great  Britain.  They  say, 

We  have  submitted  ourselves 

under  the  Protection  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain.  And  we 
Promise  on  our  parts  to  Assist  &  protect  all  his  Majesties 
Subjects  against  an  Enemy  whatsoever." 

They  say  they  will  endeavour  to  restrain  their  Young 
Men  from  going  out  a  fighting,  but  that  it  is  not  often  in 
their  power,  for  they  will  go  out  in  the  Night  time,  or  pre 
tend  they  are  going  a  hunting  &  then  meet  &  set  out  a 
fighting. 

They  thank  the  Govr  for  his  promise  that  they  shall 
not  be  cheated  [ag]  in  the  Rum  sold  at  Oswego.  They 
complain  that  the  Goods  are  too  dear  there  wch  frustrates 
their  Endeavours  of  drawing  the  far  Indians  thither,  whom 
the  French  use  every  Artifice  to  detain. 

They  desire  that  Pouder  &  Lead  may  be  bro*  to 
Osswego  of  all  other  Goods  there  is  enough.  - 

The  Sennecas  desire  a  Smith  &  an  Armourer.2 

1  The  Officer  of  the  Indep*  Companys  who  gos  on  the  Command  to  Oswego 
generally  carrys  up  a  large  Quantity  of  Goods  to  Trade  (tho  tis  against  Law  &c) 
&  Interest  is  made  with  Govrs  for  that  Command,     they  being  Traders  neither 
their  Reports  or  Behaviour  is  to  be  depended  on. 

2  at  this  Meeting  I  do  not  find  any  private  Conference  with  the  Sachems  W* 


WRAX ALL'S.  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          189 

12  Sepr  1733.  Govr  Cosby  speaks  to  the  Schaahkook  Indians  & 
exhorts  them  to  endeavour  to  prevail  on  their  Bretheren 
who  are  deserted  to  Canada  to  return  &  settle  themselves 
among  them. 

In  their  Answer  they  take  no  Notice  of  this  Exhor 
tation. 

From  this  Meeting  the  Records  are  Silent  till  March  1733/34. 
the  4th  of  wch  Month  I  find  a  long  Letter  from  the  Commiss"  to 
Govr  Cosby.  They  inform  him  that  several  French  Men  with  an 
Interpreter  &  a  Smith  have  for  some  time  past  resided  amongst 
the  Sennecas,  that  they  (p.  169)  give  'em  presents,  drink  with 
them,  Dance  with  them  &  make  use  of  every  possible  Artifice 
to  engage  their  Affections,  wch  they  have  so  far  effected  that  the 
French  have  built  a  House  among  them  at  y6  side  of  a  Creek 
between  Two  of  their  Castles. 

that  a  Chief  Sachem  amongst  them  who  has  been  always 
inclined  to  the  British  Interest,  had  given  information  that 
several  of  his  Countrymen  had  actualy  gone  over  to  the  French 
Interest  &  that  the  Majority  of  the  Sennecas  were  in  a  very 
wavering  Condition. 

The  Commissr3  represent  to  the  Govr  how  very  fatal  the  Conse 
quences  will  be  if  the  French  should  seduce  the  Sennecas  from  our 
Alliance  &  Interest.  They  say,  the  Sennecas  are  as  numerous  as 
the  other  Five  Nations.  "  It  is  well  Known  to  us  how  easy  the 
French  of  Canada  may  in  time  of  War  (&  a  War  at  this  time  was 
expected)  if  they  should  have  the  6  Nations  or  only  the  Sennecas 
on  their  side  joined  with  the  Upper  or  Far  Indians  in  the  French 
Interest,  anoy  &  disturb  the  peacable  &  quiet  Enjoyments  of 
most  of  the  out  settlements  on  the  Continent  of  America  by 
Skulking  Parties;  so  that  many  fine  Improvements  would  be 
deserted,  wch  we  humbly  concieve  would  not  only  be  the  ruin  of 
many  flourishing  Families,  a  Decrease  in  the  Consumption  & 
Exportation  of  the  Woolen  Manufactures  from  Great  Britain  to 

is  an  Antient  Custom  &  a  very  useful  peice  of  Policy.  It  helps  (when  well  con 
ducted)  to  secure  all  the  leading  Men  who  will  open  themselves  with  less  Reserve 
than  in  any  public  Speeches.  Besides  the  French  have  always  some  Indians  in 
their  Interest,  hence  the  Sachems  in  our  Interest  speak  with  great  caution  in 
public. 


190          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

America  but  a  diminishing  His  Majesties  Revenue  &  the  entire 
Loss  of  that  valuable  Branch  the  Fur  Trade  we  now  enjoy  &  are 
Possessed  of."  * 

The  Commiss1"8  propose  that  some  Proper  Persons  be  sent  to 
reside  in  the  Sennecas  Country  &  take  with  them  a  Sachem  or 
two  of  the  other  5  Nations  —  that  they  demolish  the  house  the 
French  have  built  that  Smiths  also  be  sent  to  work  for  the  Indians 
in  the  Sennecas  Country. 

30  March  1734.  David  Schuyler  goes  Commissary  to  Oswego. 
(this  office  rightly  conducted  would  be  of  infinite  Service 
to  our  Trade  &  political  Interest  with  the  Indians,  but 
like  most  other  Matters  its  generaly  made  a  Dupe  to 
private  Interest.  Some  Govrs  have  appointed  to  serve 
their  own  Ends  &  others  are  imposed  upon.) 

(P.  170.)  Albany  3  June  1734  —  The  Commiss"  receive  Informa 
tion  that  a  General  Meeting  of  the  5  Nations  is  to  be  held 
at  Onondaga  &  as  this  was  not  properly  notified  to  them 
according  to  Atient  Usage  they  dispatch  Laur  Claasse 
thither  as  representative  for  this  Gov*  &  direct  him  to 
reproach  the  Assembly  for  their  neglect  in  not  commun 
icating  their  Meeting  &  with  instructions  to  overlook  their 
proceedings  &  support  the  Interest  of  this  Gov* 2 

7  June.  Co1  Philip  Schuyler  receives  the  Gov"  Instructions  to  go 
up  to  the  Sennecas  Country  to  treat  with  those  Indians  in 
behalf  of  this  Gov* 

1  the  Picture  here  drawn  is  a  very  just  One.     And  it  evinces  the  great  neces 
sity  of  a  diligent  &  Skillful  Attention  to  the  Indian  Affairs  throughout  all  the 
British  Colonies  in  America.     The  French  have  at  this  time  by  their  superior 
address  &  Industry,  a  much  greater  influence  among  the  various  Nations  of  Indians 
on  the  Continent  than  the  English,  w°h  it  is  to  be  feared  they  will  one  day  or  another 
turn  to  their  own  great  Advantage  &  to  our  fatal  Experience.     They  act  upon  a 
Uniform  Plan,      the  Colonies  upon  divided  Interests  &  temporary  Expedients. 
The  English  are  indeed  a  Numerous  People  &  our  Settlements  extend  far  up  into  the 
Country,  but  then  they  are  third}'  scattered  &  exposed  to  Desertion  whenever 
the  French  can  prevail  on  the  Indians  to  go  in  Scalping  Parties  against  us.     this 
was  the  Case  last  war,  &  tho  the  Troops  on  the  Intended  Expn  against  Canada 
were  posted  in  the  County  of  Albany,  yet  Settlements  were  deserted  for  above  70 
Miles  extent  in  that  County. 

2  such  a  neglect  of  the  Indians  is  always  a  Sign  of  the  prevalency  of  the  French 
Interest  &  the  weakness  of  ours. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  191 

1 8  June     Lur.  Claasse  returns  from  Onondaga  &  says  the  Gen1 

Meeting  is  adjourned  to  the  Sennecas  Country. 
There  is  no  Report  in  the  Records  of  Co1  Schuylers  Embassy  to 
the  Sennecas  but  I  find  in  a  Letter  from  the  Commissrs  to  Govr 
Cosby  bearing  date  28  April  1735.  in  wch  they  Advise  him  that  the 
French  are  building  a  very  strong  stone  Fort  at  Crown  Point. 
They  Add,  "  We  are  informed  by  some  People  who  are  come  from 
the  Sennecas  Country  that  the  Senneca  Indians  continue  Stedfast 
in  their  Engagements  to  Co1  Phil.  Schuyler.  - 

8  April  1735.  Hendrik  a  Mohawk  Sachem  accquaints  the  Corn- 
miss1'8  that  the  6  Nations  are  inclined  to  make  a  Peace  with 
the  Flat  heads  of  South  Carolina.  The  Commissrs  approve 
thereof  &  give  the  sd  Hendk  a  large  Belt  of  Wampum  to  be 
sent  thro  the  6  Nations  to  encourage  them  to  push  this 
Matter  forward. 

28  May  1735.  The  Chief  of  the  Cagnawaga  Castle  in  Cannada 
with  Four  other  Indians  arrive  at  Albany  &  accquaint  the 
Commiss"  that  the  Govr  of  New  England  had  sent  for 
them,  but  that  the  Govr  of  (p.  171)  Canada  had  forbid 
them  to  go,  however  that  he  was  determined  to  come  to 
Albany  to  give  this  Intelligence  to  the  Commiss"  tho  he 
expects  he  shall  incur  the  Govr  of  Canada's  Displeasure  by 
doing  it. 

The  Commiss"  persuaded  this  Chief  of  the  Indians  to 
go  to  Boston,  at  the  same  time  renewed  the  Covenant  of 
Peace  &  Friendship  with  them  &  agreed  that  in  Case  a 
War  should  break  out  between  Great  Britain  &  France 
that  he  &  his  People  should  be  Neuter  &  desired  him  to 
further  the  said  Neutrality  with  his  Nation  &  the  other 
Indians  wch  he  faithfully  promised  to  do.  — 

Albany  10  June  1735.  a  Cayouge  Warrior  reports  to  the  Com 
miss"  that  he  &  another  Indian  returning  this  Spring  from 
their  Winter  hunting  stopped  at  a  Castle  of  the  Wagen- 
haes  or  Uttawawa  Indians  who  received  them  kindly  & 
that  their  Sachems  met  &  told  them  that  a  Peace  &  good 
Correspondance  had  been  formerly  established  between 


192          WRAX ALL'S  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

their  Nation  &  the  5  Nations  &  tho  the  Sachems  were 
dead  who  made  it  yet  they  now  renewed  it  &  desired  it 
might  be  continued. 

They  said  they  had  tried  their  Father  the  Govr  of 
Canada  &  liked  him  not.  that  they  had  tried  their  Bre- 
theren  of  New  York  &  found  themselves  well  used,  &  that 
they  intended  to  build  a  New  Castle  that  they  might 
come  &  Trade  at  Oswego  without  being  obliged  to  touch  at 
Fort  Cadaraqui.  That  the  Wagenhaes  had  given  20 
Bevers  to  enforce  their  above  Speech,  10  of  wch  were  left 
with  the  Caouge  Sachems  in  order  to  return  an  Answer  & 
the  sd  Sachems  had  sent  the  other  10  to  the  Commiss1"8  for 
them  to  return  proper  Presents  to  the  Wagenhaes. 
The  Commissra  thank  the  Cayouge's  for  their  Endeavours  to 

bring  the  far  Nations  to  trade  with  us,  &  return  a  small  present 

to  the  Cayouge  Sachems  — 

(Quere)  Would  it  not  have  been  good  Policy  to  have  dispatched 
this  Indian  with  presents  &  a  Message  to  the  Wagenhaes 
to  have  kept  up  &  encreased  this  good  disposition  of  theirs. 
I  find  nothing  but  a  cold  Comp*  paid  to  the  Cayouges  on 
the  Occasion,  had  such  a  Circumstance  happened  to  the 
French,  they  I  am  persuaded  would  imediately  have  sent 
an  Embassy  &  forwarded  the  removal  of  their  Castle, 
but  our  Albany  Commissr3  are  too  fat  headed,  &  have 
too  much  Belgick  Phlegm  for  so  judicious  &  Active  a 
Conduct. 

(P.  172.)  Albany  July  the  Commissra  receive  a  Letter  from  Govr 
Cosby  accquainting  them  that  the  Garrison  at  Oswego 
are  very  much  in  want  of  Bedding  &  desire  them  to  send  a 
Supply  of  Rugs  &  Blankets  out  of  the  public's  Money. 

29  July  1735.  The  Commissr3  answer  that  the  Members  of  the 
Assembly  for  the  City  &  County  being  present  told  them 
if  they  complied  with  the  above  Request  of  the  Gov" 
they  were  of  opinion  the  Assembly  would  not  alow  it  in 
their  Accounts  &  therefore  they  could  not  venture  to  do  it. 
And  that  the  said  Charge  must  fall  on  the  Traders. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          193 

30  July.  Laur.  Claasse  is  dispatched  to  the  6  Nations  to  ace- 
quaint  them  that  his  Excellcy  Govr  Cosby  intended  to 
meet  them  at  Albany  the  3d  of  next  Sepr 

i  August  1735.  Sundry  Sachems  of  the  Cacknawaga  Canada 
Indians  arrive  at  Albany  &  desire  a  Meeting  from  the 
Commissr3  — 

They  begin  by  offering  the  Calumet  or  Pipe  of  Peace 
to  all  the  Commissra  who  according  to  the  Indian  custom 
take  each  a  Whif.  having  gone  through  this  Solemnity, 
their  Speaker  opens  the  Conference  &  says  he  speaks  in  the 
Name  of  the  Govr  of  Canada  &  the  3  Castles  of  Indians  in 
Cannada *  that  they  are  come  in  Consequence  of  the  Belt  of 
Wampum  sent  to  them  by  the  Commissioners  last  May,  to 
renew  &  strengthen  the  Antient  Peace  Friendship  &  Inter 
course  between  their  Constituents  this  Gov*  &  the  6 
Nations.  That  they  may  mutualy  Aid  &  Assist  each 
other,  and  that  all  the  rights  of  Hospitality  may  be 
mutualy  kept  up  between  the  contracting  Parties,  with 
Liberty  of  mutual  Trade  &  Intercourse.2 

The  Commiss"  Accept  ratify  &  Solemnize  in  behalf  of  the  Govr  of 
New  York  the  above  offered  Treaty  of  Peace  Trade  & 
Amity  with  the  Govr  of  Canada  &  all  the  Indians  dwelling 
in  his  Gov*  &  promise  (p.  173)  to  send  the  Calumet  Pipe  to 
Onondaga  to  be  there  laid  up  as  a  Memorial  to  Posterity 
of  this  Solemn  Treaty.3 

1  these  3  Castles  are  Deserters  from  the  5  Nations  — 

2  The  Govr  of  Canada  having  just  finished  the  stone  Fort  at  Crown  Point  w°h 
is  within  the  Boundaries  of  this  Province  &  having  settled  his  Plan  of  operations 
to  the  Westward  at  Lake  Ontario  &  Niagara  I  suppose  dispatched  this  Solemn 
Embassy  to  Albany  as  a  Security  &  Cover  to  his  Designs.     The  Canada  Trading 
Faction  at  Albany  who  I  find  were  the  Majority  of  the  Commiss™  swallowed  the 
Bait  with  Greediness,     by  this  Solemn  Treaty  the  Canada  Trade  was  opened  & 
freed  from  all  Obstructions. 

3  This  Treaty  is  One  of  the  most  formal  &  carried  on  with  the  greatest  Solemnity 
of  any  I  have  met  within  the  Records,     That  the  Commissioners  should  take  upon 
them  so  great  an  Act  of  Power  as  this  Appears  to  be  without  giving  the  Govr  any 
previous  Notice  &  having  his  Orders  thereupon  seems  to  me  an  Insolent  Stretch  of 
their  Office  —  but  I  suppose  they  knew  under  what  Influence  Mr  Cosby  acted  & 
that  the  Albany  Genius  &  Politics  were  recommended  to  his  Submission,     who  lead 


194          W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   VORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Albany  18  Sepr  1735.  Govr  Cosby  meets  the  6  Nations  at  Albany 
&  speaks  to  them  in  Manner  following  - 

he  pays  them  the  Compliments  of  Condolance  upon 
the  Loss  of  those  of  their  People  who  are  deceased  since 
his  last  Meeting  them,  he  renews  the  Cov*  with  them  in 
behalf  of  all  his  Majesties  Subjects  in  North  America. 

he  repeats  to  them  all  the  Advantages  they  reap  by 
the  Garrison  at  Oswego  &  tells  them  he  expects  they  will  on 
all  occasions  be  ready  to  defend  it ;  he  exhorts  them  not  to 
suffer  the  French  to  build  any  Trading  House  or  Forts  on 
their  Land,  wch  he  tells  them  they  have  put  under  the 
Protection  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain. 

he  thanks  them  for  their  kindness  to  the  Traders,  & 
tells  them  they  must  be  sensible  that  when  the  King  of 
Great  Britain  is  at  War  with  the  King  of  France  how 
unable  the  French  are  to  supply  them  with  Goods  &  says 
You  very  well  know,  that  the  French  themselves  in  Canada 
could  not  have  subsisted,  had  they  not  been  supplied  from 
Albany. 

That  he  rejoices  to  hear  of  their  Inclination  to  Peace 
with  the  Southern  Indians,  he  presses  that  matter  upon 
them  &  desires  they  will  name  a  time  when  they  are  willing 
to  meet  Deligates  from  those  Indians  at  Albany  &  he  will 
write  to  the  Govr  near  whose  Provinces  they  reside  in  order 
to  bring  this  Peace  to  a  final  Issue. 

He  accquaints  them  with  the  Treaty  lately  made  by 
the  Commissioners  with  the  Canada  Indians  &  delivers 
them  the  Calumet  wch  they  left  to  be  lodged  at  Onondaga 

he  tells  them  the  King  has  ordered  him  to  give  them 
several  presents  in  his  Name,  wch  they  shall  receive  as  soon 
as  they  give  him  their  Answer. 

(P.  174.)  Albany  20  Sepr  1735  —  The  6  Nations  Answer  the  Govrfl 
Speech    They  return  their  Compts  of  Condolance. 

him  at  this  time  I  know  not.  And  whether  this  Treaty  was  or  was  not  good 
Policy,  I  shall  not  detirmine,  but  I  think  it  was  a  Step  of  too  much  consequence  to 
have  been  taken  without  the  Govrs  concurrence  of  W*  I  find  no  traces  in  the  Rec 
ords.  It  opened  &  fixt  the  Canada  Trade  wch  I  believe  was  the  Chief  View  our 
Commissrs  had  in  it  — 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS  195 

They  promise  the  Cov*  shall  be  kept  inviolable  on  their 
side  As  to  the  Garrison  &  Trade  at  Oswego,  they  say  when 
a  number  of  Traders  are  there  Goods  are  sold  Cheap,  but 
when  there  is  but  a  Trader  or  two,  they  are  cheated,  not 
only  the  6  Nations  but  the  far  Indians,  &  instead  of  pure 
Rum  they  receive  half  Water,  this  they  say  makes  them 
appear  as  Lyars  to  the  Far  Indians  who  come  there  upon 
their  Encouragment. 
They  say 

"  Brother  You  told  us  that  you  would  not  suffer 
any  French  to  go  up  the  River  Oswego,  we  suppose  you 
are  in  a  Mistake  in  that  affair,1 /0r  the  Trade  6*  Peace  we 
take  to  be  one  thing  for  here  have  lately  been  Indians  from 
Canada  to  renew  their  old  Friendship  therefore  no  Pas 
sages  ought  to  be  stopped  where  Messengers  come  thro 
to  make  Peace,  perhaps  far  Indians  may  want  to  come  to 
Albany  or  to  some  of  the  6  Nations  to  make  Peace. " 

The  Govr  said  he  did  not  mean  to  hinder  any  Indians 
from  coming  to  them,  but  to  prevent  the  French  from 
coming  amongst  them  to  infuse  Lyes  &  prejudice  them 
against  this  Gov*  — 

They  proceed  &  say 

"  You  command  that  we  should  not 

suffer  the  French  Priest  or  any  other  French  to  live  among 
us  on  this  side  of  the  Lake  (Lake  Ontario)  Bror  Corlaer, 
We  take  narrow  notice  of  it,  its  as  if  you  on  one  side  &  the 
French  on  the  other  will  press  us  out  of  our  Lands,  we  are 
like  Dumb  People  not  knowing  what  ails  us,  but  we 
promise  we  shall  not  consent  to  any  French  living  among 

1  The  Sachems  take  this  Treaty  with  the  Canada  Indians  in  the  same  Light  I 
did,  as  a  free  &  full  opening  of  the  Trade  to  Cannada  w°h  (in  my  Opinion)  was 
prudently  prohibited  by  Govr  Burnet.  And  from  their  sense  as  above  expressed 
of  it,  I  make  no  doubt  they  now  looked  upon  themselves  as  at  Liberty  to  enter 
into  any  Negotiations  they  thought  proper  with  the  French.  This  Treaty  cer 
tainly  tended  to  take  off  that  Jealousy  &  coldness  of  the  French  w**  it  is  ever  the 
Interest  of  this  Colony  to  inspire  the  6  Nations  with.  It  appears  to  me  that  a 
free  Trade  ta  Canada  is  false  Policy  with  regard  to  the  Indian  Trade  meerly  as 
such,  but  in  the  general  System  of  Indian  Politics  I  must  think  it  [is]  a  wrong 
Measure. 


196          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

us  or  to  settle  on  this  side  the  Lake,     the  House  at  Niagara 

is  built  but  it  was  against  our  Consent.  - 

(P.  175.)  They  are  willing  his  Excellcy  should  employ  his  Media 
tion  to  settle  a  Peace  between  them  &  the  Flat  heads  &  say  they 
refer  the  Managment  of  it  wholly  to  him.1 

Albany  April  1736.  The  Commissra  receive  an  Ace*  of  the  Death 
of  Govr  Cosby  who  is  succeeded  by  the  Honble  George 
Clarke  Lieu*  Govr  - 

Several  Indians  intending  to  go  out  a  fighting  against  the  Flat 
heads  are  stopped  by  the  Message  &  Endeavours  of  the  Corn- 
miss1'3  &  the  Commissr3  receive  a  Letter  bearing  date  the  7  May 
from  the  Lieu*  Govr  Advising  them  he  had  wrote  to  the  Govr  of 
South  Carolina  upon  the  Subject  of  a  Peace  between  the  6  Nations 
&  the  Flat  heads. 

29  May.  A  Smith  &  Three  Men  are  sent  to  reside  in  the  Sennecas 
Country  for  One  year  for  wch  they  are  to  receive  £80. 
And  have  £20  more  allowed  them  to  bestow  upon  the 
Indians  in  presents  in  such  manner  as  they  shall  judge 
most  for  the  public  Good.  - 

12  June  1736.  Several  Sachems  of  the  Schaahkook  Indians  pre 
sent  another  Complaint  to  the  Commissr3  about  their 
Land.  They  say. 

"  The  first  Gov"  who  came  here  fixt  our  Fathers  at 
Schaahkook  that  they  &  their  Posterity  should  live  there." 
"  We  have  Land  at  Schaahkook  but  the  Christians 
have  taken  it  within  their  Fences  so  that  we  have  none  left 
to  plant  on,  The  Christinas  tell  us  that  they  have  got  it 
from  some  Indians  but  we  know  of  none  that  have  given 
it  them.77 

I  find  no  kind  of  Answer  recorded  to  these  Oppressed  People's 
Complaint. 

1  I  find  no  private  Conference  between  the  Govr  &  the  Sachems  recorded  at 
this  Meeting,  why  Govr  Cosby  departed  from  the  Practice  of  his  Predecessors,  I 
know  not.  Such  private  Conf errences  Attended  with  presents  have  been  extrea  mly 
useful  at  some  very  critical  junctures,  &  in  my  Opinion  might  be  always  rendered 
very  Advantageous  to  the  public  Weal,  by  an  honest  &  judicious  Govr  — 


W RAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          197 

19  July.  The  Commiss™  receive  Information  that  the  Traders  at 
Oswego  sell  Rum  to  the  French  Interpreter,  who  gives  it 
to  the  Senneca  Indians  in  order  to  promote  his  Influence  & 
the  French  Designs  amongst  them.  (surely  this  is  a 
notorious  proof  that  tho  my  cursory  reflections  on  the 
Albanian  Indian  Traders  are  severe  they  do  not  rise  up  to 
the  Infamy  of  their  Characters.) 

(P.  176.)  Albany  30  July  1736.  The  Commiss™  receive  a  Letter 
from  one  of  our  Residents  at  Oswego  accquainting  them. 
That  a  Great  Sachem  of  the  Ottawawa  Nation  had  been 
there  &  given  Information  that  the  French  had  been 
among  the  far  Nations  &  told  them  they  were  detirmined 
to  cut  off  Oswego  &  kill  all  those  Indians  who  should  go 
there  to  Trade. 

That  they  had  also  forced  Three  Nations  of  far 
Indians  who  were  coming  to  Trade  at  Oswego  to  go  to 
Canada 

That  they  have  also  sent  for  the  Messasagas  another 
Nation  of  Far  Indians  who  used  to  Trade  at  Oswego  to 
come  to  Canada. 

That  [sold]  some  Miamies  Indians  who  were  arrived 
at  Oswego  complained  that  the  French  had  stopped  them 
at  Niagara  &  forcibly  taken  from  them  part  of  their 
Goods. 

That  Jean  Coeur  the  French  Interpreter  had  carried 
with  him  towards  Canada  Three  Great  Sachems  of  the 
Sennecas  in  order  to  go  to  Canada  &  sell  to  the  French 
their  Land  at  Irondequat,  but  our  Resident  got  some  other 
Sachems  to  go  after  them  &  brought  'em  back  much  to  the 
Mortification  of  Jean  Coeur,  who  dispatched  a  Messenger 
to  the  Onondagas  to  desire  them  to  go  to  the  Sennecas  & 
get  some  other  Sachems  to  go  with  him  in  the  room  of 
those  who  were  returned,  for  he  would  not  go  to  Canada 
without  some  of  the  Senneca  Sachems  as  the  Govr  of 
Canada  much  wanted  to  speak  with  them. 

That  Jean  Coeur  intended  to  return  from  Canada  to 
the  Sennecas  Country  in  30  or  40  days  &  as  he  passed  by 


198          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Oswego  to  stop  there  &  buy  from  our  Traders  160  Kegs  of 
Rum  to  distribute  amongst  the  Sennecas. 

The  same  Letter  advises  that  notwithstanding  these 
Base  &  Unwarrantable  Proceedings  of  the  French,  there 
has  been  a  great  Trade  at  Oswego  this  Summer,  that  160 
Canoes  of  far  Indians  had  been  there  besides  what  had 
come  from  the  6  Nations.1 

(P.  177.)  Upon  the  receipt  of  the  foregoing  Letter  the  Commiss" 
nominate  5  Persons  &  a  Smith  to  go  &  reside  in  the  Sennecas 
Country  for  One  year  &  give  them  Instructions  to  watch  the 
Motions  of  the  French,  to  be  watchful  over  &  to  promote  to  the 
utmost  of  their  Power  the  Influence  &  Interest  of  this  Province. 

Albany  9  March  1736/37  Laur.  Claasse  the  Interpreter  is  dis 
patched  to  Onondaga  to  Accquaint  the  6  Nations  that 
Govr  Gooch  of  Virginia  has  prevailed  upon  the  Southern 
Indians  to  send  Deputies  to  Williamsburgh  ab*  the  begin- 
ing  of  next  April  to  treat  of  Peace  between  them  &  the  6 
Nations,  &  to  desire  they  would  fix  on  Deputies  to  go  there 
on  their  behalf,  in  the  meantime  the  Lieu*  Govr  commands 
them  to  cease  from  all  hostilities. 

6  April.  Laur.  Claasse  returns  &  reports  that  he  had  met  the 
Sachems  of  the  6  Nations  to  whom  he  had  communicated 
the  above  Message  &  they  return  for  Answer,  that  they 
are  surprized  the  Govr  of  Virginia  should  send  this  Mes 
sage  to  them  without  taking  Notice  of  the  Govr  of  New 
York  or  the  Commissr8  of  Indian  Affairs  that  some  Persons 
from  them  might  go  with  their  Deputies  for  say  they  We 
are  One  Body,  One  Blood  &  One  Heart,  as  they  cannot 
write  or  read  they  would  not  trust  the  whole  managm*  of 
such  a  Treaty  to  their  own  People. 

1  These  Violent  &  Scandalous  Attempts  of  the  French,  is  an  incontestible  Argu 
ment  how  very  detrimental  this  Trading  House  at  Oswego  was  to  their  Interest  & 
consequently  how  beneficial  to  ours  &  had  the  Northern  Trade  to  Canada  been 
entirely  rooted  out  &  our  whole  Attention  been  Applied  to  the  Western  Trade  at 
Oswego,  &  proper  Persons  disengaged  from  Trade  been  placed  there  to  have  pushed 
our  Political  Influence  with  the  far  Nations,  it  seems  to  me  we  might  have  given  a 
Mortal  wound  to  the  French  Indian  Trade  &  Influence,  by  force  of  Arms  it  is 
now  I  believe  impossible. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          199 

That  Albany  is  the  Antient  &  fixt  Place  for  all  People 
to  treat  with  them  &  if  Govr  Gooch  will  come  himself  or 
send  Proper  Deputies  with  Deligates  from  the  Southern 
Indians  to  Albany,  they  will  meet  there  &  hear  Proposals— 
That  the  Govra  orders  for  their  committing  no  Hos 
tilities  came  to  late  a  Party  of  between  3  &  400  fighters  of 
the  6  Nations  were  already  gone  out  a  fighting  but  they 
will  use  their  Endeav1"3  to  hinder  others  from  following.  — 
Laur.  Claasse  further  reports  that  the  6  Nations  are  to  have  a 
general  Meeting  the  begining  of  May  next  to  consider  of  the 
French  Interpreters  request  about  Settling  at  Irondequat. 

The  Commissrs  transmit  the  Above  Information  to  the  Lieu* 
Govr  &  say  they  think  it  highly  necessary  that  some  Person  of 
Distinction  should  attend  the  above  Meeting  with  Laur.  Claasse 
the  Interpreter.  (P.  178.)  Accordingly  Laurence  Claasse  &  another 
Person  is  sent  up  to  Onondaga  with  proper  Presents  to  act  in 
Behalf  of  this  Gov*  at  the  sd  Meeting  &  instructed,  to  remind  the 
6  Nations  that  it  is  expressly  contrary  to  their  several  Treaties 
with  this  Gov*  &  their  solemn  Promises  to  suffer  any  French  to 
settle  on  their  Land  &  will  be  a  Manifest  Violation  of  the  Covfc 
Chain,  that  they  ought  not  to  hold  meetings  with  the  French  or 
listen  to  their  seducing  Artifices. 

Albany  4  May  1737.  The  Commissr3  apply  by  Letter  to  the 
Representatives  of  the  City  &  County  of  Albany  to  get  an 
Act  passed  that  no  more  but  one  Interpreter  to  the  Com 
missary  shall  be  made  use  of  at  Osswego  &  no  Brokers 
employed  by  the  Traders  there,  for  that  the  Multiplicity 
of  Interpreters  &  the  employing  Brokers  is  the  Occasion  of 
much  irregularity  &  confusion.  - 

28  May  Mr  Schuyler  who  was  sent  to  Onondaga  with  the  Laur. 
Claasse  the  Interpreter  returns  &  reports,  that  he  did  not 
find  the  Assembly  met  at  Onondaga,  but  he  learnt  there 
that  the  Sennecas  had  certainly  given  Jean  Coeur  leave  to 
build  a  Trading  House  at  Irondequat,  upon  wch  they  pro 
ceeded  to  the  Sennecas  Country  &  convened  the  Sachems 
together,  &  asked  them  if  it  was  true  thay  had  given  that 


200          WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Liberty  to  Jean  Coeur;  they  owned  they  had  given  him 
Liberty  to  build  a  small  Hut,  but  thanked  the  Govr  & 
Commiss"  for  their  Advise  &  promised  they  would  recall 
the  Liberty  they  had  given,  And  in  token  thereof  they 
gave  a  Belt  of  Wampum  - 

But  Laur.  Classe  who  returned  into  the  Senneca's 
Country  after  Mr  Schuyler  had  left  it,  reports,  that  he 
found  the  Sennecas  had  entirely  fallen  off  from  their 
Promises  to  Mr  Schuyler  &  that  Jean  Coeur  was  going  on 
with  the  Settlement  at  Irondequat,  upon  wch  he  convened 
the  Sachems  &  asked  them  how  they  came  so  soon  to  forget 
their  Promises  to  Mr  Schuyler  for  that  he  was  informed  the 
French  Interpreter  was  gone  to  Niagara  to  fetch  Pouder 
&c  to  furnish  a  Trading  House  at  Irondequat,  &  that  in 
order  to  convince  him  it  was  not  by  their  Consent,  Laur 
Claasse  desired  the  Sachems  would  speak  with  Jean  Coeur 
in  his  presence  return  his  belt  of  Wampum  &  make  void 
their  Agreement  with  him,  but  to  this  the  Sachems  would 
not  consent.  And  that  (p.  179)  he  was  further  informed 
at  Onondaga  that  the  Sachems  of  the  Sennecas  had 
received  a  large  Belt  of  Wampum  from  the  Govr  of  Canada 
to  join  him  in  a  War  against  a  Nation  of  Indians  called  the 
Foxes.  — 

That  after  he  had  condoled  with  them  on  the  Death  of 
their  Principal  Sachem  called  the  Doctor,  they  had  con 
sented  to  come  down  with  him  to  Albany  to  meet  &  speak 
with  the  Lieu*  Govr  in  conjunction  with  the  other  5 
Nations. 

Albany  27.  June  1 737.  Lieu*  Govr  Clarke  meets  the  6  Nations  at 
this  Place,  to  whom  before  he  enters  upon  any  other 
Buisness  he  makes  a  very  Pathetic  &  well  drawn  Remon 
strance  upon  their  consenting  to  let  the  French  Interpreter 
settle  at  Irondequat.  In  wch  he  tells  them,  "  You  know 
well  that  about  36  l  —  Winters  ago  you  gave  those  Lands 
to  the  Great  King  of  Engd  yr  Father  to  hold  &  protect 

1  The  [Deed  of  S]  Act  of  Surrender  &  the  Deed  in  consequence  of  it  An0  1701. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          2OI 

them  for  you,  &  you  know  that  about  n  l  Winters  ago 
you  that  you  acknowledged  &  confirmed  that  Gift,  now 
having  in  that  solemn  Manner  put  it  into  the  hands  of  our 
King  your  Father  you  cannot  without  his  Consent  suffer  a 
French  man  or  any  other  but  the  Subjects  of  the  Great 
King  of  England  to  build  on  it  unless  you  resolve  to  throw 
off  his  Protection  &  our  Friendship." 

He  tells  them  that  before  he  proceeds  to  renew  & 
brighten  the  Cov*  Chain  with  them  he  must  have  their 
Answer  &  Resolution  upon  the  Above  Affair. 

The  same  day  the  6  Nations  made  Answer  to  the  above  Speech 

of  the  Lieu*  Govrs 

They  begin  thus. 

Bretheren  Indians  that  belong  to  the  French,  You  are  here  to 
listen  to  what  we  shall  speak  to  our  Bror  Corlaer. 

You  may  hear  it  &  we  doubt  not  you  will  tell  it  to  the 
Govr  of  Canada  wch  you  may  do,  but  we  desire  you  will 
tell  him  nothing  but  the  Truth.2  (P.  180.)  They  then  pro 
ceed  &  repeat  the  Govrs  Accusation  of  their  Infidelity  & 
the  Gen1  heads  of  his  Speech  to  them.  They  say  Bror 
Corlaer  You  spoke  very  fierce  &  roughly  to  us  &  we  hope 
you'l  give  us  the  same  Liberty. 

Brother 

At  the  time  when  the  French  built  the  House  at 
Niagara  the  Govr  asked  us  in  a  public  Meeting  why  we 
suffered  it  &  did  not  Demolish  it,  we  answered  that  we 
were  not  able  to  do  it  but  desired  the  Govr  to  write  to  the 
King  about  it  wch  he  promised  to  do,  but  we  have  never 
heard  more  about  it,  so  we  think  they  who  write  are  as 
forgetful  as  we  who  cannot  write,  for  this  we  can  remember 
&  think  the  Govr  should  at  least  have  accquainted  us  with 
what  Answer  he  had.  — 

1  In  their  Conference  with  Govr  Burnet  in  July  1727.  — 

2  I  suppose  they  must  mean  those  Indian  among  themselves  whom  the  French 
had  bribed  &  cajolled  into  their  Interest,  for  surely  a  Man  of  Mr  Clarkes  Sagacity 
would  never  have  suffered  Canada  Indians  to  have  been  Auditors  at  this  Con- 
ferrence.      that  ye  Albanians  might  have  harboured  them  would  be  to  me  no 
wonder. 


202          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Bror  You  have  told  us  that  probably  we  have  forgot  what  passed 
in  former  times  but  our  Ancesters  have  handed  down  to  us 
from  Father  to  Son  what  has  happened  both  in  the  Dutch 
&  English  times,  there  has  been  a  Book  but  perhaps  that 
Book  has  been  destroyed. 

Bror  We  have  come  to  a  full  Resolution  of  all  the  6 
Nations  not  with  false  Lips  but  from  the  bottom  of  our 
Hearts  that  the  French  shall  not  settle  on  any  of  our 
Lands  &  this  you  may  believe  we  speak  with  Sincerity. 

We  again  say  as  before  &  we  speak  with  a  sincere 
Heart  &  shall  perform  our  Promise  there  shall  not  one 
French  man  settle  on  our  Land. 

We  want  to  ask  one  Question  tho  it  dos  not  belong  to 
the  present  Subject,  how  comes  it  that  the  French  have 
settled  so  near  in  the  Neighbourhood  even  at  the  Crawn 
Point  ?  have  they  won  it  by  the  Sword,  We  think  it  is  our 
Land  ?  1 

Thus  ends  this  Days  Conferrence. 

(P.  1 8 1.)  Albany  28  June  1737.  Govr  Clarke  makes  a  Second 
Speech  to  the  6  Nations,  the  Stile  of  wch  is  so  elegant  &  the 
Sentiments  so  just  &  Excellent  that  if  it  consisted  with  the 
Intentions  of  these  Papers  I  would  transcribe  at  length  for 
the  Entertainment  of  those  into  whose  hands  they  may 
fall,  but  I  must  keep  up  to  my  Plan,  &  proceed  to  take 
notice  of  such  Matters  as  in  my  Judgment  seem  to  be  of 
necessary  importance. 

he  expresses  his  Satisfaction  in  the  Solemn  Promises 
they  have  made  to  him  on  the  Subject  of  permitting  the 
French  to  settle  on  their  Lands  &  depending  on  their 
sincerity  &  exact  performance,  renews  the  Cov*  with  them 
in  his  Majesties  name  in  the  most  ample  Manner.  - 

1  this  a  kind  of  Sarcastic  Question  of  the  Indians  &  meant  as  a  reproach  to  our 
Indolence  &  weakness  to  suffer  them  to  build  a  Fort  within  the  Limits  of  this 
Province.  I  beleive  the  true  Answer  would  be  this.  It  was  suffered  in  lieu  of  the 
Canada  Trade  &  agreeable  to  the  constant  Policy  of  the  French  with  the  Albanian 
Administrators,  to  feed  their  impatient  Avarice  at  the  Expense  of  the  future  Hon 
our  &  safety  of  this  Province.  — 


WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          203 

he  represents  in  very  lively  Colours  the  pernicious 
Designs  &  Artifices  of  the  French  who  have  no  other  Inten 
tions  but  to  extirpate  &  Destroy  them  in  order  to  favour  & 
compass  their  own  Ambitions  Designs,  and  as  one  In 
stance,  he  gives  their  Endeavours  to  prevail  on  the  Young 
Warriors  of  the  6  Nations  to  join  them  in  their  War  upon 
the  Nation  of  the  Foxes,  by  wch  the  6  Nations  can  attain 
Nothing  but  false  Glory  &  real  Loss,  he  exhorts  them 
rather  to  Cultivate  the  profitable  Arts  of  Peace  &  the 
practice  of  Justice  &  Temperance  by  wch  they  will  intro 
duce  Riches  amongst  themselves  &  inspire  their  Neigh 
bours  with  a  veneration  &  Esteem  for  them. 

he  points  out  to  them  the  advantage  of  the  Trading 
House  at  Oswego  &  that  the  more  they  can  succeed  in  their 
Influence  among  the  far  Nations  to  bring  them  thither  to 
Trade,  the  greater  will  be  the  plenty  &  cheapness  of  Goods 
that  we  shall  always  be  able  to  sell  Cheaper  than  the 
French  who  are  obliged  to  purchase  many  of  their  Goods 
at  Albany. 

he  tells  them  he  is  informed  the  Sennecas  &  Cayouges 
have  sold  to  Mr  Pen  those  Lands  of  theirs  on  the  Susqua- 
hana  River  where  the  Shawawanas  &  other  Indians  are 
settled  by  wch  means  those  Indians  are  drove  to  the  Inten 
tion  of  taking  an  Assylum  at  Tuchsakrondie  among  the 
Settlements  of  the  French,  wch  he  tells  them  will  tend  to 
weaken  the  power  of  the  6  Nations  &  add  strength  to  the 
French  &  therefore  recommends  it  to  them  as  a  peice  of 
good  Policy  worthy  of  their  Prudence  to  invite  those 
Indians  to  settle  on  some  of  their  remaining  Lands.  (P. 
182.)  he  concludes  his  Speech  or  rather  Oration  by  telling 
them  he  has  some  Presents  for  them  from  their  Loving 
Father  King  George.  wch  he  will  give  them  when  the  Con- 
ferrence  is  finished  that  they  may  not  be  cheated  out  of 
them  for  Rum  as  they  have  often  been 

Albany  30  June  1737.  The  6  Nations  return  their  Answer  to 
Govr  Clarke's  most  excellent  Speech.  They  say  they 
promise  in  the  Name  of  the  6  Nations  to  keep  the  Cov4 


204          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Chain  inviolable  on  their  parts  &  to  make  it  clearer  & 
brighter  &  stronger  than  ever. 

As  to  the  Govr  of  Canadas  invitation  to  join  him  in  the 
War  against  the  Foxes  they  say  it  is  true  he  did  send  them 
a  Message  to  that  purpose  but  he  sent  them  no  Belt  of 
Wampum  &  it  is  a  Maxim  amongst  them,  that  if  any  body 
speaks  to  them  he  must  give  a  Belt  as  the  Govr  of  Canada 
gave  none  so  they  take  no  Notice  of  his  Message. 

They  say  they  think  there  is  some  Poison  at  Oswego 
for  many  have  died  there  (meaning  that  it  is  an  Unhealthy 
place). 

That  they  dont  conceive  the  Truth  of  what  the  Govr 
tells  them  that  the  more  Furrs  wch  come  to  Oswego  the 
Cheaper  Goods  will  be,  for  they  must  now  pay  3  Bever 
Skins  for  a  woman  Petticoat,  &  they  desire  Goods  may  be 
sold  cheaper  &  then  all  the  far  Nations  will  come  &  trade 
there. 

The  Govr  answered,  that  whoever  made  them  pay  3 
Bevers  for  a  Petticoat  imposed  on  them  &  desired  them  to 
mark  those  Traders  &  not  deal  with  them,  for  an  honest 
Trader  will  give  them  2  Petticoats  for  3  Good  Bevers. 

The  say  the  Land  they  are  about  selling  to  Mr  Penn 
is  a  great  Distance  from  where  the  Shawanas  are  settled 

They  say  the  Shawanas  are  disgusted  at  Mr  Penn  & 
that  they  beleive  it  is  his  fault  that  they  design  to  remove 
themselves,  (for  they  say,)  *•  it  is  a  Custom  amongst  the 
Christians  when  they  buy  Land  of  the  [Christians]  Indians 
to  take  in  more  than  they  agree  for  &  they  believe  Mr  Pen 
has  encroached  on  the  Lands  of  the  Shawanas.  &  they 
desire  the  Govr  will  write  to  him  about  that  Matter  &  be  a 
Mediator  between  Mr  Pen  &  those  Indians  to  prevent 
(p.  183)  their  going  to  the  French  Settlements. 

They  say,  "  before  there  was  an  House  in  Albany  & 
every  Body  lodged  under  the  Leaves  of  the  Trees  the 

1  this  Accusation  is  notoriously  true  &  has  been  one  among  many  other  Causes 
of  weakening  our  Influence  over  the  Indians,  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  New 
Jersey  &  Pensilvania  are  so  Land  Mad  that  they  are  ready  to  destroy  each  other 
about  their  Boundaries  &  Titles  &  forever  at  Law. 


WRAXALLS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          205 

Christians  &  we  entered  into  a  Cov*  of  Friendship  &  the 
Indians  loved  the  Christians  on  Ace*  that  they  sold  them 
the  Goods  Cheap 

"  We  shall  not  repeat  a  long  Story  of  what  happened 
between  our  Forefathers.  We  shall  break  off  here.  But 
we  shall  say  in  few  words  that  our  forefathers  dealt 
uprightly  &  in  simplicity,  when  they  first  began  to  trade 
they  had  Goods  much  cheaper  than  we  have  now.  You 
said  we  had  no  Memories  but  it  is  written  in  our  fore 
heads."  1 
The  Lieu*  Govr  made  a  short  reply  in  wch  he  said 

"  I  am  very  sorry  there  has  been  any  misunderstand 
ing  between  Mr  Penn  &  the  Shawana  Indians.  I  shall  do 
my  Endeavours  to  get  a  good  Understanding  betwixt 
them,  but  as  no  man  can  Answer  for  the  Success  of  what 
he  undertakes  I  recommend  to  you  to  keep  the  Shawanas 
among  your  selves  as  you  have  done  the  Tuscarores  to 
prevent  their  going  to  the  French." 

Albany  2d  July  1737.  The  Speaker  of  the  6  Nations  waited  on 
the  Lieu*  Govr  &  said.  "  You  told  us  that  the  Shawana 
Indians  intended  to  remove  from  their  habitations  on  the 
Susquahanna  River  to  Tuchsagrondie  &  settle  among  the 
French  Indians  &  you  recommended  to  the  Sachems  of 

1  The  Complaints  of  the  Indians  upon  the  clearness  of  Goods  &  the  unfair  treat 
ment  they  meet  with  from  the  Traders,  are  so  very  frequent  thro-ought  the  whole 
Records  that  tho  I  have  several  times  noted  'em  in  these  Abstracts  I  have  more 
frequently  omitted  them.  The  Indians  have  often  laid  it  down  as  a  fundamental 
Maxim  that  their  Connexions  with  us  arose  from  &  depended  upon  Trade,  &  even 
a  superficial  knowledge  of  Indian  Affairs  will  point  out  that  Truth.  In  the  Indian 
Trade  we  have  many  natural  &  constitutional  advantages  over  the  French,  &  it  is 
this  w^  has  obliged  the  French  to  have  recourse  to  so  many  Base  &  Artful  Measures 
to  carry  on  their  Influence  &  Views  with  regard  to  the  Indians,  but  more  honesty 
&  Generosity  on  our  side  would  have  in  a  great  measure  defeated  the  whole  System 
of  French  Policy,  but  —  but  on  the  contrary  we  have  aided  their  Views  by  our 
Dishonesty  &  Opression  with  regard  to  our  Trade  with  the  Indians  &  their  Lands, 
by  this  means  we  have  lost  all  that  Dignity  of  Moral  Character,  w°h  let  Politicians 
Act  &  say  as  they  Please,  is  the  true  Foundation  of  National  Grandeur  &  Influence. 
By  our  fruitless '&  ill  conducted  Expeditions  against  Canada  we  have  given  the 
Indians  a  contemptible  Idea  of  our  Martial  prowess  &  Genius.  On  the  contrary 
the  French  who  have  been  more  Active  &  Successful  are  more  revered  by  them. 


206          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

the  6  Nations  that  they  should  prevent  their  removal. 
I  am  come  in  their  name  to  tell  you  that  they  will  do  all  in 
their  Power  to  prevent  their  removal  &  give  them  other 
Land  among  us  in  case  it  be  sold  to  Govr  Penn." 
(P.  184.)  Lieu*  Govr  Clarke  having  referred  to  the  Commissrs  of 
Indian  Affairs  to  consider  of  &  give  their  Opinion  upon  the 
Subject  of  the  French  getting  leave  from  the  Sennecas  to  build  at 
Irondequat. 

They  give  it  as  their  Opinion,  that  some  proper  Persons  be  sent 
to  reside  amongst  the  Sennecas  for  the  ensuing  year  &  that  they  be 
furnished  with  presents  to  the  value  of  £60  or  £70.  to  distribute 
properly  amongst  the  leading  Sachems  in  order  to  keep  them  to 
the  performance  of  the  solemn  promises  they  have  made  in  the 
foregoing  Conferrence  not  to  suffer  the  French  to  build  on  any 
part  of  their  Land. 

They  give  it  further  as  their  Opinion  that  for  the  Security  of 
the  Indians  &  Fur  Trade  that  a  Fort  be  erected  at  Irondequat  &  a 
Garrison  posted  in  it. 

Mr  Clarke  being  desirous  of  purchasing  in  His  Majesties  Name 
all  the  Indian  Lands  on  the  South  side  of  Lake  Cadaraqui  or 
Lake  Ontario  from  Oswego  to  the  Falls  of  Niagara  [in  order]  in 
order  to  erect  a  Fort  at  Irondequat,  from  the  Onondaga  Cayouge 
&  Senneca  Indians,  he  gave  orders  to  the  Interpreter  to  summons 
the  Sachems  of  those  Nations  before  him,  but  the  Interpreter 
Laur  Claasse  (who  afterwards  confessed  he  mistook  the  Order) 
summon'd  them  to  meet  at  the  House  of  One  Blicker  &  there  made 
them  his  honours  proposals  for  the  aforesaid  purchase.  The 
Sachems  made  Answer,  that  the  Two  Cheif  Propietors  of  sd 
Lands  were  in  the  Sennecas  Country  &  that  the  Sachems  there 
present  had  no  right  to  dispose  of  the  same. 

And  that  it  had  been  formerly  agreed  on  by  the  primative  Own 
ers  of  said  Lands  that  they  should  remain  for  the  use  of  their 
Childrens  Children  forever  &  not  be  sold  to  any  Christians  nor 
any  settlements  made  on  it,  because  on  those  Lands  they  get  their 
Cheif  support  in  Hunting  &  Fishing. 

Govr  Clarke  was  very  angry  the  Interpreter  should  make  this 
Proposal  to  them  by  himself  &  not  bring  the  Sachems  to  him  the 


WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          207 

Interpreter  excused  himself  as  above,  but  I  suspect  the  Interpreter 
was  influenced  by  some  Albanian  Politics  in  this  affair. 

(P.  185.)  Albany  i  July  1737.  Lieu*  Govr  Clarke  renews  the 
Cov*  with  the  Schaahkook  Indians  &  exhorts  them  not  to 
seperate  but  live  together  &  endeavour  to  bring  back  the 
deserted  Indians  to  their  Native  Country. 

They  in  return  renew  the  Cov*  Chain  on  their  side  & 
promise  to  use  their  Endeavours  to  keep  together  in  a 
Body  &  to  prevail  on  those  who  have  deserted  to  return. 

23  July  The  Govr  having  appointed  Laur  Claasse  &  5  other 
Persons  to  reside  in  the  Sennecas  Country  for  the  Year 
unsuing,  they  are  dispatched  thither  by  the  Commiss" 
with  proper  Instructions 

2d  Janry  1737/38  The  Commissrs  receive  a  Letter  from  Laur 
Claasse  from  the  Sennecas  Country  wherein  he  writes. 
That  there  are  Three  Frenchmen  there  who  have  used  all 
their  Endeavours  to  get  leave  from  the  Indians  to  settle  at 
lierondequat,  but  that  he  has  defeated  all  their  Schemes  & 
that  they  rather  loose  than  gain  ground,  he  writes  that  he 
believes  he  could  now  purchase  the  sd  Land  from  the 
Indians  were  he  properly  furnished,  but  that  he  dos  not 
choose  to  lay  out  his  own  Money,  he  writes  that  the 
Sennecas  are  in  a  bad  state  by  reason  of  the  great  Quantity 
of  Rum  wch  is  bro*  amongst  them. 
The  Commissr8  transmit  a  Copy  of  this  Letter  to  the  Lieu* 

Govr  &  recommend  the  furnishing  Laur  Claasse  with  Money  to 

make  the  aforesaid  purchase  wch  they  say  will  not  in  their  Opinion 

cost  much 

Albany  26  Janry  1737/8.  Lieu*  Govr  Clarke  having  referred  the 
Four  following  Queries  to  the  Commissrs  viz 

1.  What  number  of  Indians  are  within  the  Boundaries  & 
imediate  Influence  of  this  Gov*  ? 

2.  What  is  the  Strength  of  the  Neighbouring  Indians  ? 

3.  What  is  the  Strength  of  our  European  Neighbours  French 
&  Spanjards  ? 


208          WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

4.  What  Effect  have  the  French  or  Spanish  Settlements  on 
the  Continent  of  America  upon  his  Majesties  Plantations 
especially  this  Colony  ? 

The  Commissrs  answer  the  aforesaid  Queries  in  the  follow 
ing  Manner. 

To  the  Ist  The  Six  Nations  of  Indians  including  the  River  & 
Schaahkook  Indians  are  about  1500  Fighting  Men  l  of  wch  Number 
(p.  1 86)  about  |  part  incline  to  the  French  Interest,  being  partly 
overawed  by  Fear,  the  French  having  their  Interpreter  continualy 
among  the  Sennecas  who  has  a  great  Influence  over  them,  & 
they  often  send  Messengers  with  presents  among  the  Six  Nations. 
To  the  2d  Quere. 

The  Indians  living  near  the  Neighbourhood 
of  Montreal  &  Quebec  are  about  1000  fighting  Men  besides  a  vast 
number  of  other  Forreign  Indians  where  the  French  have  16 
Fortifications  amongst  them. 
To  the  3d  Quere 

The  French  Europeans  settled  on  the  River 
S*  Lawrence  in  Canada  consisting  of  y°  Three  Governments  of 
Quebec,  Montreal  &  Trois  Rivieres  computed  at  about  10,000 
fighting  Men  including  32  Companies  of  Regular  Forces. 

Of  Spanish  Settlements  none  within  the  Boundaries  of  this 
Province. 
To  the  4th  Quere. 

The  Metropolis  of  New  France  is  Quebec  a  Strong  Fortified 
Town  being  inclosed  in  a  very  good  Wall  &  has  a  strong 
Fort  sittuated  on  a  Rock,  being  the  Sea  Port  on  the  North  side 
of  the  River  S*  Laurence;  about  60  Leauges  S.  W.  thereof  is 
Montreal  on  the  same  side  of  the  River,  it  is  regularly  Fortified  & 
surrounded  with  a  Strong  Stone  Wall,  having  Bastions  &  a  large 
Trench  round  the  N.  E.  &  West  sides  thereof  &  to  the  South  the 
River. 

About  7  Leagus  South  from  Montreal  is  a  Village  called 
Chambly  sittuated  on  the  River  runing  out  of  Corlaers  Lake  wch 

1  in  the  year  1711.  814  fighting  Men  of  the  Indians  being  then  but  5  Nations 
besides  Schaahkook  River  &  High  Land  Indians  joined  our  Army  in  the  Exped" 
against  Canada  of  the  6  Nations  in  are  reckoned  fighting  Men 


WRAXALLS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          2OQ 

by  the  French  is  called  Lake  Champlain  &  emptys  itself  into  the 
River  S*  Laurence  at  Soriel.  there  is  a  good  strong  Stone  Fort  at 
the  side  of  the  River  at  the  upper  end  of  a  Bason. 

They  have  also  a  very  strong  Fort  to  the  West  of  Crown  Point 
called  by  the  French  La  Pointe  au  la  Chevleares,  at  the  side  & 
South  end  of  Corlaers  Lake  before  mentioned  about  70  Miles  to 
the  Northward  of  our  farthest  Settlements  built  in  the  Year  1736. 
for  a  Retreat  when  the  French  should  at  any  time  come  to  dis 
turb  or  Anoy  our  Frontiers  either  in  this  Province  or  New  Eng 
land.  They  likewise  by  that  means  have  extended  their  Limits 
having  encroached  upon  Lands  belonging  to  His  Majesty. 

They  have  likewise  a  Strong  Fort  at  Cadaraqui  at  the  N.  E. 
end  of  the  Lake  Ontario  wch  empties  itself  in  the  River  S*  Laurence, 
made  there  not  only  in  order  to  entice  the  6  Nations  of  Indians 
into  their  Interest  &  to  have  an  awe  over  them,1  but  also  (p.  187) 
for  a  retreat  for  the  French  when  at  any  time  they  may  Attack 
or  Annoy  the  6  Nations  &  likewise  to  hinder  the  irruption  of  the 
6  Nations  upon  Canada  in  time  of  War. 

They  have  also  a  Strong  Fort  at  Niagara  lying  at  the  S.  W.  end 
of  Cadaraqui  Lake  below  the  Falls  of  that  name  3  Leagues,  where 
there  is  a  carrying  Place,  it  borders  near  the  6  Nations  &  in  a 
great  Measure  commands  the  Indian  Trade  from  the  Westward 
&  overaws  the  Sennekas.2 

They  have  the  several  Settlements  as  above  observed,  &  Forts 
of  Less  Note  among  the  upper  Nations  of  Indians  upon  the  Chief 
Passes  where  those  Indians  must  come  from  their  Hunting  in 
order  to  intercept  the  Fur  Trade  &  to  keep  an  Awe  &  Command 
over  them. 

Albany  6  March  1737/8.  The  Commiss"  send  an  Express  to 
Laurence  Claasse  to  the  Sennecas  Country  to  accquaint 
him  that  Deputies  are  Expected  at  Albany  this  Spring 
from  the  Cherokees  &  Cattabaws  to  make  a  firm  Peace 

1  And  upon  Land  belonging  to  the  6  Nations  &  contrary  to  their  Consent  as 
may  be  seen  in  the  former  part  of  these  Abstracts. 

2  this  Fort  is  also  settled  on  Land  belonging  to  the  6  Nations  &  surrended  & 
subjected  to  the  Crown  by  a  solemn  Deed  in  1701.     that  surrender  acknowledged 
&  in  effect  renewed  in  1726. 


210          W RAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

between  them  &  the  6  Nations  &  direct  him  to  publish 
this  News  amongst  the  Sennecas  &  the  rest  of  the  6  Nations 
&  use  his  best  Endeavours  to  prevent  any  of  them  from 
going  out  a  righting  against  those  Nations. 

27  May  1738.  In  a  Letter  of  the  Commiss"  to  the  Govr  Clarke 
they  refer  him  to  theirs  of  the  2d  Janry  last  about  enabling 
Laur  Claasse  to  purchase  the  Land  at  Irondequat  from  the 
Indians,  they  say  they  continue  to  think  he  may  yet  do  it 
on  easy  Terms  &  that  if  he  dos  not  the  French  will,  &  that 
some  Sachems  have  declared  themselves  of  the  same 
Opinion. 

i  June  the  Commiss™  write  Laur  Claasse  to  purchase  as  much 
Land  about  Irondequat  from  the  Indians  in  His  Majesties  Name 
as  he  can  &  they  doubt  not  the  Assembly  will  make  the  purchase 
Money  good  to  him. 

(P.  188.)  Albany  26  July  1738.  Laur.  Claasse  the  Interpreter 
being  returned  from  the  Sennecas  Country  where  he  had 
resided  for  near  a  year  past  makes  the  following  report  to 
the  Commissrs  — 

That  upon  several  Indians  going  out  to  fight  against 
the  Cherokees  &  Cattabaws  he  had  endeavoured  in  con 
junction  with  several  Sachems  to  stop  them,  but  they  made 
answer  that  he  was  certainly  jesting  with  them  for  if 
Corlaer  wanted  them  not  to  go  he  ought  according  to 
Custom  to  have  sent  a  Belt  of  Wampum,  but  as  Laur. 
Claasse  spoke  without  one  they  should  not  lay  aside  their 
Expedition. 

That  after  much  Enquiry  &  with  some  Difficulty  some  of 
the  Chief  Sachems  &  Warriors  did  confess  they  had  given 
Jean  Coeur  leave  to  build  a  House  at  Irondequat.  who  had 
made  them  many  fair  Promises  &c  that  upon  Laur. 
Claasse8  representing  to  them  the  many  fatal  Conse 
quences  wch  would  ensue  to  them  &  all  the  British  Subjects 
in  North  America  by  giving  the  French  Possession  of  that 
Post,  &  putting  them  in  Mind  under  what  artful  Pre 
tences  &  with  how  many  fair  &  false  Promises  the  French 


W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          211 

had  deceived  them  into  the  Building  at  Niagara  &c  The 
Sachems  met  the  day  after  &  told  Laur  Claasse  that  they 
had  expressly  forbid  Jean  Coeur  to  build  at  Irondequat 
&  that  they  would  never  suffer  a  Frenchman  to  settle 
there. 

That  upon  his  Departure  he  had  convened  the 
Sachems  &  told  them  his  time  of  Residence  was  now 
expired  &  desired  to  know  if  they  had  anything  to  say  to 
the  Govr  or  the  Commissrs  —  They  said  they  had  staid  at 
home  from  Hunting  in  expectation  of  the  Deputies  of  the 
Cherokees  &  Cattabaws  coming  to  Albany  according  to 
the  Message  they  had  received  from  Corlaer.  but  they 
found  now  those  Nations  had  cheated  them  for  they  had 
lately  murdered  a  Caouge  Indian. 

They  further  desired  a  Smith  might  be  sent  them. 
That  he  parted  from  the  Sennecas  Country  with  Jean 
Coeur  who  went  to  Canada  in  Compy  with  14  Indians  & 
6  Squaas.  - 

25  Aug*  1738.  The  Commiss™  write  a  Letter  to  the  Lieu*  Govr  & 
accquaint  him  that  some  Deputies  from  the  Mohawks  have 
been  with  them  &  proposed  to  send  Ambassadors  from  the 
6  Nations  by  Sea  to  Virginia  in  order  to  treat  of  Peace 
with  the  Southward  Indians  as  the  time  for  their  coming 
hither  is  elapsed,  but  the  Commissrs  say  they  think  this 
is  all  Sham  as  numbers  of  their  Warriors  are  going  out  a 
fighting  &  the  War  seems  to  be  carried  on  with  (p.  189) 
Additional  Vigor.  The  Commiss"  recommend  to  his 
honr  his  Endeavrs  to  bring  about  a  Peace  between  our 
Indians  &  those  to  the  S.ward  as  an  Event  wch  will  be  very 
beneficial  to  all  his  Majesys  Colonies  in  N.  America. 

They  earnestly  recommend  that  Irondequat  may  be 
taken  into  our  Possession  at  the  Charge  of  the  Province 
wch  will  prevent  the  French  making  a  Settlement  there 
wch  if  they  do  will  be  a  very  great  prejudice  to  the  Fur 
Trade  &  Security  of  this  Colony.1  — 

1  Irondequat  is  about  40  Miles  West  of  Oswego  on  the  S.  side  of  Lake  Ontario. 


212          W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Albany  7.  of  October  1738.  Govr  Clarke  Issues  a  New  Commiss11 
for  Indian  Affairs,  wch  sets  forth  that  whereas  the  Gen1 
Assembly  of  this  Province  in  an  Address  to  him  had  given 
it  as  their  Opinion  that  the  Commissr3  for  Indian  Affairs 
had  generally  been  too  Numerous  by  wch  the  public 
Expence  hath  been  increased,  and  that  they  thought  Nine 
in  Number  were  suff*  Three  of  whom  to  be  a  Quorum. 
The  Lieu*  Govr  accordingly  in  this  Commissn  nominates 
Nine  Persons  as  Commissr3  for  Indian  Affairs. 

6  Janry  1738/9.  I  find  an  Oath  of  Fidelity  Administred  to  the 
Interpreter.  —  And  this  is  the  first  I  find  recorded  through 
out  the  whole  Indian  Records.  —  It  surely  dos  not  require 
any  detail  of  Reasoning  to  evince  how  very  important  the 
Capacity  &  Integrity  of  an  Interpreter  is  to  the  public. 
how  well  Qualified  former  Interpreters  have  been  I  cannot 
judge,  but  as  to  the  Capacity  of  the  present  One,  it  is  well 
known  &  I  dare  venture  to  pronounce  it  very  unequal  to 
his  office,  he  may  understand  the  Indian  Language,  but 
I  am  confident  he  is  a  very  indiff t  Judge  either  of  the  Eng 
lish  or  Dutch,  I  have  tried  him  in  both  &  can  scarce  make 
Sense  [out  of  him]  when  he  translates  out  of  Indian  into 
either.  As  to  his  honesty  I  know  nothing  about  it. 

The  Salary  is  £60.  pr  Anm  this  Curry  tis  [much]  too 
little  for  any  Man  of  Genius  &  Character.  They  have 
always  been  Indian  Traders  they  never  ought  to  be  any 
wrays  concerned  for  manefest  Reasons,  by  residing  in  or 
about  Albany  they  will  be  subject  to  a  partial  Influence, 
however  as  One  must  be  there,  I  think  there  ought  to  be 
Two,  &  One  to  reside  at  New  York  under  the  Govrg 
imediate  Commd  — 

(P.  190.)  Albany  7.  June  1739.  The  Commissrs  receive  Advice 
that  the  French  were  preparing  to  settle  some  Families 
along  the  Wood  Creek  wch  is  between  Albany  &  Crown 
Point  &  a  place  the  Lieut  Govr  had  appointed  to  settle 
some  Scotch  Highlanders  who  were  expected  over  &  many 
Miles  within  the  undoubted  Boundaries  of  this  Province. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          21$ 

Upon  wch  by  his  honours  Directions  the  Commissrs 
write  to  the  Revd  Mr  Barclay  Missionary  amongst  the 
Mohawks  to  dispatch  some  Sachems  of  that  Nation  to  the 
Wood  Creek  to  see  if  thee  French  are  there  if  not  to  go  to 
the  Crown  Point  to  tell  them  that  the  said  Land  belongs 
to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  &  forbid  them  to  settle 
there.1 

1 1  July.  Sundry  Mohawk  Sachems  come  to  Albany  in  order  to 
confer  with  the  Commissrs  upon  the  Intelligence  that  the 
French  intend  to  make  a  Settlement  at  the  Wood  Creek, 
they  own  themselves  sensible  of  the  Injustice  &  bad 
Consequences  of  such  an  Encroachment  of  the  French  & 
are  ready  &  willing  to  go  &  warn  them  not  to  Attempt  such 
a  settlement.  They  say  in  their  Conferrence.  "  That 
the  Lands  at  the  Wood  Creek,  Crown  Point  &  as  far  North 
as  Ochjarego  belong  all  to  us,  &  all  the  Lands  on  both  sides 
the  Lake  2  as  far  as  Ochjarego  3  &  all  the  Lands  on  the 
carrying  place  to  the  Southward  of  Crown  Point  belong 
all  to  the  6  Nations  " 

7.  Aug1  The  Mohawk  Deputies  return  from  Crown  Point  where 
the  French  Officer  received  them  very  kindly  heard  their 
Message  but  said  he  could  give  no  Answer  to  it,  but  would 
send  it  to  the  Govr  from  whom  they  should  hear. 

ii  Aug*  Mr  Myndertse  who  was  Commissioned  as  Resident 
amongst  the  Sennecas  returns  &  reports  that  during  his 
abode  there  several  French  Emissarys  have  been  amongst 
them  to  prevail  on  them  to  join  the  French  Army  who  are 
marching  against  the  Chickasaws  a  Nation  bounding  on 
Virginia  &  Georgia,  but  that  by  his  Influence  &  Manage 
ment  not  one  Seneca  would  (p.  191)  consent  to  go  with 
them  wch  was  a  great  Disappointment  to  the  French. 

That  Jean  Coeur  is  labouring  &  using  every  Artifice 
in  his  power  to  get  leave  to  build  himself  a  House  at 
Irondequat,  but  Mr  Myndertse  defeated  his  Intrigues  & 

1  There  is  a  note  on  Mr.  Barclay  in  AT.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vi,  p.  88.  —  ED. 

2  Lake  Sacrament  3  I  take  to  be  Otters  Creek 


214          W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

to  prevent  any  such  Settlement  a  Senneca  Sachem  is 
gone  to  settle  there  himself  &  desires  the  Commiss"  would 
send  up  some  Neighbours  for  him  at  least  to  stay  this 
Winter.  - 

Albany  10  Sepr  1739.  A  Deputation  from  the  Mohawks  to  the 
Commiss"  They  say  they  have  not  yet  received  the  Govr 
of  Canadas  Answer  about  the  Settlement  at  Wood  Creek 
but  expect  it  speedily. 

They  say  the  Cov*  Chain  with  the  upper  &  Western 
Nations  is  not  kept  so  bright  as  formerly,  &  that  the  French  on 
the  contrary  have  so  great  an  Influence  over  them  that  they  direct 
them  as  they  please.1 

That  they  hear  the  Sennecas  are  going  in  conjunction  with  other 
Western  Indians  to  join  the  French  Army  against  the  Chickasaws, 
&  that  proper  Persons  should  be  sent  to  reside  amongst  the  Sen 
necas  to  support  the  Interest  &  Influence  of  this  Gov* 2 

That  they  think  the  French  should  by  no  Means  be  suffered  to 
settle  Irondequat  &  that  the  only  effectual  Prevention  will  be  for 
us  to  make  a  Settlement  there  wch  they  are  assured  the  Sennecas 
will  consent  to. 

The  above  Intimations  from  the  Mohawks  were  communicated 
(p.  192)  to  the  Lieu*  Govr  in  a  Letter  from  the  Commissra  who  say 
they  hope  the  Assembly  will  enable  his  honour  to  settle  Ironde 
quat  &  that  the  Sennecas  make  us  the  Offer  to  do  it  &  are  desirous 

1  this  Observation  of  the  Mohawks  seems  to  be  well  grounded,  for  I  have  not 
met  with  any  conference  or  Negotiation  in  the  Records  for  several  years  past  with 
the  Western  Indians.     Whether  the  Trade  being  opened  again  between  Albany  & 
Canada  prevented  it  I  cant  be  possitive,  but  it  seems  likely,  for  ye  other  ceased  from 
y*  time.     Trade  with  them  there  was  at  Oswego,  but  no  Negotiations. 

2  this  also  was  prudent  Advice  &  when  a  good  Choice  has  been  made  always 
turned  out  to  our  Advantage,  tis  there  the  French  chiefly  push  their  Politics  &  tis 
there  we  should  be  prepared  to  resist  them.     I  make  no  doubt  from  Mr  Clarke's 
great  Capacity  this  would  have  been  done  &  Irondequat  put  under  the  Marks  of 
Possession,     but  he  was  distressed  by  Faction,  &  what  has  been  often  &  I  fear  will 
be  long  the  Fate  of  this  Colony  the  public  good  &  many  salitary  measures  sacri- 
fized  to  that  Personal  Animosity  vfch  takes  the  lead  amongst  People  of  the  chief 
Capacity  in  this  Country  w°h  is  aided  by  the  Ignorance  &  mean  subserviency  of  a 
Body  of  Men  who  are  led  in  strings  like  Calves.  Govra  also  have  wanted  Spirit,  Integ 
rity  or  Capacity  to  over  awe  these  Factious  Leaders. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          215 

we  should  that  otherwise  the  French  certainly  will  do,  wch  must 
very  much  distress  our  Fur  Trade  &  encrease  their  Influence  over 
the  Western  Indians  &  the  Sennecas.  (Vide  the  note.) 1 

Albany  24  Sepr  1739.  Four  Persons  are  Commissioned  by  the 
Lieu*  Govr  to  be  residents  among  the  Sennecas  in  behalf 
of  this  Gov*  for  the  Space  of  One  year  who  receive  proper 
Instructions  to  support  the  British  Interest  &  Influence 
amongst  the  6  Nations  &  the  far  Indians  in  Opposition  to 
the  French  Intrigues  &  Designs.  And  to  tell  the  Sen 
necas  [the]  we  expect  shortly  that  a  small  Party  of  Men 
will  be  sent  to  settle  at  Irondequat. 

8  Octor  In  a  Letter  from  the  Commissrs  to  the  Lieu*  Govr  is  the 
following  Paragraph. 

"  We  have  been  in  expectation  that  the  assembly 
would  have  raised  a  fund  to  have  enabled  us  to  send  four  Men 
to  take  possession  in  a  formal  Manner  of  Irondequat  in  his 
Majesties  Name  &  keep  it  till  they  be  relieved  by  others  —  We 
shall  use  our  Endeavours  to  get  People  to  go  on  Credit  of  the 
Gov*  but  doubt  much  whether  we  shall  be  able  to  get  proper 
Persons  to  go,  while  for2  Three  years  past  no  Manner  of 
Provision  has  been  made  3  for  those  who  resided  in  the  Sennecas 
Country. 

(P.  193.)  Albany  26  October  1739.     The  Govr  of  Canada's  Answer 
to  the  Message  sent  to  him  in  July  last  by  four  Mohawk 
Indians  in  the  Name  of  that  Nation  about  settling  at  the 
Wood  Creek,     viz. 
"  That  the  King  of  France  claims  all  the  Land  South, 

North,  West  &  East  lying  on  all  the  Rivers  &  Creeks  that  empty 

1  Apparently  note  2  on  page  214  is  meant.  —  ED. 

2  [Whether]  what  Light  this  places  the  Assembly  in,  let  those  who  peruse  these 
Abstracts  judge,  &  if  they  will  attend  to  &  recollect  [to]  those  Reflect03  w°h  are  put 
down  in  the  manner  of  Notes  to  these  Papers  they  may  enter  into  &  be  tollerable 
Judges  of  the  Merits  of  the  Cause,  Discretion  will  not  admit  my  being  so  explicit 
as  I  [could  be]  might  on  this  Subject. 

3  by  the  Assembly.     Govr  Clarke  had  been  at  this  time  in  the  Chair  of  Gov* 
about  three  years,     he  was  kept  in  a  state  of  Warfare,     his  Abilities  &  knowledge 
of  the  various  Interests  of  this  Cont*  in  general  &  this  Colony  in  pticular  (as  I 
have  heard  from  good  Judges)  were  never  exceeded  by  any  man.  — 


2l6          W  RAX  ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

themselves  towards  Canada  even  to  the  Carrying  Place  &  Lake  of 
St.  Sacrament  &  that  he  will  not  suffer  the  English  to  make  any 
Settlements  upon  any  of  these  Lands  -  -  but  notwithstanding 
he  would  give  all  his  right  to  the  forementioned  Land  from  the 
Crown  Point  to  the  Carrying  Place  to  our  Mohawks  &  his  Indians 
as  a  deed  of  Gift  to  make  use  of  it  for  a  hunting  Place  for  them  & 
their  Posterity  at  y6  same  time  assured  them  no  French  should 
settle  there." 

17  December  1739.  I  find  a  new  Commission  for  Indian  Affairs 
Issued  by  Lieu*  Govr  Clarke  in  wch  16  Persons  living  at 
Albany  are  nominated  besides  the  Gentn  of  His  Majesties 
Council 

19  March  1739/40  An  [Oneida]  Onondaga  Indian  is  sent  down 
by  his  Castle  to  the  Commissrs  with  7.  hands  of  Wampum 
to  accquaint  them  that  the  Sachems  of  their  Castle 
intend  as  soon  as  the  Waters  are  open  to  go  to  Canada  to 
condole  the  Death  of  Jean  Coeur  &  to  invite  the  other 
Sachems  of  the  5  Nations  to  join  them  in  this  Ceremony.  — 
Upon  this  Laur.  Claasse  is  sent  to  the  Mohawks  &  to  the 
Oneidas  to  influence  them  to  prevent  this  Embassy  & 
that  no  Belt  of  Wampum  be  sent  by  the  other  5  Nat3  to 
accquaint  them  that  the  Lieu*  Govr  intends  to  meet  them 
in  the  Spring  &  that  he  would  take  it  extreamly  ill  to  have 
them  absent  in  Canada  condoling  the  Death  of  a  Man  who 
had  ever  been  an  inveterate  Enemy  to  this  Colony,  to 
inform  them  also  that  open  war  was  declared  between  the 
English  &  the  Spanjards  but  not  yet  with  the  French  & 
when  that  happened  they  should  know  — 

31  March  1740  —  Laur  Claasse  returns  from  the  Above  Journey 
&  reports  that  the  Mohawks  would  not  join  in  the  Embassy 
or  sending  a  Belt  of  Wampum  to  Canada  until  they  had 
spoken  with  the  Lieu*  Govr  The  Oneidas  said  they  did 
not  intend  to  go  to  Canada  &  the  reason  was  that  no  Con 
ference  had  been  held  with  them  by  the  Govr  for  so  long  a 
time.  They  add, 


WRAX ALLS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          21 7 

You  may  say  that  Love  &  Affection 
may  be  as  strong  in  Absence  as  when  present  but  we  say 
not,  (P.  194.)  Nothing  more  revives  &  enlivens  affection 
than  frequent  Conferences. l 

Albany  n  April  1740.  [a]  Messages  are  dispatched  thro  the  6 
Nations  to  accquaint  them  that  Govr  Clarke  cannot  meet 
them  so  early  this  Summer  as  he  intended  because  he  is 
ordered  by  the  King  to  stay  at  New  York  to  forward  the 
Levies  raising  for  the  West  Indies,  but  that  he  will  meet 
them  as  soon  as  possible.  And  to  tell  them  not  to  go  out 
against  the  Southern  Indians  because  he  has  a  power 
from  them  to  make  a  Peace  with  the  6  Nations. 

1 6  Aug*  1 740.  Lieu*  Govr  Clarke  meets  the  6  Nations  at  Albany 
&  opens  the  Conference  with  a  very  Eloquent  &  pathetic 
Speech  — 

He  tells  them  the  reason  he  did  not  meet  them  last 
year  was  upon  Account  of  the  small  Pox  then  at  New  York  &  was 
affraid  lest  the  Infection  of  that  Disorder  so  fatal  to  them  might 
be  brought  up  there,  he  represents  to  them  the  Arts  of  the 
French  in  deluding  their  Warriors  to  join  in  their  Parties  against 
the  Forreign  Indians  &  exposes  to  them  their  own  Weakness  in 
being  seduced  to  go  out  to  War  against  the  Nations  who  have 
never  offended  them,  that  it  is  both  unmanly  &  impolitic,  that 
they  are  thereby  weakening  themselves  &  aiding  the  Ambitious  & 
insidious  Designs  of  the  French  who  when  they  have  by  these 
Means  weakened  &  diminished  their  Numbers  &  strengthened 
their  own  Interest  &  Allies  will  root  out  &  destroy  the  6  Nations, 
he  places  before  them  in  an  opposite  View,  the  pacific  Dispositions 
the  Benevolent  &  Friendly  Conduct  of  the  English  towards  the 
Forreign  Indians  &  themselves  &  tells  them  they  may  hence  see 

1  this  Observation  of  Oneida  Sachems  is  I  believe  very  just  with  regard  to  the 
Indians,  as  far  as  the  public  can  bear  the  Expence  they  should  provide  for  them 
as  frequently  as  possible,  for  the  French  are  ever  watchful  to  improve  their 
Interest  on  our  Neglect.  Unless  the  Assembly  make  a  Provision  a  Govr  cannot 
go  up  to  Albany. .  this  they  generally  do  every  other  Year,  unless  want  of  Confi 
dence  or  the  Machinations  of  Faction  prevents.  It  was  now  3  years  almost  since 
Mr  Clarke  met  them,  prevented  [because]  by  the  Small  Pox. 


21 8          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

[the  different  conduct]  how  much  more  amiable  &  trustworthy  the 
Conduct  of  the  English  is  who  breath  the  Spirit  of  Liberty  & 
independance  than  of  the  French  who  thirsting  for  Arbitrary 
Power  would  make  Slaves  of  all  Mankind,  he  concludes  this 
part  of  his  Speech  by  telling  them  that  he  now  renews  &  brightens 
the  Covfc  Chain,  &  expects  they  will  do  the  same. 

he  reproaches  the  Onondaga  Sachems  with  going  to  speak  to  the 
Govr  of  Canada  before  he  had  this  Conference  with  y6  6  Nations. 

he  commends  them  for  not  suffering  the  French  to  make  (p. 
195)  any  Settlement  at  Irondequat,  &  lays  before  them  the  ill 
Consequences  if  ever  they  suffer  it. 

he  tells  them  he  has  Orders  from  the  Great  King  their  Father 
to  conclude  a  general  Peace  between  them  &  all  the  Indians  to  the 
Southward  &  Westward  of  them  &  that  those  Indians  have  de 
sired  him  to  negotiate  the  same  who  would  have  sent  their 
Deputies  but  the  present  War  with  Spain  prevents  it,  however  he 
Solemnly  engages  on  their  Behalf,  he  tells  them  that  it  is  his 
Majesties  Royal  Pleasure  that  all  the  Nations  of  Indians  to  the 
Westward  &  Southward  even  as  far  as  the  River  Missisipi  shall 
live  together  in  a  Strict  union  as  Bretheren  of  the  same  Family, 
&  that  they  communicate  to  each  other  any  Attempts  wch  may 
be  formed  against  any  of  them  by  their  &  our  Enemies  whenever 
it  comes  to  their  knowledge  this  he  faithfully  promises  shall  be 
done  on  the  part  of  Southward  &  Westward  Indians.  That  this 
Strict  Union  &  Friendship  is  a  Matter  detirmined  on  &  Com 
manded  by  his  Majesty  &  that  he  doth  now  admit  the  aforesaid 
Indians  into  the  Cov*  Chain  to  all  intents  &  purposes  as  fully  as 
if  they  had  been  born  in  the  Castles  of  the  6  Nations  or  in  our  own 
houses,  And  as  a  Memorial  of  this  Peace  &  Union  he  gives  them  a 
Belt  of  Wampum  to  be  preserved  &  kept  by  them  forever  - 
Albany  19  Aug*  1740.  The  6  Nations  Answer  the  foregoing 
Speech  of  Lieu*  Govr  Clarke. 

They  renew  on  their  side  the  Antient  Cov*  Chain,  &  promise  on 
their  parts  that  it  shall  endure  to  the  End  of  the  World. 

They  beg  the  Govr  to  excuse  the  Onondaga  Sachems  who  are 
gone  to  Canada  &  say  they  are  gone  there  to  do  good  for  the  whole 
Community. 


W RAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          219 

They  say  as  to  Irondequat  they  are  fully  resolved  neither  we 
nor  x  the  French  shall  settle  there,  they  say  there  is  a  Jealousy 
between  us  &  the  Gov*  of  Canada  &  therefore  if  they  should  suffer 
either  of  us  to  settle  there  it  would  breed  Mischeif ,  that  Oswego 
&  Niagara  are  near  enough  &  that  Trading  houses  too  near 
generally  Quarrel  about  Trade.  (P.  196.)  They  say  that  in  com- 
formity  to  His  Majesties  their  Fathers  Commands  they  Accept 
all  the  Indians  under  His  protection  as  Bretheren  that  they  may 
be  united  as  One  Body,  One  Heart  &  One  Flesh  according  to  the 
Kings  Commandment.  But  they  desire  that  some  Sachems  of 
the  Southward  Indians  may  come  to  Albany  to  Strengthen  & 
Confirm  this  Union,  &  they  will  give  them  Two  years  time  to 
come. 

They  say  formerly  they  were  but  5  Nations  but  now  so  many  to 
the  Northward  &  Southward  are  entered  into  the  Cov*  Chain 
that  they  are  innumerable,  that  they  must  accquaint  them  all 
with  this  Union  to  keep  them  at  home  from  going  a  fighting.  - 

They  accept  the  Belt  in  token  of  the  aforesaid  Union  to  be 
kept  at  Onondaga  &  that  when  the  Southward  Indians  come  here 
they  will  give  them  a  Belt  in  Answer  to  it. 

The  Govr  replied 

That  as  to  the  Southward  Indians  coming 
hither  it  was  not  possible,  that  he  stood  in  their  stead  &  by  his 
Majesties  Command  was  to  make  a  firm  Union  between  them  & 
that  unless  they  gave  a  Belt  in  return  for  that  he  gave  them  to 
send  to  the  Govr  of  Virginia  as  a  proof  that  they  consented  to  this 
Union  he  could  not  give  them  the  presents  from  the  Govr  of 
Virginia. 

They  Answer 

That  since  the  Govr  is  as  fully  impowered  to 
fix  this  Peace  &  Union  as  if  the  Southward  Indians  were  them 
selves  present  they  do  consent  to  the  same,  join  them  in  the  Cov* 

1  to  preserve  the  Ballance  between  us  &  the  French  is  the  great  ruling  Principle 
of  the  Modern  Indian  Politics.  I  believe  their  Affections  are  in  our  Favour,  but 
their  Fears  are  on  the  French  side.  Our  Conduct  has  &  I  fear  still  continues  to 
weaken  the  Former  while  the  French  apply  themselves  to  increase  the  latter  prin 
ciple.  Thus  while  the  Indians  promise  us  fair  &  even  mean  it,  the  French  over-awe 
them  from  acting  up  to  their  Inclinations. 


220          WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Chain  &  shall  ever  look  upon  them  as  their  Bretheren  &  as  they 
have  never  yet  violated  any  Treaties  so  they  will  keep  this 
Inviolable  to  the  End  of  the  World  &  they  give  a  Belt  to  be  sent 
to  the  Govr  of  Virginia  as  an  everlasting  Token  of  this  Peace. 

The  Govr  then  gave  them  the  Presents. 

After  this  Conferrence  Mr  Clarke  renewed  the  Cov*  &  spoke  to 
the  Scaachkook  Indians  &  gave  them  some  Presents,  but  in  this 
Conference  I  find  nothing  Material  enough  to  find  place  in  these 
Abstracts 

Albany  24  Sepr  1740.  The  Lieu*  Govr  having  appointed  some 
Persons  with  a  Smith  to  reside  in  the  Sennecas  Country 
the  Commissrs  give  them  the  proper  Instructions  upon 
their  going  thither. 

17  Febry  1740/41.  The  Commiss™  in  their  Letter  to  the  Lieu* 
Govr  write  that  it  is  very  necessary  to  enlarge  &  Strengthen 
the  House  at  Oswego  by  some  Fortifications  &  a  reinforce 
ment  by  some  Indians  of  the  6  Nations  &  they  hope  the 
Assembly  will  raise  Money  for  that  purpose,  or  it  will  if 
Attacked  fall  an  easy  prey  to  the  French  wch  they  think 
would  be  the  means  of  loosing  the  Attachment  of  the  6 
Nations  &  turn  them  upon  us. 

(P.  197.)  Some  of  the  Onondaga  Sachems  having  been  at  Can 
ada  last  Summer  &  having  had  a  Conference  with  the  Govr  there, 
the  Commissrs  were  informed  that  they  had  consented  to  the 
French  destroying  our  Trading  House  at  Oswego.  Whereupon 
the  Interpreter  was  sent  to  Onondaga  to  know  the  Truth  of  this 
Information  —  And  the  4  March  1740/41  Laurence  Claasse 
returned  with  a  Deputation  of  Sachems  from  the  6  Nations  who 
accquaint  the  Commissrs  &  assure  them  that  such  a  Report  was 
Malicious,  False  &  Groundless  &  wonder  the  Commiss"  would 
give  Credit  to  so  ungenerous  an  Imputation,  that  they  were 
sensible  of  the  Benefit  &  Advantage  of  the  House  at  Oswego  to 
themselves  as  well  as  the  Forreign  Indians.  that  they  had 
agreeable  to  the  several  repeated  Exhortations  given  them 
endeavoured  &  bro*  into  our  Cov*  Chain  several  Nations  of 
Indians  Children  to  the  Govr  of  Canada.  That  their  chief 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          221 

Errand  to  Canada  was  to  treat  with  the  Govr  &  the  Cack- 
nawaga  Indians  about  a  Neutrality  in  Case  of  a  War  between 
the  French  &  us  &  wch  the  say  both  the  Govr  &  the  Indians  seem 
inclined  to.1 

Albany  18  June  1741.  The  Indians  of  the  6  Nations  particularly 
the  Sennecas,  the  Cayouges,  the  Onondagas  &  Oneidas 
being  in  great  want  of  Provisions  in  their  country  a  consid 
erable  Quantity  of  Indian  Corn  is  ordered  for  them  &  a 
Message  dispatched  to  them  for  each  Nation  to  send  for  the 
Quantity  alotted  them 

12  Aug*     a  Deputation  of  Onondaga  &  Cayouge  Sachems  ace- 
quaint  the  Commissrs  that  there  has  been  a  general  Meeting 
of  the  6  Nations  at  Onondaga  wherein  it  was  unanimously 
resolved  to  defend  Oswego  against  any  attempts  of  the 
French  &  a  Deputation  was  dispatched  to  the  Govr  of 
Canada  to  accquaint  him  with  their  Resolutions. 
They  say  further  that  formerly  the  French  &  their  Nations  had 
War  together  but  that  a  Govr  of  Canada  having  sent  Deputies  to 
Onondaga  to  make  (p.  198)  Peace  &  that  accordingly  a  Peace  was 
concluded,  &  the  5  Nations  engaged  never  more  to  make  War 
upon  the  French  unless  they  should  shed  the  Blood  of  their  People 
&  that  if  any  difference  arose  between  the  English  &  French  the 
5  Nations  were  to  be  Mediators  between  them. 

Their  Deputies  therefore  who  are  gone  to  Canada  are  to  tell  the 
Govr  that  they  desire  their  allies  the  French  &  English  shall  not 
make  War  upon  each  other  &  that  they  are  resolved  to  defend  the 
House  at  Oswego  against  any  Body  that  shall  anoy  the  same. 
Upon  wch  they  are  to  deliver  a  large  Black  Belt  of  Wampum. 

1  It  hath  been  the  Antient  Albany  Policy  in  the  times  of  a  French  War  by  the 
Interest  &  Influence  of  the  5  Nations  over  their  Bretheren  the  Cacknawaga  Indians 
of  Canada  to  fix  a  Neutrality  in  favour  of  this  Colony,  by  w*11  means  their  Trade 
flourished  &  their  Lives  &  properties  were  secure,  while  the  French  &  their  Indians 
plundered  &  destroyed  the  Inhabitants  of  the  other  British  Colonies,  this  may 
be  good  Policy  if  this  Colony  is  to  be  considered  as  an  Indep*  People  but  as  a  joint 
Interest  with  the  rest  of  the  British  Colonies  appears  to  me  to  be  only  reconcilable 
to  Dutch  Generosity  &  Patriotism,  the  New  Engd  People  have  taxed  the  Alban 
ians  with  the  selling  the  French  Amunition  to  destroy  them,  &  say  they  have  seen 
their  own  Goods  purchased  from  the  French  Indians  at  Albany. 


222  WRAXALLS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

In  reciting  the  Message  their  Deputies  were  to  deliver  to  the 
Govr  of  Canada  they  mentioned  that  they  had  given  the  French 
leave  to  build  the  House  at  Niagara  as  they  had  to  us  to  build  one 
at  Oswego  &  desired  no  Molestation  might  be  on  either  side. 
Upon  wch  the  Commissr3  in  their  Answer  say  thus.  "  You  tell  us 
that  you  have  given  priveledge  to  the  French  to  settle  Niagara  & 
to  us  to  settle  Oswego  &  it  seems  you  reckon  their  right  to  the 
former  as  good  as  ours  to  the  latter ;  In  which  we  think  is  a  great 
difference,  for  Oswego  was  settled  by  consent  of  the  Six  Nations 
&  Niagara  was  built  against  their  Inclinations  &  without  their 
Orders.  You  say  the  Land  at  Niagara  belongs  to  you,  we  know 
it  dos,  but  at  the  same  time  you  very  well  know  that  all  the 
Lands  belonging  to  the  Six  Nations  have  long  ago  been  given 
under  the  Protection  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain  wch  the  French 
very  well  know  &  have  owned  in  the  Articles  of  Peace  made  over 
Sea.  Wherefore  we  think  there  is  a  great  difference  between  the 
Settlement  we  have  made  at  Oswego  &  the  French  at  Niagara."  l 

Albany  16  Aug*  1741.  A  Sennica  Indian  who  was  sent  down  to 
[desire]  accquaint  the  Commissra  that  they  are  in  want  of 
Provisions  &  to  desire  some  (p.  199)  Pouder  &  Lead  may 
be  given  them  to  go  Hunting,  informed  the  Commissrs 
that  the  upper  Castles  of  the  Sennecas  to  whom  the  Land 
at  Irondequat  belongs,  [that  the  Indians  of  said  Castle]  are 
willing  &  desirous  that  their  Bretheren  the  English  should 

1  the  Commiss1"8  State  of  the  Case  is  just.  And  from  the  various  parts  of  these 
Abstracts  it  may  be  collected  as  a  Fact,  that  the  French  have  no  just  Title 
to  any  Lands  on  the  South  side  of  S*  Laurence  River  as  far  North  as  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  nor  to  the  South  sides  of  Lake  Ontario  &  Erie,  nor  to  the  Lands  be 
tween  the  3  Lakes,  Hurons  Erie  &  Ontario  as  described  is  Popples  Map;  &  in  some 
Maps  published  by  Jefferies  last  year  he  I  believe  justly  extends  the  Lands  of  the 
6  Nations  as  far  West  as  the  South  end  of  Lake  Illinois.  Thus  Crown  Point  Fort 
—  Fort  Frontenac  —  Fort  Niagara  &  one  or  two  other  Forts  to  the  Westward  of 
Niagara  now  in  the  Possession  of  the  French  are  Encroachments  upon  the  6  Nations 
built  against  their  Consent,  &  they  having  by  a  Voluntary  &  solemn  Act  &  fre 
quently  repeated  put  themselves  &  their  Lands  under  the  protection  of  the  Crown 
of  Great  Britain  those  Lands  are  within  its  proper  Jurisdiction  &  to  be  Esteemed 
part  of  the  Dominions  of  Great  Britain  by  the  Laws  of  Nature  &  of  Nations  &  the 
French  can  hold  their  sd  Forts  by  no  other  Tenure  than  Louis  i4tha  Ultima  Ratio 
Regum 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          22$ 

make  a  Settlement  there.  —  this  Information  was    trans 
mitted  by  the  Commissrs  to  the  Lieu*  Govr 

Albany  30  Aug*  1741.  The  Commiss™  having  sent  a  Message 
to  the  Cacknawaga  Indians  of  Canada  to  desire  to  Speak 
with  them  (in  order  to  agree  with  them  upon  a  Neutrality 
in  Case  of  a  French  War)  Some  of  their  Sachems  come  to 
Albany  &  tell  the  Commissr3  that  the  rest  of  the  Sachems 
were  abroad  upon  Buisness  &  that  they  are  too  few  to  do 
Buisness,  but  come  to  let  them  know  their  Message  was 
kept  in  remembrance. 

By  the  Commissrs  Answer  I  find  they  looked  upon  this  Embassy 
to  be  evasive  &  that  these  Indians  were  not  yet  agreed  whether 
they  should  stand  Neuter  in  case  of  a  War 

The  Scaahkook  &  River  Indians  having  been  to  Negotiate  a 
Treaty  with  several  Tribes  of  Northern  &  Eastern  Indians  return 
to  Albany  with  several  Deputies  of  the  said  Indians  the  i  Sepr 
1741.  &  Accquaint  the  Commiss"  that  they  have  entered  into  a 
Cov1  of  Peace  &  Friendship  with  the  aforesaid  Indians  &  have 
included  therein  all  his  Majesties  Subjects  in  America.  This  the 
said  Indians  also  Confirm  &  tell  the  Commissrs  that  they  propose 
to  be  here  in  the  Spring  to  confirm  the  Cov*  with  this  Gov*  upon 
which  they  presented  the  Calumet  of  Peace  to  be  kept  at  Albany 
as  a  Solemn  Memorial  of  their  Union  with  all  his  Majesties  Sub 
jects  in  America. 

The  Commissrs  accede  to  the  Peace  &  Accept  the  Calumet. 

3  October  1741.  Two  Mohawk  Sachems  complain  to  the  Corn- 
miss1'8  that  whereas  in  former  Days  the  Indians  lived  near 
each  other  in  their  several  Tribes  but  that  now  they  are 
become  a  Scattered  People  &  that  great  Numbers  are 
removed  to  Canada  &  elsewhere  &  that  they  fear  those 
who  are  left  will  soon  be  gone.  They  therefore  (p.  200) 
desire  some  Persons  may  be  sent  thro  the  6  Nations  to 
inspect  into  this  Matter. 

The  Interpreter  &  another  Person  are  accordingly 
sent,  &  they  are  instructed  [to]  earnestly  to  exhort  the 
Indians  not  to  seperate  but  to  live  in  their  Castles  & 


224  WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

represent  to  them  the  ill  consequences  of  this  seperate  way 
of  Life  &c 

5  October  1741.  The  Commiss"  write  to  the  Lieu*  Govr  on  the 
foregoing  Subject  &  what  they  have  done,  they  propose 
that  100  Ib  of  Ponder  &  Lead  in  ^portion  should  be 
lodged  at  each  of  their  Castles  in  order  to  keep  them  from 
settling  at  a  Distance  as  scarcity  of  Provisions  is  partly 
the  reason  &  also  that  the  French  endeavour  to  draw  them 
towards  Cadaraqui  Lake,  but  the  Commissra  say  the 
Allowance  of  the  Assembly  for  Indian  Affairs  is  neither 
surf*  to  execute  this  Scheme  nor  many  others  wch  would  be 
of  great  Advantage  &  Security  to  the  public.  —  &  beg  his 
Honr  will  make  a  proper  Representation  of  this  Matter  to 
the  Assembly. 

ii  Janry  1741/2  The  Commissrs  accquaint  the  Lieu*  Govr  that 
the  French  have  sent  great  Presents  to  Niagara  to  be  dis 
tributed  amongst  the  6  Nations  in  order  to  prevail  on 
them  to  join  a  French  Armament  wch  is  going  on  an  Expedi 
tion  against  the  Southward  Indians,  but  as  they  were 
sending  the  Token  wch  the  said  Indians  had  sent  to  His 
honr  that  they  would  observe  the  Treaty  of  Peace  wch  he 
made  last  year  between  them  &  the  6  Nations  through  the 
sd  6  Nations  the  Commiss"  were  in  hopes  by  the  means  of 
this  Token  &  the  remonstrances  wch  would  be  made  to 
them  to  prevent  the  6  Nations  from  joining  the  French 
in  the  sd  Expedition. 

They  also  Accquaint  the  Govr  that  Laurence  Claasse  the  Inter 
preter  is  Dead  &  that  they  shall  in  their  next  recommend  another 
in  his  Room 

26  Janry  A  Deputation  of  the  Cayouges,  Oneidas  &  Tuscarores 
come  to  Albany  &  accquaint  the  Commissra  that  it  is  the 
Unanimous  Resolution  of  the  6  Nations  that  none  of  their 
People  shall  go  out  a  fighting  to  the  Southward  for  these 
2  years  &  in  token  of  their  Sincerity  they  give  a  Belt  in 
behalf  of  their  Nations. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          22$ 

They  say  also  that  according  to  the  desire  of  the  Commissr3 
they  will  live  nearer  to  their  Castles.  &  endeavour  to  bring  the 
Sennecas  to  build  their  Castle  where  the  Commissra  have  recom 
mended. 

They  desire  a  Smith  may  be  posted  for  one  year  in  Cayouge  & 
say  they  cannot  do  without  one.  (P.  201.)  The  Commissrs  An 
swer,  that  they  are  pleased  at  their  resolution  of  observing  the 
Treaty  with  the  Southward  Indians,  but  this  is  to  be  done  not 
only  for  Two  years  but  forever. 

That  they  shall  have  a  Smith  according  to  their  Desire 

Albany  3*  April  1742.  Jacobus  Bleeker  is  appointed  Interpreter 
in  the  room  of  Laurence  Claasse  deceased  &  swore  into  the 
office 

3  May.  The  Commissra  write  the  Govr  &  complain  of  the 
Assemblys  not  making  suff*  Provision  for  their  carrying 
on  the  Managment  of  Indian  Affairs.  They  say  they 
hear  His  honr  dos  not  intend  to  meet  the  Indians  at  the 
time  he  formerly  designed  upon  Ace*  that  Govr  Clinton  is 
expected  over  but  they  hope  if  Mr  Clinton  doth  not  arive 
timely  is  honr  will  come  up  as  the  Indians  expect  him  & 
stay  at  home  to  be  ready  when  called  upon.  They  say  in 
yr  Letter 

"  We  are  sorry  your  Honour  is  to  be  superseeded,  seeing 
you  have  always  had  the  Interest  of  this  Gov*  so  much  at  Heart 
but  since  it  is  his  Majesties  Pleasure  we  must  be  satisfied." 

14  May  Mr  Van  Slyck  returned  from  the  Sennecas  Country  & 
brought  with  him  a  String  of  Wampum  from  the  chief 
Sachem  of  that  Nation  &  with  the  consent  of  the  other 
Sachems,  whereby  they  send  word  to  the  Lieu*  Govr  & 
the  Commiss"  that  they  consent  to  sell  a  certain  Tract  of 
Land  lying  at  Irondequat  &  desire  a  House  may  be  ime- 
d  lately  built  thereon  &  they  engage  that  it  shall  meet  with 
no  Molestation  or  Opposition  &  they  desire  some  fit  Person 
or  Persons  may  be  sent  up  to  survey  the  Land.  - 

14  June.  The  Lieu*  Govr  having  called  the  6  Nations  together  at 
Albany  they  accordingly  came  &  their  Sachems  waited 


226          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

upon  his  Honr  &  informed  him  that  a  Southern  Indian  had 
been  amongst  them  he  was  sent  by  his  Countrymen  to 
accquaint  the  6  Nations  that  they  were  disposed  to  a  Peace 
&  Union  with  them  &  that  next  Spring  some  of  their 
Sachems  would  come  &  bring  some  Prisoners  of  the  6 
Nations  with  them  in  order  firmly  to  fix  &  establish  the 
Peace  between  them,  &  to  intreat  them  to  join  the  sd 
Southern  Indians  in  extirpating  the  Cattabaws  their 
Enemies. 

That  the  6  Nations  had  accepted  the  sd  Proposals  of  Peace  & 
given  the  Messenger  a  Large  Belt  of  Wampum  as  a  token  of  their 
Sincerity.  But  as  to  the  Cattabaws  they  had  made  no  Answer 
on  that  head,  for  wch  His  honr  commended  them  as  they  were 
Indians  subject  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  - 

(P.  202.)  Albany  15  June  1742.  The  Lieu*  Govr  Speaks  in  public 
to  the  6  Nations  —  He  puts  them  in  mind  that  in  his  last 
public  Conference  with  them  he  had  proposed  a  Union 
between  them  &  all  the  Indians  under  his  Majesties  Pro 
tection  as  far  as  the  River  Missisipi,  that  they  had  ap 
proved  of  this  Proposal  &  united  all  the  said  Indians  in  the 
Cov*  Chain  with  them.  That  he  had  transmitted  to  the 
Govrs  of  the  Southern  Provinces  an  Account  of  this 
Engagment  into  wch  the  6  Nations  had  entered  &  had  in 
return  received  the  Tokens  wch  he  now  lays  before  them 
from  the  sd  Indians  whereby  they  desire  the  Cov*  Chain 
into  which  the  6  Nations  have  taken  them  may  be  kept 
inviolable,  he  then  proceeds  to  exhort  the  6  Nations  to  be 
faithful  &  punctual  to  the  Engagments  they  have  entered 
into  &  tells  them  it  is  the  only  Method  to  secure  them 
against  the  Ambitious  Views  &  pernicious  Designs  of  the 
French,  who  have  engaged  &  cajolled  them  into  War 
against  those  Indians  in  order  to  waste  them  &  destroy 
those  Nations  who  are  Enemies  to  the  Tyranny  &  Arbi 
trary  Measures  of  the  French  - 

The  Lieu*  Govr  renews  the  Cov*  Chain  between  them  &  us. 
He  tells  them  that  it  is  with  great  concern  that  he  understands 
most  of  the  6  Nations  have  of  late  years  dispersed  themselves 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          22J 

forgetting  their  Antient  Custom  of  dwelling  together  in  Castles, 
he  exhorts  them  to  return  to  their  Primitive  Way  of  Living  as  it 
will  add  to  their  Strength  &  enlarge  their  Influence,  he  tells  them 
the  Sennecas  &  Cayouges  have  promised  to  do  this. 

he  tells  them  that  as  Oswrego  is  a  place  of  great  Security  & 
Advantage  to  them  &  as  he  doubts  not  they  are  from  Experience 
sensible  of  it,  so  he  proposes  to  build  a  Wall  round  the  Trading 
House  there  that  it  may  be  in  a  capacity  to  resist  the  Attacks  of 
an  Enemy,  And  that  if  the  French  should  become  Masters  of  that 
important  place  they  would  have  the  Trade  in  their  own  power, 
put  what  prices  they  please  upon  their  Goods,  by  that  means 
impoverish  them  &  reduce  them  to  Slavery  their  great  Aim,  he 
therefore  exhorts  them  to  beware  of  the  French  Intrigues  &  not 
suffer  any  of  their  Emissaries  to  reside  Amongst  them. 

1 6  June.     The  6  Nations  Answer. 

They  give  a  String  of  Wampum  in  token  of  their  Acceptance  & 
Approbations  of  the  Peace  between  them  &  the  Southern  Indians, 
&  desire  they  may  see  One  of  each  Nation  at  Albany  in  order 
fully  &  firmly  to  cement  the  same.  They  renew  the  Cov*  Chain 
&  give  (p.  203)  A  Belt  of  Wampum  in  token  thereof.  They  ap 
prove  of  the  Govrs  Exhortation  to  live  in  their  Castles  as  formerly 
&  say  they  are  Glad  the  Sennecas  &  Cayouges  have  promised  to  do 
so  on  their  parts. 
They  approve  of  the  Building  a  Wall  round  Oswego. 

They  promise  their  Warriors  shall  no  more  assist  the 
French  in  their  Hostilities  against  the  Forreign  Indians  &  that  for 
the  future  they  will  not  suffer  the  French  Emissaries  to  reside 
amongst  them,  as  token  whereof  they  give  a  Belt  of  Wampum. 
As  to  the  Southward  Indians  coming  to  Albany  the  Lieu*  Govr 
told  them  as  the  Great  King  our  Father  was  engaged  in  a 
War  against  the  Spanjards  &  those  Indians  lived  near  their 
Settlements  he  could  not  undertake  for  their  coming  here 
till  that  War  was  ended.  — 

He  then  gave  them  the  presents. 

Govr  Clarke  spoke  also  to  the  Schaahkook  Indians  exhorted  them 
to  live  in  Peace  with  the  Christians  who  were  settled  round  about 
them,  that  he  was  glad  to  hear  they  had  made  a  Peace  with  the 


228          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Assehicantecook  Indians  l  who  he  was  informed  were  expected 
here  &  that  he  should  leave  directions  with  the  Commissr8  con 
cerning  them.  That  he  was  glad  to  hear  they  had  got  some  of 
their  Bretheren  back  who  had  deserted  from  them  &  encouraged 
them  to  try  to  get  as  many  more  as  they  could, 
he  renewed  the  Cov*  with  them  &  gave  them  some  Presents. 

Albany  18  June  1742.  The  Senneca  Sachems  appeared  before 
the  Board  &  acknowledged  to  the  Commiss"  that  they 
have  sold  the  Land  at  Irondequat  to  Arent  Steevens  in 
behalf  &  for  the  use  of  this  Gov*  Whereupon  the  Com- 
missrs  ordered  these  Three  Sachems  presents  in  return  for 
the  Purchase  &  Presents  for  another  Owner  of  the  said 
Land  who  did  not  come  with  them. 

They  confirm  the  sale  in  the  Presence  of  the  Commissra 

14  Sepr  1742.  Mr  Andris  Brat  appointed  Commissary  at  Oswego 
returns  to  Albany  &  reports. 

That  the  Ottawawa  Indians  have  this  Summer  been  to  Canada 
at  the  desire  of  the  Govr  there.  They  told  the  sd  Brat  that  they 
were  surprized  our  Govr  had  not  sent  to  speak  with  them  &  renew 
the  Cov*  between  Our  Gov*  &  them  as  they  bring  all  their  Goods 
(p.  204)  to  Oswego  &  think  they  ought  to  have  been  invited  down 
as  well  as  the  6  Nations. 

he  also  Informed  the  Board  that  a  French  Smith  is  now  at 
Onondaga  with  his  Wife  &  Family,  &  that  the  Onondagas  had 
given  the  sd  Brat  7  hands  of  Wampum  to  desire  the  French  may 
not  be  disturbed  in  their  Passage  by  Oswego.2 

1  See  page  230.  —  ED. 

2  the  Reception  of  this  French  Smith  after  their  late  promises  to  the  contrary 
is  a  Strong  Proof  how  little  dependance  is  to  be  made  upon  the  Promises  of  the 
Indians,     whose  Modern  Character  is  certainly  want  of  sincerity.     I  very  much 
suspect  that  we  have  debauched  them  in  this  particular,  as  I  am  positive  we  have 
in  many  others,     a  Smith  is  so  necessary  a  Person  amongst  the  Indians  &  they 
are  so  frequently  begging  &  praying  to  be  supplied  with  them,  that  I  wonder  such 
a  Disposition  has  not  been  made  that  they  may  never  want,     the  difficulty  of 
getting  Smiths  to  live  among  the  Indians  has  been  mentioned  in  the  Records  but 
I  believe  a  larger  Allowance  would  remove  it  &  as  they  have  always  an  Influence 
upon  the  Indians,  care  should  be  taken  to  prevent  the  French  from  sending 
any. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          22$ 

Albany  28  Sepr  1742.  a  Deputation  from  the  Cacknawaga, 
Schawendes  &  Orondax  Indians 1  living  in  &  about  Canada 
arrive  &  told  the  Commissrs  that  as  they  had  often  been 
desired  to  come  &  renew  the  Treaty  between  them  say 
they  were  now  come  to  do  it. 

The  Commiss1"8  repeated  the  Substance  of  the  Treaty 
wch  was  made  with  them  7  years  ago,  wch  was  that  in  case  a 
War  should  break  out  between  the  Kings  of  England  & 
France  the  said  Indians  should  keep  a  Neutrality  towards 
all  his  Majesties  Subjects  in  N.  America.  That  they  in 
return  should  have  free  Access  &  Ingress  to  this  Place 
with  Liberty  of  Trade  &  all  the  Privelidges  of  such  as  are 
in  a  Cov*  with  us.  And  they  say  the  reason  [the  reason] 
they  were  desired  to  come  hither  was  to  put  them  in  Mind 
of  &  to  renew  this  Cov*  — 

The  Indians  express  their  great  Satisfaction  at  the  good  Dis 
positions  of  this  Gov*  to  renew  &  preserve  this  Treaty  aforesaid 
&  say  they  do  in  the  presence  of  the  5  Nations  (some  Mohawk 
Sachems  were  present)  give  a  Belt  of  Wampum  as  a  Token  that 
they  will  ever  observe  this  Treaty  &  Cov*  inviolable.  - 

i  Decr  1742.  The  Commiss"  write  the  Lieu*  Govr  that  having 
sent  some  Persons  with  a  Smith  to  reside  in  the  Sennecas 
Country  they  had  on  their  Arrival  found  the  House  in  wch 
our  People  used  to  live  demolished  by  the  French  &  that  by 
distributing  large  Presents  among  the  sd  Indians  the 
French  had  prevailed  upon  50  of  the  Sennecas  (p.  205)  to 
go  out  with  their  Parties  to  fight  against  the  Flat  heads 
of  S.  Carolina,  &  that  it  was  very  necessary  our  Residents 
should  be  supplied  with  Presents  to  counter  ballance  those 
of  the  French,  but  that  the  Allowance  from  the  Assembly 
for  Indian  Affairs  was  so  small  that  it  was  already  Ex 
hausted  &  they  had  no  money  to  lay  out  for  the  aforesaid 
Purpose.  - 

1  The  Schawendes  or  Scawendadyes  were  according  to  Golden  Indians  of  the 
Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains  in  Canada. 

Orondax  =  Adirondacks,  living  in  Canada.  —  ED. 


230          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Govr  Clarke  I  find  Answers  this  Letter  wch  is  not  recorded,  but 
in  the  Commissra  Answer  to  it  they  say.  "  We  are  convinced 
your  Honour  has  done  your  utmost  Endeavour  to  induce  the 
Assembly  to  Augment  our  Allowance." 

I  find  the  French  Interest  among  cur  6  Nations  so  prevailing 
that  some  of  every  Nation  but  the  Mohawks  joined  the  French 
in  their  Parties  against  the  Southern  Indians.  And  the  Sachems 
say  they  could  not  hinder  some  of  their  Young  Men  from  going 
out.  An  Engagement  had  happened  in  the  Province  of  Virginia 
between  these  Parties  in  wch  some  of  the  6  Nations  were  killed  & 
some  of  the  White  Inhabitants  of  Virginia. 

Several  Messages  passed  between  the  Commissr3  &  the  6 
Nations  relating  to  the  above  Skirmish  in  Virginia;  the  People  of 
Virginia  accuse  the  Indians  as  the  first  Aggressors  &  the  Indians 
them,  however  the  6  Nations  say  they  are  well  inclined  to  make 
up  this  Breach  &  to  live  in  Peace  &  Friendship  &  they  desire  the 
Govr  of  Virginia  may  meet  them  at  Albany  in  order  to  accomo- 
date  all  Matters. 

Albany  14  June  1743.  Two  Asschicantecook  or  Eastern  Sachems 
come  to  Albany  in  the  Name  of  their  Nation  &  say  they 
are  detirmined  to  keep  the  Neutrality  wch  had  been  agreed 
on  between  them  &  this  Gov*  in  case  of  a  War  between  the 
French  &  us  &  that  they  will  come  to  &  from  Albany  to 
Trade  &c 

The    Commiss"    receive    their    Message    kindly    & 
promise  them  Security  &  protection  from  us. 

30  July.     Three  Janondadee  l  Sachems  arive  at  Albany  &  say 
there  had  been  formerly  a  Cov*  made  between  their  Nation 
&  us  &  that  they  are  sent  by  their  Sachems  to  know  the 
particulars  of  the  Antient  Treaty  between  us.     They  at 
the  same  time  present  a  Belt  of  Wampum  wch  had  been 
given  to  their  (p.  206)  Nation  by  the  Commissr3  - 
The  Commiss"  Answer  them,  that  the  Belt  of  Wampum  they 
now  present  was  given  them  above  40  years  ago  by  the  Corn- 
miss"  of  Indian  Affairs  to  be  kept  by  them  in  confirmation  of  the 

1  Indians  who  are  settled  about  the  Western  parts  of  Lake  Erie. 


WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Cov*  made  with  their  forefathers  &  ours  wch  was  to  be  reciprocally 
observed  to  the  End  of  the  World,  the  purport  of  wch  Cov*  was, 
that  there  should  be  an  Everlasting  Peace  between  this  Gov*  the 
5  Nations  &  their  Nation  &  that  the  Road  should  be  kept  open  & 
Secure  between  their  Country  &  this  City  with  Free  Liberty  of 
Trade  &  all  other  rights  of  Hospitality  —  And  that  these  condi 
tions  of  the  Treaty  were  signified  on  that  great  Belt  of  Wampum 
wch  they  now  show.  That  this  Antient  Cov*  was  renewed  about 
38  years  ago  &  again  renewed  about  22  years  ago. 

The  Indians  answer  that  they  are  extreamly  joyful  to  hear  this 
Explication  of  their  Belt,  &  they  present  a  Belt  of  Wampum  in 
token  of  their  now  solemn  &  Joyful  renewal  of  the  sd  Cov* 

The  Commissr3  renew  the  Cov*  with  them  &  give  them  a  fresh 
Beit  of  Wampum  in  token  of  the  same. 

Albany  14  Aug*  1743.  Two  Oneida  Sachems  accquaint  the  Corn- 
miss1'3  that  Two  Persons  from  Philadelphia  &  One  from 
Virginia  with  an  Interpr  had  been  amongst  the  6  Nations 
to  wipe  off  the  Blood  wch  had  been  shed  in  Virginia  (as 
mentioned  on  the  other  side)  &  to  restore  Peace  &  Friend 
ship  between  the  6  Nations  &  the  People  of  Virginia  & 
that  this  Affair  was  amicably  settled  on  both  sides.  — 

30  Sepr  1 743.  The  Commissr3  write  a  Letter  to  the  Honble  George 
Clinton  congratulating  him  on  his  arrival  to  this  Govfc 

24  Octor  The  Commissr3  write  a  Long  Letter  to  Govr  Clinton 
in  wch  they  [say  it  is]  lay  before  him  a  general  State  of  the 
Forts  &c  relating  to  the  6  Nations.  They  say 

The  Fort  at 

Oswego  is  the  Key  of  the  6  Nations  &  that  their  Fidelity  &  Alle 
giance  to  His  Majesty  chiefly  depends  on  our  supporting  the  said 
Fort,  that  at  present  it  is  Garrisoned  only  with  an  officer  &  20 
Men  wch  tho  suff*  in  Time  of  Peace  is  not  so  in  a  time  of  War. 
They  say,  should  this  place  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  French  all 
the  Indian  Trade  of  this  Colony  would  go  with  it,  by  wch  means 
the  French  would  gain  over  the  6  Nations  &  all  the  other  Indians 
wholly  to  their  Interest. 


232          WRAX ALL'S  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

They  say,  the  Sennecas  who  are  the  most  numerous  (p.  207) 
of  the  6  Nations  were  formerly  the  most  firmly  Attached  to  the 
British  Interest,  are  of  late  by  the  Intrigues  &  Managment  of  the 
French  become  the  most  wavering,  &  without  proper  care  be 
taken  on  our  side  for  the  time  to  come,  they  fear  the  French  will 
get  the  greatest  part  of  them  over  to  their  Interest.  The  Corn- 
miss"  propose  that  a  Fort  should  be  built  in  their  Country  & 
garrisoned  with  an  Officer  &  20  Men.  Also  that  proper  measures 
be  fallen  on  to  remove  the  French  who  reside  in  the  Sennecas 
Country  &  who  are  constantly  debauching  their  Affections  from 
us.  If  (say  the  Commissrs)  the  Assembly  dont  judge  proper  to 
support  some  such  Measures  as  these,  they  think  the  6  Nations 
will  be  lost  to  us,  &  of  what  fatal  Consequence  that  would  be  not 
only  to  this  but  to  all  the  Northern  Colonies,  those  who  have 
experienced  what  Havock  a  few  Indians  can  make  in  time  of  war 
can  well  judge. 

The  Fort  at  Saragtoga  remains  ungarisoned.  The  Fort  at 
Albany  out  of  Repair.  Fort  William  &  Fort  Cosby  are  without 
an  ounce  of  Pouder.  - 

These  things  they  hope  the  Govr  will  recommend  to  the  con 
sideration  of  the  Assembly  &  that  they  will  think  of  making  the 
necessary  provisions. 

17  May  1744.  I  find  the  Assembly  resolved  that  in  case  the  Govr 
&  Council  thought  proper  to  reinforce  the  Garrison  at 
Oswego  with  another  Detachment  from  the  Indep*  Com- 
panys  that  they  would  make  a  Provision  for  their  Trans 
portation  &  [subsisting]  victualing.  - 

Albany  13  June  1744.  The  Commissrs  write  to  the  Govr  that  as 
War  is  now  declared  between  the  French  &  English,  they 
think  it  absolutely  necessary  that  an  outscout  of  40  Men 
should  be  sent  at  the  charge  of  the  Province  [should  be 
sent]  to  the  Carrying  Place  (a  Pass  between  Albany  & 
Crown  Point)  to  observe  the  Motions  of  the  Enemy  & 
that  a  Fort  or  Place  of  Strength  should  be  built  at  the  said 
Carrying  Place  as  a  Rendevous  or  retreat  for  our  Out 
scouts  &  Partys  wch  it  will  be  necessary  in  War  time  to  be 
continually  sending  out. 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          233 

They  again  recommend  a  Fort  to  be  built  in  the  Sen- 
necas  Country. 

14  June.  The  Cacknawaga  Indians  of  Canada  send  a  Messenger 
to  the  Commissrs  to  accquaint  them,  that  as  there  is  now  a 
(p.  208)  War  declared  between  Great  Britain  &  France, 
the  said  Cacknawaga  Indians  were  Inclined  to  keep  the 
Cov*  of  Neutrality  formerly  agreed  on  between  them  this 
Gov*  &  the  6  Nations  &  that  the  same  friendly  intercourse 
might  be  kept  up  between  them  as  in  time  of  Peace. 
That  they  would  either  come  to  Onondaga  or  to  Albany  to 

renew  the  sd  Cov* 
They  were  asked  whether  this  Neutrality  was  intended  to 

include  all  the  French  Indians  living  in  &  about  Canada  They  sd 

Yes.     Whither  they  intended  it  or  not  only  with  this  Colony  but 

with  all  the  British  Subjects  of  North  America,     they  Ansd  yes. 
Whether  if  the  English  should  Attack  the  French  they 

would  keep  Neuter  ?     They  answered  yes. 

I  dont  find  any  Answer  from  the  Commissr8  recorded  to  this 

Message. 

Albany  18  June  1744. 

Govr  Clinton  meets  the  6  Nations  at  Albany. 
His  Speech  to  them  contains  in  Substance. 

His  Majesties  orders  to  him  to  renew  Strengthen  &  Brighten  the 
Cov*  Chain  wch  hath  so  long  united  the  6  Nations  &  his  Majesys 
Subjects  together  in  Union  &  Friendship  &  wch  he  now  dos. 

he  accquaints  them  that  after  several  Instances  of  Treachery 
the  French  had  declared  War  against  the  English  &  the  latter 
against  the  French,  he  therefore  recommends  them  to  keep  their 
Warriors  at  home  in  readiness  to  withstand  any  Attacks  or  Hos 
tilities  from  the  French. 

he  promises  in  the  Kings  Name  to  assist  &  protect  them  from 
all  assaults  of  the  French  &  that  [the]  Commiss"  are  present  from 
the  Colonies  of  Massachusets  &  Conneticut  to  enter  into  the 
same  Engagements  &  to  renew  the  Cov*  Chain  with  them. 

In  return  he  tells  them  he  expects  they  shall  at  all  times  be 
ready  &  willing  to  assist  his  Majesties  Subjects  in  the  just  pros 
ecution  of  this  War  &  to  act  offensively  &  Defencesivly  against 


234          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

the  French  &  all  their  Adherents  whenever  they  shall  be  called 
upon  so  to  do. 

After  recounting  in  general  terms  the  great  Advantage  (p. 
209)  And  Security  of  Oswego  to  them  &  us  he  accquaints  them 
that  he  has  Strengthened  that  Garrison  with  some  Cannon  & 
reinforced  it  with  more  Soldiers  &  expects  that  they  will  at  all 
times  be  ready  to  defend  it  against  all  assaults  &  attacks  from  the 
French. 

he  exhorts  them  to  live  compact  together  in  their  Castles  wch 
is  absolutely  necessary  for  their  own  Security  in  this  time  of 
War.- 

he  puts  them  in  Mind  of  their  former  Promises  not  to  suffer  the 
French  to  live  amongst  them  or  to  settle  on  any  of  their  Lands  & 
expects  they  will  at  this  time  of  War  punctually  fulfill  those 
Promises.  - 

20  June  The  6  Nations  return  their  Answer. 

They  solemnly  renew  the  Cov*  Chain  &  say  they 
will  not  put  it  in  the  Power  of  the  Devil  himself  to  break  or 
injure  it. 

In  answer  to  the  present  War  between  us  &  the  French,  they 
promise  they  will  keep  all  their  People  at  home  &  that  they  will  be 
ready  to  do  all  the  Govr  expects  or  desires  from  them.  But  they 
say  they  desire  to  live  in  Peace  until  the  French  begin  an  Attack 
upon  any  of  his  Majesties  Subjects  when  they  will  be  ready  to 
join  in  our  Defence  against  them. 

Concerning  the  House  at  Oswego  &  their  defending  the  same 
They  say  the  first  Two  years  after  that  Trading  House  was  settled 
Goods  were  sold  Cheap  &  it  was  a  Pleasure  to  Trade  there,  but 
they  have  since  been  sold  so  dear  that  they  do  not  now  think  that 
Place  any  Advantage  to  them,  however  they  are  thankful  the 
Govr  has  taken  Measures  to  strengthen  &  defend  the  Fort.  They 
take  Notice  that  the  Govr  has  not  exhorted  them  to  endeavour  to 
cultivate  &  extend  a  Correspondance  amongst  the  Far  Indians 
according  to  the  Custom  of  all  former  Gov"  but  say,  they  shall 
however  do  all  they  can  to  keep  Friendship  with  those  Nations 
who  are  united  with  them  &  then  they  can  overcome  any  Enemy 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          235 

whatever.1     (P.  210.)  They  say  they  are  now  buisy  in  collecting 
themselves  together  in  order  to  live  in  Compact  Bodies. 

As  to  their  driving  the  French  from  amongst  them,  they  say 
they  have  just  now  declared  their  desire  of  living  in  Peace  & 
should  they  deliver  up  the  French  who  live  amongst  them  they 
would  be  deemed  the  first  Aggressors  &  act  contrary  to  their 
avowed  Principles,  &  therefore  they  will  leave  it  to  us  to  do  with 
the  French  who  come  in  their  Country  as  we  think  proper. 

Albany  20  June  1744.  The  Commiss"  for  Massachusetts  Bay  & 
Connecticut  Speak  to  the  6  Nations.  They  desire  to 
renew  &  brighten  the  Cov*  Chain  &  that  we  may  all  act  as 
Bretheren  of  One  Common  Family  against  any  Attempts 
or  Hostilities  of  the  French. 

The  6  Nations  Answer  &  renew  &  brighten  the  Cov*  Chain  & 
promise  the  same  Brotherly  assistance  &  Fidelity  to  these  Col 
onies  as  to  New  York. 

Govr  Clinton  &  the  Above  Commiss"  Spoke  severally  to  the 
Schaahkook  Indians  renewed  the  Cov*  with  them  put  them  upon 
their  Guard  against  the  French  &  expected  they  should  hold 
themselves  ready  to  assist  us  in  any  Attempts  from  the  Enemy. 
The  sd  Indians  Answered  &  promised  in  our  favour 

20  June  1744.  The  Commissr3  Answer  the  Messenger  from  the 
Cacknawaga  Indians  whose  Message  is  [record]  mentioned 
pag.  207.  - 

They  say,  if  the  several  Tribes  of  Indians  living  in  &  about 
Canada  are  inclined  to  preserve  a  Neutrality  with  all  the  British 
Colonies  in  America,  they  desire  they  will  send  some  Sachems  of 
each  Nation  in  40  days  to  Albany  in  order  to  confirm  this  Neu 
trality. 

By  this  Indian  they  also  sent  a  Message  to  the  Govr  of  Canada 
importing  that  if  contrary  to  the  Custom  among  civilized  Nations 

1  I  cant  think  this  Article  an  Omission  of  the  Govr8  because  no  Notice  is  after 
wards  recorded  of  it.  If  it  was  left  out  of  this  Speech  as  a  Political  Measure  It 
appears  to  me  at  this  Juncture  [particularly]  a  false  peice  of  Policy,  —  the  extending 
our  Trade  &  Alliance  with  the  Western  Indians  &  animating  the  6  Nations  to  join 
us  therein,  seems  to  me  one  of  the  most  Salutary  Measures  this  Gov*  can  pursue 
&  the  most  effectual  Method  to  distress  &  oppose  the  French. 


236          WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

the  said  Govr  should  make  War  upon  these  Colonies  by  sending 
out  scalping  Parties  upon  defenceless  Families  &  murder  in  Cold 
Blood  the  Colonies  would  be  under  Necessity  to  take  Revenge  by 
the  same  Methods.1 

(P.  2 1 1 .)  Albany  2 2  June  1 744.  Seven  Onondaga  Sachems  applied 
to  the  Commiss™  &  say  that  when  they  agreed  to  let  this 
Gov*  build  at  Oswego  they  were  promised  payment  for 
the  Land  wch  has  never  been  fulfilled  &  desire  it  may  be 
now  done. 
The  Commiss™  say  they  ought  to  have  mentioned  this  Affair  to 

Govr  Clinton,  that  they  can  give  no  Answer  to  it  &  desire  they 

will  refer  it  to  the  next  Meeting  with  the  Govr 
N.  B.  the  French  Computation  of  Fighting  Men  in  Canada  at 
this  time  including  the  Regular  Troops  was  20,000  Men  - 

6  July  1744.  The  Commiss"  transmit  to  the  Govr  in  order  to  be 
laid  before  the  General  Assembly  a  Memorial  of  what  is 
Necessy  to  be  done  in  order  to  put  the  Frontiers  in  that 
part  of  the  Colony  in  a  proper  State  of  defence.  It  con 
sists  of  10  Articles  Viz. 

1.  that  the  Fort  at  Oswego  be  repaired  &  Strengthened  & 
reinforced  with  Men  &  Stores. 

2.  To  employ  30  Men  as  Outscouts  to  watch  the  Motions  of 
the  Enemy  — 

3.  Ten  Men  more  as  outscouts  from  Schenectady  to  range  by 
another  Route  &  meet  the  Albany  out  Scouts  at  a  destined 
place. 

4.  That  a  Fort  be  built  at  the  Carrying  Place  leading  from 
Hudsons  River  to  the  Wood  creek  &  Garrisoned  with  an 
Officer  &  30  Men. 

5.  A  Fort  to  be  built  in  the  Sennecas  Country  &  Garrisoned 

1  tho  this  Cacknawaga  Indian  must  have  been  at  Albany  during  the  public 
Conference  (w*  dos  not  seem  to  have  been  a  right  measure)  I  dont  find  by  the 
Records  that  Govr  Clinton  was  made  accquainted  with  his  Message  or  his  being 
there  or  that  he  gave  the  Commiss1"8  an  Authority  to  return  the  above  Answer  & 
send  the  Message  to  the  Govr  of  Canada,  but  as  I  can  hardly  suppose  the  Commiss1"8 
would  have  been  so  presumptuous  to  conceal  this  Transaction  from  the  Govr  I 
imagine  the  Silence  of  the  Records  an  Omission  -— 


WRAX ALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          237 

with  an  Officer  &  50  Men  with  a  Smith,  Armourer  & 
Interpret'. 

6.  That  3  Compy3  of  the  Militia  be  detached  from  the  Lower 
Counties  to  the  City  of  Albany  to  defend  the  same. 

7.  to  Augment  the  Allowance  to  the  Cornmiss™  of  Indian 
Affairs  for  carrying  on  the  same. 

8.  To  supply  the  City  of  Albany  with  its  Quota  of  Pouder 
raised  for  the  defence  of  the  Province 

9.  To  supply  his  Majesties  Fort  at  Albany  with  pouder  & 
Balls 

10.  That  a  Feild  Officer  of  the  Militia  may  constantly  reside  in 
Albany.  — 

10  July  1744.  Mr  Bradt  who  has  resided  at  Oswego  as  Com 
missary  there  returns  &  makes  a  Report  to  the  Commiss" 
of  sundry  Matters  during  his  Residence  there,  the  only  one 
I  judge  necessary  to  take  Notice  of  is,  that  the  Uttawawa 
Indians  (p.  212)  who  had  been  Trading  at  Oswego  told 
him  that  if  they  were  sent  for  in  form  to  come  to  Albany 
to  treat  they  would  readily  come.1 

I  find  from  several  Informations  the  Commiss"  have  received, 
that  they  were  of  Opinion  that  the  Influence  of  the  French  is  so 
strong  over  the  Indians  living  in  &  about  Canada  that  they  are  of 
Opinion  the  French  will  prevail  on  those  Indians  to  break  the 
Neutrality  they  agreed  to  with  regard  to  the  British  Colonies  & 
they  communicate  this  their  Opinion  to  the  Govr  of  Boston  that 
they  may  be  upon  their  Guard. 

I  find  by  the  Commissrs  Letters  to  the  Govr  that  the  Assembly 
had  refused  to  raise  Money  for  building  Forts  at  the  Carrying 

1  this  is  the  2d  Time  these  Indians  who  are  a  considerable  Nation  &  live  to  the 
Westward  of  Lake  Erie  have  mentioned  their  willingness  to  be  invited  to  Albany, 
but  without  effect.  I  have  so  often  mentioned  the  good  Policy  &  great  Importance 
of  improving  &  extending  our  Alliances  with  the  Western  Indians  &  from  the 
whole  Tenor  of  these  Abstracts  the  Utility  is  so  apparent  that  a  repetition  or 
further  reasoning  thereon  seems  needless.  It  cannot  escape  the  observation  of 
those  who  may  read  these  Papers  with  a  Judicious  Attention;  that  when  a  Pro 
hibition  of  the  French  Trade  between  Albany  &  Canada  took  place,  a  Communi 
cation  &  Alliance  with  the  Western  Indians  was  diligently  &  successfully  pursued, 
but  since  that  prohibited  Trade  revived,  the  contrary  is  very  remarkable. 


238          WRAX ALL'S  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

Place  or  in  the  Sennecas  Country,  the  Commiss"  write  that  as  a 
Fort  in  the  Sennecas  Country  will  be  the  only  means  to  prevent 
the  French  gaing  an  Influence  over  our  Indians  &  frustrate  all 
their  Measures  they  hope  the  next  time  the  Assembly  meet  they 
may  be  brought  to  consent.  —  The  French  at  this  time  were 
supplying  the  Sennecas  with  Smiths  &  pushing  their  Scheems  in 
the  Senneca's  Country  &  at  Onondaga  to  gain  a  Party  among  the 
6  Nations  wch  they  so  far  succeeded  in  that  Numbers  among  the 
6  Nations  were  well  inclined  to  the  French.  We  were  securing 
Oswego  &  endeavouring  to  Counterplot  the  French  by  keeping 
the  Indians  steady  to  our  Intrest.  But  the  French  distributed 
such  considerable  Presents  amongst  the  Indians  &  so  well 
applied  that  they  greatly  strengthened  their  Interest  amongst 
them.  Our  Commissrs  complain  that  the  Allowance  from  the 
Assembly  will  not  enable  them  to  give  the  necessary  presents. 
In  all  their  Letters  they  repeat  &  press  the  Building  a  Fort  in  the 
Sennecas  Country  as  the  best  &  only  effectual  Method  to  secure 
our  Indians  from  being  debauched  by  the  French.  —  (P.  213.) 
The  French  Interpreter  Jean  Coeur  who  resided  among  the 
Sennecas  found  means  to  spread  an  Alarm  among  the  6  Nations 
that  this  Province  were  determined  to  cut  them  off.  this  gained 
such  ground  amongst  them  that  they  were  gathering  together  & 
very  near  begining  to  commit  hostilities  upon  some  of  our  Settle 
ments  however  upon  8  of  the  Commissioners  going  up  amongst 
the  Mohawks  all  Matters  were  restored  upon  a  Friendly  footing, 
but  the  Commissrs  write  the  Govr  nothing  will  effectually  prevent 
these  Artifices  of  the  French  but  our  building  &  Garrisoning  a 
Fort  in  the  Sennecas  Country. 

Albany  17  May  1745.  I  find  by  the  Commiss"  Letters  that  Mr 
Clinton  had  dissolved  the  late  Assembly  upon  wch  the  sd 
Commiss™  write  viz. 

"  It  seems  the  late  Assembly  have  not  had  the  regard  to  Your 
Excellcys  repeated  Representations  of  the  Necessity  of  fortifying 
the  Frontiers  as  they  justly  &  evidently  merited,  We  hope  the 
next  Assembly  will  consist  of  such  Members  as  have  a  hearty  & 
sincere  Desire  to  serve  their  Country." 


W RAX ALL'S  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          239 

The  French  having  by  their  Intrigues  &  Emissaries  raised  a 
great  deal  of  Uneasiness  &  Jealousy  of  the  English  amongst  the  6 
Nations  the  26  June  1745.  The  Commissr3  receive  Intelligence 
that  the  Govr  of  Canada  had  sent  a  Message  to  the  Mohawk 
Indians  that  if  any  of  them  were  inclined  to  come  &  live  in  Canada 
he  [had  a]  was  very  ready  to  receive  them. 

A  Considerable  Deputation  of  the  6  Nations  are  going  to  meet 
the  Govr  of  Canada  at  [Alba]  Montreal.  They  say  they  are  only 
going  to  accquaint  him  that  he  must  not  attack  Oswego  &  that  if 
he  dos  they  will  defend  it.  but  there  appears  reason  to  think  the 
Managment  of  the  French  has  drawn  them  thither  in  order  to 
cultivate  their  Influence  over  &  their  Interest  with  them.  1  - 

(P.  214.)  Albany  17  July  1745  —  I  find  by  a  Letter  from  the 
Commissrs  to  Govr  Clinton  that  the  Orondax  Indians  had 
cruely  murdered  &  Scalped  Two  Men  in  the  Gov*  of  Con- 
neticut.  In  the  same  Letter  the  Commissr3  say,  "  the 
People  of  our  Country  are  daily  exposed  to  &  must  expect 
the  same  Barbarous  Cruelties,  to  prevent  wch  the  general 
Assembly  have  not  taken  any  one  step  that  we  know  of; 
a  Fort  at  the  Carrying  place  ought  to  have  been  agreed 
upon  at  their  last  Meeting  &  provision  made  for  a  Garri 
son  there  &  for  outscouts."  2 

12  Aug*  1745.  a  considerable  Deputation  from  each  of  the  6 
Nations  having  been  to  Canada  to  treat  with  the  Govr 

1  Since  the  Declaration  of  the  War  between  the  French  &  English,  the  6  Nations 
appear  very  desirous  of  preserving  themselves  Neuter,  &  endeavour  to  keep  up  a 
friendly  Correspondance  with  both  Nations.      The  French  set  every  Engine  at 
work  to  gain  an  ascendancy  over  the  6  Nations  &  there  is  reason  to  believe  from  the 
Records  that  the  French  had  at  this  time  a  greater  Influence  over  them  than  we 
had.     The  Indians  certainly  stood  in  more  Awe  of  the  French  than  of  us;  They 
likewise  bribed  higher  than  we.      But  the  Vicinity  of  the  Indians  to  our  Settle 
ments,  their  Trade  with  us,  &  the  Antient  uinterupted  Harmony  between  them  & 
us,  were  considerations  w*11  nearly  Ballanced  all  the  French  Politics. 

2  a  Fort  at  the  Carrying  Place  &  one  in  the  Sennecas  country  proposed  &  so 
earnestly  pressed  by  the  Commiss"  appears  to  me  to  have  been  a  very  necessary 
&  prudent  Measure  &  I  apprehend  its  not  taking  Effect  with  the  Assembly  must 
have  been  from  reasons  of  Frugality,      whether  they  were  consistent  with  real 
Patriotisim  &  sound  Policy,  is  a  Question  too  complex  to  be  here  detirmined. 


240          WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

there;  by  means  of  a  Mohawk  Indian  who  was  at  the  sd 
Conference  the  Commissra  are  informed  - 

That  the  Govr  of  Canada  denied  to  them  that  he  had  sent  out 
the  Onondax  Indians  to  commit  any  Murder.  - 

That  the  Onondaga  Sachems  had  several  private  Conferences 
with  the  Govr  of  Canada. 

That  whilst  they  were  there  the  News  of  the  taking  Cape 
Breton  had  arrived  &  occasioned  a  general  Consternation  And 
that  the  French  had  lately  taken  an  English  Ship  aboard  of  wch 
were  Two  Letters  importing  that  the  English  intended  to  Attempt 
the  Taking  of  Canada  &  afterwards  to  root  out  &  destroy  the  6 
Nations.  Upon  wch  the  Govr  of  Canada  had  in  their  presence 
given  the  Hatchet  to  all  his  Indians  &  wch  they  accepted,  he  also 
offered  the  Hatchet  to  all  the  6  Nations  that  they  might  join  the 
French  in  a  mutual  defence  against  the  English  &  invited  them 
to  come  &  shelter  themselves  in  Canada  against  the  Designs  of 
the  English,  that  the  6  Nations  had  taken  with  them  a  large 
War  Belt  from  the  Govr  of  Canada  in  order  to  consider  what 
measures  they  should  take  in  a  general  Council  at  Onondaga. 

(P.  215.)  The  1 2  Aug*  1745  —  The  Commiss1"3  drew  up  a  Memorial 
to  the  Representatives  of  their  City  &  County  the  pur 
port  of  wch  was  that  as  the  French  had  given  the  Hatchet 
of  War  into  the  hands  of  their  Indians  &  offered  it  to  the  6 
Nations  against  the  English  who  had  promised  to  consider 
of  it  in  a  general  Council  at  Onondaga  by  wch  &  from 
many  other  Circumstances  it  appeared  the  6  Nations  were 
very  wavering  in  their  Attachment  to  the  British  Interest. 
That  for  these  Reasons  the  said  Representatives  should  move  & 
use  their  Interest  with  the  Assembly  to  raise  Money  for  Govr 
Clinton  to  have  a  speedy  Meeting  with  the  6  Nations  &  to  have  a 
Fort  built  at  the  Carrying  Place. 
In  this  Memorial  they  say. 

"  The  French  have  so  great  a 

number  of  Indians  in  their  Interest  who  have  taken  up  the 
Hatchet  for  them,  &  they  give  our  Indians  Annualy  so  many  pres 
ents  that  our  6  Nations  both  out  of  self  preservation  &  self 
Interest  must  naturally  lean  to  the  French  side,  the  Occasion  of 


W RAX ALL'S  NEW  YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          241 

wch  is  that  this  Province  dos  not  in  any  manner  assure  the  Indians 
of  protection  against  the  French  in  case  they  engage  in  a  War 
against  them  by  building  Fortifications  in  their  Country,  and  do 
not  give  them  any  considerable  Presents  in  Comparison  with  the 
French."  * 

13  Sepr  1745.  Arent  Steevens  the  Interpreter  is  dispatched  to 
the  6  Nations  to  Accquaint  them  that  the  Govr  of  Boston 
has  declared  War  against  the  Canada  Indians  as  they  have 
violated  the  Treaty  of  Neutrality  wch  they  had  solemnly 
engaged  to  keep,  the  said  Interpreter  is  instructed  to 
endeavour  to  prevail  on  the  6  Nations  as  they  are  partys 
in  the  said  Treaty  of  Neutrality,  to  endeavour  to  bring 
the  Canada  Indians  into  the  proper  Measures  for  healing 
up  this  Breach  &  again  to  establish  the  Treaty  of  Neu 
trality.  The  Interpreter  returns  &  brings  for  Answer 
that  as  the  Govr  was  daily  expected  up  to  speak  with  them 
they  would  refer  their  Answer  upon  this  Message  to  the 
said  Meeting.  - 

(P.  216.)  Sometime  in  October  1745.  Govr  Clinton  &  Commiss" 
from  the  Govts  of  Massachusetts  Bay  &  Connetecut  met  the 
6  Nations  at  Albany  &  Govr  Clinton  spoke  to  them  to  the  follow 
ing  purpose.  — 

That  he  came  to  renew  fy  Brighten  the  Cov*  Chain  wch  had  so 
long  united  the  6  Nations  &  the  Subjects  of  his  Britanic  Majesty, 
that  it  shall  be  ever  kept  inviolable  by  us  &  we  expect  the  same 
from  them. 

he  mentions  that  false  Alarm  wch  had  been  spread  amongst  the 
6  Nations  of  a  Design  in  the  English  to  destroy  them  &  of  wch  they 
had  afterwards  acknowledged  the  Falsity,  he  admonishes  them 

1  If  to  these  observations  we  add,  the  Neglect  of  extending  &  improving  Trade 
&  Alliances  with  the  Western  Indians,  The  Cheats  &  Oppressions  practised  by  the 
Traders  upon  the  Indians  —  the  Scandalous  Methods  of  buying  &  taking  up 
Lands,  the  unrestrained  Sale  of  Rum,  the  not  duly  supplying  them  with  [Rum] 
Smiths  &  keeping  proper  Residents  in  their  Countrys  together  with  Securing  some 
Leading  Sachem  or  Sachems  of  each  Nation  to  our  Interest  by  Annual  or  occa 
sional  Presents.  '  These  several  Points  joined  to  the  Above  Observations  will  point 
out  what  have  been  the  wrong  &  what  are  the  right  Measures  to  increase,  to  extend 
&  to  Establish  the  British  Influence  over  the  Indians  in  N.  America. 


242          WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

for  the  future  not  to  listen  to  any  such  Idle  Tales  or  suffer  their 
Affections  for  us  to  be  shook  thereby. 

he  mentions  their  going  to  Canada  &  having  a  Conference  with 
the  Govr  there  &  recites  to  them  the  particulars  of  that  Interview 
wch  were  come  to  our  knowledge  &  expects  from  them  a  full,  clear 
&  Candid  Account  of  all  their  Transactions  there. 

he  Accquaints  them  with  the  Seige  &  Surrender  of  Cape  Breton. 
He  tells  them  that  we  in  these  parts  have  lain  still  &  Quiet  being 
unwilling  to  carry  on  the  War  otherwise  than  in  a  Manly  & 
Christian  Manner.  And  puts  them  in  Mind  that  they  had  sent 
Delegates  to  the  Canada  Indians  to  tell  them  that  if  they  should 
begin  to  Attack  the  [Christians]  English  the  6  Nations  would  rise 
up  in  Defence  of  their  Bretheren.  he  then  proceeds  to  Accquaint 
them  with  the  several  Murders  &  Hostilities  committed  by  the 
said  Indians  on  the  English  of  Boston  &  Conneticut  &  Govr 
Shirley  finding  there  was  no  longer  Faith  to  be  kept  with  them  had 
declared  war  against  the  said  Canada  Indians. 

The  Govr  then  tells  them  what  an  Insult  it  is  to  Them  who 
were  Partys  to  the  Treaty  of  Neutrality  &  says  that  we  are  now 
called  upon  to  rise  up  in  our  own  Defence  &  to  revenge  the  Blood 
wch  hath  been  so  perfidiously  shed,  he  puts  them  in  Mind  of 
their  promises  given  to  him  to  assist  us  if  the  French  or  their 
Indians  should  begin  the  War  upon  us,  he  calls  upon  them  now  to 
fulfill  their  Engagments  &  join  us  in  our  Defence  &  Revenge  & 
presents  the  Large  War  Belt  to  them. 

he  concludes  His  Speech  with  an  earnest  Exhortation  to  them  to 
preserve  their  Allegiance  to  His  Majesty  &  their  Fidelity  to  all 
their  Bretheren  his  Subjects  &  to  rise  up  to  their  Aid  &  assistance 
in  Opposition  to  the  Treachery  &  Bloody  Attempts  of  the  French 
&  their  Indians.  — 

(P.  217.)  There  is  no  Answer  from  the  Indians  nor  anything  fur 
ther  relating  to  this  Conference  to  be  met  with  in  the  Records. 

I  find  altho  the  French  had  destroyed  our  Fort  at  Saragtogah  & 
killed  several  of  our  People  &  repeated  Endeavours  were  used  to 
prevail  on  the  6  Nations  to  send  a  Detachuient  from  each  Nation 
down  to  Albany  in  order  to  be  employed  as  outscouts  &  for  other 
Services  they  made  various  Excuses  &  would  not  come  saying 


WRAXALVS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          243 

they  were  fortifying  their  own  Castles  &  that  every  one  must  take 
Care  of  himself.  At  this  time  Jean  Coeur  the  French  Interpreter 
resided  amongst  &  under  the  protection  of  the  Sennecas,  distrib 
uted  presents  amongst  our  Indians  &  had  a  very  great  Influence 
on  their  proceedings  &  they  said  we  should  not  hurt  or  molest 
him  that  he  was  one  of  them  &  had  Children  amongst  them. 

In  a  Letter  from  the  Commissrs  to  Govr  Clinton  [I  find]  bearing 
date  4  Janry  1745/6  I  find  they  are  of  Opinion  that  in  order  to 
cover  &  Secure  our  Frontiers  from  the  incursions  &  Ravages  of 
the  Enemy  towards  Canada,  that  a  Stone  Fort  be  built  at  the 
Carrying  Place  &  as  there  will  then  be  1 20  Miles  extent  open  to 
the  Enemy  they  propose  that  the  Line  of  Forts  on  the  back  of 
New  England  should  be  continued  thro  those  120  Miles  at  12 
Miles  distance  from  each  other  &  to  put  an  Officer  &  30  Men  in 
each  One  half  of  wch  Number  should  patrole  from  each  Fort  to 
the  other.  By  this  Scheme  the  whole  Country  would  be  covered 
&  defended.1  - 

They  say  there  are  about  2000  Men  in  the  City  &  County 
capable  of  bearing  Arms.  In  the  City  of  Albany  there  are  scarce 
400.  - 

1  This  Scheme  might  I  believe  Answer  the  End  proposed,  but  neither  is  this 
Colony  Populous  or  rich  enough  to  put  it  in  Execution  &  in  its  present  state  I 
believe  tis  a  certain  Truth  that  in  time  of  War  its  produce  is  not  suff*  to  support 
its  Defence.  But  would  the  Crown  Regfc  the  Indep*  Companies  &  Augment  them 
to  600  Effective  Men,  &  the  Colony  perfect  the  above  Line  of  Communication  & 
build  a  Fort  at  the  Carrying  Place  I  believe  this  Colony  New  England  &  Boston 
Gov*  would  be  put  into  a  pretty  secure  Condition  to  the  Northward  &  Eastw*1  — 
a  proper  Quantity  of  Land  round  each  Fort  might  be  given  for  the  Cultivation  & 
towards  the  Subsistance  of  the  Troops  As  to  the  Westward  Frontiers  Oswego 
&  another  Fort  to  be  built  in  the  Sennecas  or  Onondagas  Country  would  secure  us 
on  that  side.  Besides  this  Miletary  Security  would  keep  the  Indians  in  Awe  & 
inspire  them  with  that  respect  for  the  English  as  would  probably  take  off  their 
Attachment  from  the  French,  remotely  influence  all  the  other  Indians  besides  the 
6  Nations,  &  at  length  [perhaps]  probably  give  to  the  British  Colonies  in  N.  America 
that  superior  Ascendancy  over  the  French  in  regard  to  the  Indians  v^h  I  am  per 
suaded  niether  presents  nor  any  Tempor'y  Expedients  will  ever  Effect.  To  this 
Scheme  must  be  added  the  throwing  Inhabitants  into  this  Colony  in  particular, 
where  the  [immense]  immense  Patents  obtained  by  the  Avarice  of  particular  people 
from  Iniquitous  Govrs  is  the  Bane  of  its  Prosperity.  Whither  a  Land  Tax  [by  the 
Crown]  settled  by  Act  of  Parliam*  would  not  effect  this  whole  Plan,  I  leave  to 
Reflection  — 


244          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

(P.  218.)  Albany  6  Janry  1745/6.  The  Mohawk  Sachems  of 
the  Two  Castles  come  &  renew  the  Cov1  with  the  Corn- 
miss"  &  offer  some  of  their  People  to  Lye  this  Winter  at 
the  rebuilt  Fort  at  Seragtogha  &  to  go  on  the  outscout  wch 
is  thankfully  accepted  by  the  Commiss" 

The  next  day  the  said  Indians  accquainted  the  Commissrs 
that  they  had  made  Peace  &  an  Alliance  offensive  &  deffen- 
sive  with  the  Flat  heads  or  Cattabaw  Indians  &  left  in  the 
Commiss™  hand  the  Solemn  Calumet  or  Pipe  of  Peace  from  the 
Cattawbaws. 

22  Janry  Arent  Stevens  the  Interpreter  is  dispatched  thro  the 
6  Nations  to  accquaint  them  that  the  Attack  upon  &  the 
Hostilities  committed  at  Seragtoga  by  the  French  &  their 
Indians  has  put  an  End  to  all  our  hopes  of  Neutrality  & 
that  our  Govr  therefore  has  taken  up  the  Hatchet  against 
the  French  &  their  Indians  &  expects  the  6  Nations  as  our 
Bretheren  &  fellow  Subjects  will  join  in  the  War  &  for  their 
Encouragment  the  Gov*  have  appointed  £20  —  to  be 
paid  for  every  Male  Prisoner  taken  from  the  French  & 
£10  —  for  every  Scalp.  - 

25  Febry  Arent  Stevens  the  Interpreter  returns  from  his  Em 
bassy  &  reports  that  he  delivered  his  Message  to  the 
Sachems  of  the  6  Nations  convened  in  a  grand  Meeting 
at  Onondaga  &  that  they  had  flatly  refused  to  take  up  the 
Hatchet  &  assist  us  against  the  French  &  their  Indians. 
They  said  they  &  the  Cacknawaga  Indians  in  Canada  were 
One  Family  &  one  Nation  that  they  intermarried  amongst 
one  Another  &  would  not  therefore  make  War  upon  each 
other,  that  when  Indians  went  to  War  with  each  other 
they  could  not  make  Peace  with  that  Facility  white  People 
did.  They  desired  we  should  not  think  the  Cov1  Chain 
broken  by  this  Refusal  as  they  should  not  if  we  refused  to 
assist  them  in  their  Wars.  The  Interp1  reproached  them 
with  the  Breach  of  their  late  &  constant  Engagments  to 
our  Govrs  but  all  was  to  no  purpose  they  persisted  in  their 
Refusal. 


WRAXALUS  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          245 

(P.  219.)  Upon  this  News  by  the  Interpreter  the  Commiss"  dis 
patch  an  Express  to  the  Govr  &  advise  him  imediately  to  summon 
the  6  Nations  to  meet  him  at  Albany  &  there  try  to  bring  them 
to  join  in  the  War.  They  complain  heavily  of  want  of  money  to 
carry  on  the  Indian  Affairs  &  of  the  scanty  provision  made  by 
the  Assembly. 

In  the  Commissrs  Letter  to  the  Govr  dated  the 
March  1745/6.  They  complain  of  the  Assemblys  neglect  in  not 
raising  money  to  secure  the  Frontiers  &  say  "  they  are  of  opinion 
that  no  effectual  care  being  as  yet  taken  to  secure  our  Frontiers 
is  a  principal  if  not  the  only  reason  the  Indians  will  not  join  us  in 
the  War." 

"  Unless  there  be  a  very  strong  Fort  built  at  the  Carrying  Place 
&  a  very  considerable  Garrison  placed  in  it  wch  we  have  always 
expected  &  wished  for  since  the  War  begun  our  Frontiers  will  be 
still  exposed  to  the  Enemys  Depradations  — 

Intelligence  is  received  that  the  Mohawks  kept  privately 
amongst  them  a  Belt  of  Wampum  from  the  Govr  of  Canada  who 
had  sent  a  Message  with  it  to  them  purporting  that  he  was  certain 
that  the  English  in  whose  Settlements  they  live  had  a  Design 
last  Winter  to  destroy  them  all  &  that  the  same  Scheme  is  now 
on  foot,  he  therefore  tells  them  that  he  has  opened  a  Road  between 
their  Dwellings  &  Canada  for  them  to  retreat  to  him  or  he  to 
come  to  their  Assistance  whenever  they  will  send  him  word. 

Measures  are  taken  to  get  this  Belt  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
Mohawks  &  to  remove  from  their  Minds  any  Jealousy  or  Sus 
picions  wch  this  lying  Artifice  of  the  Govr  of  Canada  may  have 
raised. 

Albany  5  April  1746.  Several  Mohawk  Sachems  apply  to  the 
Commiss"  in  behalf  of  their  Nation  —  They  complain 
that  as  they  have  sent  several  of  their  Warriors  to  Garrison 
Seraghtoga  they  ought  to  be  consulted  in  all  Opperations 
carried  on  there  wch  they  say  is  not  done. 

They  complain  that  they  have  frequently  applied  to 
have  their  Castles  fortified  in  order  to  secure  their  Wives  & 
Children  but  it  is  not  done,  &  therefore  they  must  recall 
all  their  Warriors  to  set  about  that  work  themselves. 


246          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

12  April  1746.  I  find  by  a  Letter  from  the  Commissr3  to  the 
Govr  that  (p.  220)  he  was  dissatisfied  with  their  Man- 
agment  &  having  thought  some  other  Persons  had  more 
Influence  over  the  Indians  than  they  had,  he  had  employed 
them  in  some  Negotiations  without  Accquainting  the 
Commissr3  with  it,  wch  they  so  much  resented  that  they 
desire  their  Dismission  from  their  Offices.1  - 

22  April  1746.     The  Commiss"  receive  an  Ace*  &  transmit  it  to 
the  Govr  of  the  Barbarous  Murder  &  Scalping  of  a  prin 
cipal  Farmer  at  Schaahkook  by  the  French  Indians  wch 
they  say  will  drive  away  all  the  Settlers  from  their  Farms 
to  the  Northward  of  Albany  &  the  Westward  of  Sche- 
nectady  &  down  the  Eastern  side  of  Hudson's  River  - 
this  shortly  after  happened  &  for  upwards  of  70  Miles  along 
Hudsons  River  I  was  a  Witness  of  [a]  an  almost  total  Desertion 
from  all  the  Settlements  &  wch  continued  till  the  conclusion  of  the 
War,  Nay  the  Grain  within  4  Miles  of  Albany  was  left  unreaped 
&  the  Lands  uncultivated;    such  an  universal  Terror  dos  the 
Barbarity  of  a  few  Indians  Inspire  &  as  the  [Settlements]  Houses 
are  generaly  at  some  Distance  from  each  other  &  that  part  of  the 
Country  but  thinly  settled,  this  Desertion  (the  same  Circum 
stances  continuing)  will  always  attend  the  Scalping  by  the  French 
Indians  —  Nothing  can  so  effectually  secure  &  enrich  a  Colonized 
Country  as  diffusion  of  Property  &  a  numerous  People,     whereas 
I  am  informed  there  have  been  patents  Granted  &  I  believe  now 
in  possession  of  25  Miles  Square  to  One  single  Person.     Almost 
every  Person  is  Land  Mad  &  to  accumulate  vast  Tracts  of 
unsittled  Land  &  either  to  keep  or  to  job  with  the  same  seems  to 
rule  the  Attention  of  most,  hence  the  Country  is  kept  unpeopled 

1  this  Breach  between  the  Govr  &  the  Commiss"  was  [the]  a  principal  Source  of 
many  intestine  Broils  &  Jarrs  between  Mr  Clinton  &  the  Assembly  &  other  leading 
Characters  in  this  Province,  whither  it  was  a  right  or  a  wrong  measure,  I  shall  not 
embroil  myself  to  discuss,  nor  do  I  think  it  a  matter  w°h  falls  in  with  the  Plan  or 
Design  of  these  Papers.  Thus  far  I  will  venture  my  opinion,  that  [as]  if  it  intro 
duced  Co1  Johnson  into  the  chief  Managment  of  The  Indians,  it  gave  Action  to 
a  Gentn  of  more  Influence  &  Abilities  with  regard  to  Indian  Affairs  &  more  respected 
by  them  than  any  other  Person  in  this  Province,  &  the  Jealousy  &  Ingratitude  he 
met  with  I  put  down  to  the  Venom  of  Faction. 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          247 

produces  little  or  nothing  in  proportion  to  its  Extent  and  the 

Possessors  in  perpetual  Law  suits  &  inveterate  Quarrels  about 

their  Boundaries  &  Contest  &  Hatred  transmitted  thro  their 

Families,     their  best  Estates  pay  no  Quit  Rents  to  the  Crown,  & 

many  wch  are  subjected  [never]  will  not  pay.  — 

(P.  221.)  Albany  2d  May  1746     The  Commissra  write  a  Second 

Letter  to  the  Govr  accquainting  him  with  several  other 

Attacks  Murthers  &  Scalpings  by  the  French  Indians  & 

say  that  most  of  the  Farmers  along  the  Eastern  side  of 

Hudsons  River  &  to  the  Northward  of  Albany  [are]  have 

deserted  their  Farms  &  are  come  with  their  Wives  & 

Families  for  Protection  to  Albany  whose  Inhabitants  are 

kept  in  such  constant  Alarms  &  so  wore  out  with  Watching 

&  going  on  the  out  Scout  &  as  the  Indians  sit  still  &  will 

remain  Neuter  unless  a  considerable  Force  be  sent  up 

from  the  lower  Counties  to  the  relief  of  Albany  the  whole 

County  will  speedily  be  abandoned  &  the  Inhabitants 

must  leave  it  — 

23  July  1746  —  Govr  Clinton  comes  to  Albany  in  order  to  meet 
[wuth]  &  confer  with  the  6  Nations  &  prevail  on  them  to 
join  in  the  War  &  intended  Expedition  against  Canada  - 

The  Commissr3  report  to  the  Govr  that  by  all  that 
appears  to  them  the  6  Nations  are  unwilling  to  join  us  in 
the  War  against  the  French  &  other  Indians  — 
Albany  19  Aug*  1746.  Govr  Clintons  Speech  to  the  6  Nations 
&  to  the  River  Indians  —  at  wch  were  present  Commiss" 
from  Massachusetts  Bay 

he  renews  the  Cov*  with  them  in  behalf  of  all  His 
Majesys  Subjects  in  N.  America  — 

he  puts  them  in  Mind  of  his  giving  into  their  hands  the 
Hatchet  of  War  the  last  time  he  met  them  &  their  Promise 
to  use  it  against  the  French  if  they  made  any  Attacks  & 
committed  any  Hostilities  upon  their  Bretheren  the 
English  —  he  tells  them  they  are  all  Witnesses  of  the 
Bloody  &  Treacherous  Murders  committed  by  the  French 
&  their  Indians  &  he  therefore  demands  from  them  the 
imediate  fulfilling  of  their  Engagments. 


248          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

He  accquaints  them  with  the  intended  Expedition 
against  Canada  the  Levies  raised  for  the  same  being  many 
of  them  now  in  Albany  &  he  invites  them  to  share  the 
honour  &  Glory  of  this  Expedition  &  presents  to  them  The 
Great  War  Belt. 

23  Aug*     The  6  Nations  Answer  the  Govra  Speech  —  &  Say 

"  We  the  6  Nations  are  now  assembled  together  as  one  Man 
&  we  take  in  the  Messasagas  for  a  Seventh  Nation  &  what  is  now 
to  be  spoken  by  one  Mouth  are  the  joint  &  Sincere  thoughts  of 
(p.  222)  every  heart  " 

They  accept  the  Hatchet  &  solemnly  promise  &  Engage  them 
selves  to  make  War  upon  the  French  &  all  the  Indians  in  their 
Alliance,  to  obey  Such  orders  as  His  Excellcy  shall  think  proper  to 
give  them  &  in  confirmation  thereof  they  throw  down  their  Great 
War  Belt,  wch  is  the  Solemnity  of  their  declaring  War. l  - 

The  River  Indians  answer  much  in  the  same  Manner. 

From  this  Meeting  the  Milatary  Command  of  the  Indians 
[fell  upon]  being  conferred  by  Govr  Clinton  upon  Co1  William 
Johnson  it  naturally  bro*  with  it  the  whole  Managment  of 
Indian  Affairs,  so  that  till  the  year  1748.  the  Records  are  Silent.2 

1  at  this  Meeting  Co1  Johnson  who  lives  in  the  Mohawk  Country  &  had  the 
Honour  of  a  Sachem  conferred  on  him,  came  down  to  Albany  with  the  Indians 
habited  &  painted  after  their  manner  —  I  was  at  Albany  at  this  Meeting  &  it  was 
then  said  that  his  personal  Influence  over  the  Indians  was  the  great  means  of 
bringing  them  into  the  above  Declaration  of  War,  wch  the  Commiss"  had  vainly 
tried  their  utmost  Interest  to  do.     And  from  all  that  I  have  been  able  to  learn  at 
that  Day  &  to  this  Time  no  Man  in  this  Colony  is  so  much  respected  by  the  Indians 
has  so  much  Influence  over  them  or  better  deserves  it.     They  looked  upon  him  as 
their  Cheif,  their  Patron  &  their  Brother  they  acted  under  his  Command  &  were 
almost  wholly  directed  by  him. 

2  The  date  of  the  last  meeting  of  the  Indian  commissioners  as  given  by  Wraxall 
is  not  quite  correct.     The  original  registers  contain  minutes  of  a  meeting  of  the 
commissioners  on  November  24,  1 746,  at  which  Hendrick  and  eight  other  Indians 
appeared,  though  they  had  refused  to  appear  at  another  meeting  earlier  in  the 
same  day.     They  give  as  a  reason  for  their  non-appearance  the  fact  that  they  are 
responsible  to  Colonel  Johnson.     They  also  mention  Lydius,  whose  employment 
by  Governor  Clinton  had  been  the  cause  of  complaints  by  the  commissioners  for 
some  time.     This  seems  to  be  the  last  meeting  mentioned  in  the  records.     Appar 
ently  the  commissioners  had  already  resigned,  but  probably  their  resignation  had 
not  yet  been  accepted.     Their  letter  of  resignation  is  given  in  the  records  under 
date  of  October  27,  1746,  but  is  not  mentioned  at  all  by  Wraxall.     In  it  the  com- 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          249 

Albany  23  July  1748.  Govr  Clinton  &  Govr  Shirley  met  the  6 
Nations  &  their  Allies  the  Tontugkrightroones  &  Schan- 
ckaderadygroohness  L  &  made  their  respective  Speeches  to 
them.  The  purport  of  wch  were  to  brighten  &  Strengthen 
the  Cov*  Chain  to  accquaint  them  with  his  Majesties 
Approbation  of  their  Conduct  in  joining  his  other  Subjects 
in  the  present  War  &  that  he  had  sent  Govr  Clinton  several 
presents  as  a  mark  of  his  Favour  to  give  to  them  —  To 
warn  them  against  the  Artifices  of  the  French  &  Animate 
them  to  continue  in  their  Attachment  &  Union  with  the 
English,  not  to  harbour  the  French  Amongst  them  who 
only  came  with  an  Intention  to  stir  up  Jealousies  &  mis 
understandings  between  them  &  their  Bretheren  the 
English. 

Govr  Shirley  told  them  he  had  brought  with  him  14 
French  Prisoners  for  them  to  Exchange  for  such  of  their 
People  as  had  been  taken  by  the  French.  - 

(P.  223.)  Albany  26  July  1748  —  The  6  Nations  Answer  Govr 
Clintons  Speech  The  renew  the  Cov1  Chain,  they  acknowl 
edge  his  Majesty  King  George  as  their  Common  Father  & 
Protector  &  that  their  Duty  &  Fidelity  is  due  to  him. 
They  promise  faithfully  to  act  in  conformity  to  the  several 
Exhortations  given  them  by  Govr  Clinton  —  This  Speech 
they  address  to  Govr  Clinton  in  the  First  place  to  Co1 
Johnson  in  the  Second  &  Govr  Shirley  in  the  Third  — 
They  afterwards  make  a  Seperate  Speech  to  Govr  Shirley  in 

Answer  to  one  he  made  them. 

missioners  complain  of  the  governor's  accusations  against  them  made  to  the 
Assembly,  and  after  giving  a  justification  of  their  own  conduct,  they  close  as 
follows:  "  We  hope  yr  Excelly  will  excuse  us  &  appoint  others  in  our  Room  who 
will  act  more  Agreeable  to  yr  Excellency  and  we  hope  do  more  Service  to  the  publick 
then  it  has  been  in  our  Power  to  do  under  the  Disadvantages  we  ly  under."  The 
letter  is  signed  by  Myndert  Schuyler,  Nicholas  Bleecker,  John  Lansingh,  Jr., 
Hendrick  Ten  Eyck,  Dirck  Tenbroeck,  and  John  Depeyster.  —  ED. 

1  Tontugarightroones  =  Catawbas. 

Schancaderadygroohness,  variously  spelled,  but  seldom  like  this:  a  tribe  formerly 
living  in  Maryland,  but  now  united  with  the  Oneidas.  —  ED. 


250          WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS 

The  Two  Govrs  next  Speak  to  the  River  Indians  praising  them 
for  &  exhorting  them  to  continue  in  their  Fidelity  to  His  Ma 
jesty  - 

To  wch  they  return  a  Suitable  Answer  - 

here  Ends  the  Records  of  Indian  Affairs  bound  up  in  4  Volumes 
Folio.  - 

The  only  remaining  Account  of  the  proceedings  in  Indian 
Affairs  wch  I  can  meet  with  among  the  Records  &  Papers  in  my 
Custody  is  a  Meeting  of  Govr  Clinton  Commissrs  from  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  Conneticut  &  Mr  Bull  with  Delegates  from  the 
Cattabaw  Nation  in  South  Carolina  with  the  6  Nations  at  Albany 
the  i  July  1751.- 

The  Chief  Buisness  done  at  this  Meeting  was  to  make  a  Peace 
&  Union  between  the  6  Nations  &  the  Cattabaws  &  other  Indians 
subjects  to  his  Majesty  in  the  Province  of  South  Carolina  —  wch 
was  accordingly  effected.  - 

I  find  by  the  6  Nations  Speech  to  Govr  Clinton  that  Co1  John 
son  had  declined  acting  any  further  in  Indian  Affairs  wch  the  6 
Nations  took  Notice  of  with  the  warmest  Expressions  of  Sorrow 
&  Concern  &  desired  the  Govr  would  reinstate  him  &  when  he 
arrived  in  England  would  apply  to  His  Majesty  to  have  him 
appointed  to  Manage  the  Indian  Affairs  — 

Govr  Clinton  takes  notice  to  them  of  a  Fort  the  French  are 
Building  at  Oniagara  l  he  represents  to  them  the  Fatal  Conse 
quences  of  their  suffering  (p.  224)  French  to  environ  them  with 
their  Forts  &  directs  them  to  prohibit  their  going  on  with  any 
such  Buildings,  he  also  mentions  the  French  going  to  build  a 
Fort  near  the  Ohio  - 

The  6  Nations  in  their  Answer  say  they  have  already  dis 
patched  an  Embassy  to  Canada  about  these  Buildings  of  the 
French  &  shall  take  further  measures  about  them  &  they  add 
further  in  their  said  Speech.  - 

"  We  desire  your  Excellcy  will  carry  a  Message  [for  us]  from  us 
&  inform  the  King  our  Father  that  the  French  are  endeavouring 
to  take  away  our  Lands  &  Build  Forts  on  them  &  beg  that  the 

1  Between  Lake  Erie  &  Lake  Ontario  to  the  Southward  of  Niagara 


WRAXALL'S  NEW   YORK  INDIAN  RECORDS          2$  I 

King  will  inform  the  King  of  France  of  the  Proceedings  of  his 
Subjects  that  he  may  put  a  Stop  to  it  for  that  the  Land  belongs 
to  the  King  our  Father  &  the  Govr  of  this  Province.1  — 

1  This  Claim  of  the  Indians  of  the  6  Nations  &  the  consequent  right  of  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain  by  their  having  repeatedly  put  themselves  &  all  their  Lands 
both  Occupied  &  Conquered  under  the  Dominion  &  protection  of  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain,  is  so  well  supported  by  incontestible  Proofs  in  the  Indian  Records 
from  their  earliest  Period  to  this  Day  &  w°h  I  have  taken  care  to  mention  frequently 
in  these  Abstracts,  [that  unless]  hence  as  I  conclude  all  the  French  Forts  from 
Crown  Point  to  West  end  of  Lake  Erie  along  the  South  side  of  the  River  S*  Lau- 
rens  &  of  the  Lakes  Ontario  &  Erie,  are  unjustifiable  Encroachments  &  contrary  to 
the  Law  of  Nature  &  of  Nations. 


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